[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2007, Book I)]
[June 6, 2007]
[Pages 691-700]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
Interview With Members of the White House Press Pool in Heiligendamm,
Germany
June 6, 2007
The President. Let me start off by talking about my speech
yesterday. The purpose of the speech is to remind our allies and those
who are wondering as to whether or not the United States is firmly
committed to democracy that we are. I strongly believe that we are in a
war with a group of ideologues and that we can eventually win this war
by promoting an alternative ideology.
And so the speech yesterday was to speak clearly to people around
the world that the United States is committed to this freedom agenda,
that there is a realistic reason why we promote freedom, that it's for
our own security. There's a moral imperative to promote freedom, and
that is to recognize that there are people who live in societies that
are still repressive and that free nations have an obligation to work to
secure their liberty. I made it very clear that democracy takes time,
that it takes different forms in different places, but, nevertheless,
there are underlying principles which are essential to free societies.
I pointed out that freedom has made great progress over 20 years.
The reason I did that was, one, to express my optimism about the future.
But, two, make it clear that things--the freedom agenda just doesn't
bloom overnight; it takes hard work. But I also made it clear, it's
necessary work. And then, as you know, I went around the world and
talked about different spots around the world.
And I think it's very important for the G-8--nations in the G-8 to
recognize the power of liberty to transform societies. And so I'll be
talking, of course, about that here. I think it's important for nations
that are free to recognize they have an obligation to help others. I was
moved by the people I met. It was just very heartwarming to meet with
heroic souls that do have the capacity, with proper support, of changing
their societies and, therefore, changing the world.
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Anyway, it was an important speech to give. It's always important
for the American President to keep setting an agenda based upon values.
And those of you who followed me know full well that I believe that
liberty has transformed Europe, liberty has transformed the Far East,
and I believe liberty can transform the Middle East. And I'm determined
to advance that cause.
Here at the G-8, there's obviously a variety of subjects. One, it's
going to be very important for us to continue to discuss climate change
in a way that actually accomplishes an objective, which is the reduction
of greenhouse gases over time and the advancement of technologies, which
will yield to better environmental policy as well as energy security.
The United States can serve as a bridge between some nations who
believe that now is the time to come up with a set goal, as well as a--I
said, the remedy, and those who are reluctant to participate in the
dialog. So I laid out an agenda that can move the process forward within
the framework of the United Nations, that, in essence, says that we'll
be setting a goal at the end of 2008--that ``we'' being the major
emitters--within the framework of the U.N. In other words, this will
fold into the U.N. framework. And that enables us to get China and India
at the table to discuss how we can all move forward together.
Secondly, in my speech, I said we'll come up with our own policies
to meet an interim goal for our country as well as a national goal--or
international goal for the rest of the world. And I'll be talking to
Angela about that at lunch. I think it fits
into her desires to see the process move forward. One of the concerns
was, is that there would not be a constructive result of this meeting
that basically announced that there should be a post-Kyoto framework.
And we will achieve that objective here at the G-8 because we will have
set a post-Kyoto framework.
This is an important subject. I also hope we spend an equal amount
of time on HIV/AIDS on the continent of Africa or reducing malaria on
the continent of Africa or helping feed the hungry. So it's a--and
finally, it's going to be important for us to continue to discuss vital
cooperation on fighting extremists and radicals who still pose a threat
to our respective nations. The temptation is to sit back and say, well,
maybe they're not dangerous anymore because they haven't launched an
attack on our respective homelands. They are dangerous, they do want to
attack, and the best way to deal with it is to work closely together.
Anyway, I'm looking forward to this. It's obviously a lovely spot.
I've been here before. I think some of you came with me--nice and
relaxing. Went for a good-hour bike ride today with a couple of Secret
Service agents and some German police, got out in the woods and charged
around, felt pretty good about it.
Q. Can we ask some questions?
The President. No. That's all I wanted to tell you. Go on home.
[Laughter] I feel so good about life, I'm not going to answer questions.
[Laughter] No--yes, you can, please. Please ask a few.
Missile Defense System/Russia-U.S. Relations
Q. What kind of military response would the United States take if
Russia retargeted its missiles on Europe, as President Putin has
threatened?
The President. As I said yesterday that Russia is not an enemy.
There needs to be no military response because we're not at war with
Russia.
You know, my first meeting with Vladimir Putin, I told him, I said, ``What we need to do is get the cold
war behind us and work constructively on how to deal with the threats of
the 21st century.'' Russia is not a threat; nor is the missile defense
we're proposing a threat to Russia. So I'm going to talk to Vladimir
about that. I've already talked to him about it once on the telephone. I
sent Bob Gates to talk to him.
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And we'll have a good dialog about how we can constructively work
together to deal with--modernize our capacity to deal with the threat to
the--the true threats.
So I don't see any military response needed. Russia is not going to
attack Europe. The missile defense system is not aimed at Russia. As a
matter of fact, I believe it would be in Russia's interest to
participate with us, and have made that offer and will continue to make
the offer.
Q. Do you take that threat seriously, though?
The President. I don't think Vladimir Putin intends to attack Russia--I mean, Europe. So I'll talk to
him about it, but it's--if he's saying: ``The missile defense system is
a threat to us,'' our--the need, therefore, is to make clear there is
not.
By the way, a missile defense system that is deployed in Europe can
handle one or two rocket launchers. It can't handle a multiple-launch
regime. Russia has got an inventory that could overpower any missile
defense system. The practicality is, is that this aimed at a country
like Iran, if they ended up with a nuclear weapon, so that they couldn't
blackmail the free world.
Q. What do you make of his motivation for all----
The President. I haven't had a chance to talk to him about it. I'm
going to.
Q. Right, and say, this is just some sort of misunderstanding that
he doesn't--you don't see any political purpose behind what he's doing?
The President. For his own sake inside his country? I'm not sure. I
haven't had a chance to visit with him about that. As you know, I've got
a visit here, and then I'll visit with him in Maine.
Kosovo/United Nations Security Council
Q. Do you think it might be an effort to obtain bargaining chips for
negotiating over other issues, like Kosovo?
The President. I talked to him about Kosovo the other day, and I
don't recall missile defense coming up. In other words, it wasn't a quid
pro quo. So, he's got deep concerns about
Kosovo, and so do we. It's an issue that we're just going to have to
continue to work with him on. We believe we ought to move the
Ahtisaari plan forward through the United
Nations, and he's got reservations about it.
Democracy in Russia
Q. Garry Kasparov, who you met with
yesterday, has said that Russia is now a police state, and he said the
West should stop giving Putin democratic credentials. What do you----
The President. I think there are--as I said yesterday, society has
advanced a long way from the old Soviet era. There is a growing middle
class; there is prosperity; there's elections. It's interesting you
would ask the question. Do you think he is
trying to position himself at home? Thereby meaning that he is concerned
about public opinion, which is a sign that there is a--when public
opinion influences leadership, it is an indication that there is
involvement of the people. I think what you're referring to is the
upcoming elections. Is he trying to say something about the upcoming
elections? I frankly haven't talked to him about that aspect. But if, in
fact, he is concerned about the upcoming elections, it does say
something about the state of the political scene in Russia.
And as I said yesterday, we've got a friendship with Russia, and
there is a lot of common interest in Russia. But I expressed concerns
about what were Western expectations and what has now happened inside
Russia, for example, rule of law or some press decisions he's made. I've had these discussions with Vladimir
frankly over my time as President. I remember our meeting in Slovakia.
It was a good, frank discussion about decisions he's made, and he asked
me about decisions I made.
Now, the fundamental question is, does it make sense to have
relations with Russia? I think it does. Do we agree on everything? No,
we don't. Are there areas where we
[[Page 694]]
can work together? You bet. And that's why I call it a complex
relationship.
Same issue with China. China has got a--we've got an economic
interest in China. We've got interest with China in working with North
Korea, just like we have with Russia. And yet we disagree with China's
reluctance to advance the democratic process.
International Cooperation on the Environment/Climate Change
Q. On the issue of climate change, are you frustrated at always
being portrayed as the odd man out? And what do you make of the
portrayals of the U.S. trying to upstage Merkel with your climate
announcement last week?
The President. Well, Angela Merkel and I
have had a lot of discussions about this issue. And as I told you, she
was interested in whether or not there should be a--whether or not we
agree there ought to be a post-Kyoto framework. And my announcement
clearly said there should be one and that the United States will be
directly involved in developing that framework.
I've got a very substantial record when it comes to advancing
technologies to make the air cleaner in the United States. We've
actually had a reduction of greenhouse gases and--in spite of the fact
that our economy grew. In other words, it's hard to reduce greenhouse
gases in the face of economic growth, but we were able to do so. We've
laid out a substantial initiative when it comes to tailpipe emissions,
and that is the reduction of our usage of gasoline by 20 percent over a
10-year period. So I'm looking forward to telling people exactly what
we've done here in the United States.
Q. Will you give any ground on the two-degree target that she wants?
The President. No, I talked about what I'm for--remember? I said I'm
for sitting together with the nations, to sit down and discuss a way
forward. I think when people really look at what I've said, they say,
well, that's an interesting way to bridge the difference between what
China has said, for example, and what others in Europe have said. And in
order for there to be--first of all, you're not going to have greenhouse
gas emissions that mean anything unless all nations, all emitters are at
the table. And if China is not a part of the process, we all can make
major strides, and yet there won't be a reduction until China and India
are participants. And what I have said, is, here's a way to get China
and India at the table.
Pakistan
Q. Can I go back to your democracy speech?
The President. Yes. Did you like it?
Q. I loved it.
The President. Thank you. Say that in your stories.
Q. I'll say it anywhere. [Laughter]
The President. What did he say?
Q. I'll say it anywhere.
The President. Okay, good. How about in print? [Laughter]
Q. Oh, well----
The President. That may be taking it too far. [Laughter]
Q. How do you square your commitment to democracy and as a priority
for your foreign policy with what we're seeing in Pakistan now, major
ally in the war on terror, but also a place where a core leadership of
Al Qaida has found some sanctuary in tribal areas. The Government has
been taking a repressive attitude toward a free press; it's got into
this conflict with the judiciary, firing the chief justice. Have you had
conversations with Musharraf about democracy in his country? Do you want
to see free and fair elections in Pakistan?
The President. I do, and said that in Pakistan the time I was there,
standing right next to President Musharraf.
And we do discuss democracy, as well as routing out foreigners in his
country who are an
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equal threat, a threat to America and a threat to him.
It's a very--Pakistan is an important ally in this war against these
extremists. As you mentioned, there are some in his country, and I'm
convinced that he would like to rout them
out. But it's not easy territory in which to rout people out. We've had
some successes inside Pakistan, thanks to his leadership. And in terms
of the democracy issues, he's going to have to deal with it. And the
interesting question is, is the issue about uniform, and he addressed
that at the last--only time I've been in Pakistan. He said he would
seriously consider--I don't want to put words--you'll have to pull up
the press conference.
Spread of Democracy
Q. But if you think democracy is the best way to confront radicals
and terrorists, shouldn't we be pushing hard for democracy to really get
established in Pakistan?
The President. Well, democracy is--it's a lot more established in
Pakistan than some of the other nations I mentioned. And there's
upcoming elections. And what you're seeing is a lot of posturing about
the election process, and it's not perfect. Neither was our democracy
perfect for 100 years when we enslaved people.
And so it's--we do push for democracy. We push in the context of the
reality on the ground as well. I mentioned Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia is
a close ally in the war on terror. His Majesty has done and his services have done the world a
service, a good service by bringing people to justice. And he is also
making some incremental reforms. He will go at a pace slower than some
would like to see; nevertheless, he's moving. And the question is, is
there progress?
We live in a world where people expect things to happen overnight,
and that's just not the way it works. I think it's going to be important
for whoever is President to take a long-term view of the ability of
democracies to progress and, therefore, change.
I mentioned South Korea as an example of what I'm talking about. I'm
sure--I suspect that if a President were having this conversation with a
press corps in the sixties and seventies, they'd say, well, we're for
democracy; therefore, how come you're not? How come it hadn't happened
yet in South Korea? And yet it did eventually happen in South Korea.
The process and progress move at different paces and different
places, and the role of the United States is to help encourage them
along, while at the same time achieving certain national objectives. It
just so happens that the key national objective in the beginning of the
21st century is to make sure we don't get attacked again and innocent
people get murdered. And so we can do both. We can say that in the long
run, the best way to secure your society is through liberty. In the
short run, let's work collaboratively to protect ourselves.
Missile Defense System/Russia-U.S. Relations
Q. Can I go back on missile shields for a second?
The President. Yes.
Q. Vladimir Putin says that you're building a shield for weapons
that don't exist now----
The President. Right.
Q. Doesn't he have a point? Do you see why he might be suspicious of
that?
The President. Well, I would argue that it's best to anticipate what
might happen and work to see that it doesn't happen, as opposed to not
be prepared if it does happen. I mean, if somebody pops up with a weapon
and says, ``Hands up,'' people will say, well, how come we didn't have a
shield? And so it's--I think we need to do both. I think we need to
protect ourselves of what might happen and then work collaboratively to
make sure it doesn't happen.
[[Page 696]]
Q. On the missile defense system: If there's a misunderstanding
between President Putin saying that this is a threat towards Russia and
the U.S. saying it is not, what's more important, pushing the system
through or maintaining a solid, good relationship with Russia,
especially since he's leaving office?
The President. I think it's important to make sure we have a system
to protect ourselves against the threats of the 21st century, the true
threats. And that would be the threat of rogue regimes using a weapon of
mass destruction to either blackmail and/or attack allies and friends,
cells moving through our societies with the intent upon killing, radical
forces undermining young democracies. Those are the threats, and,
therefore, we need to address them.
And I will continue to work with President Putin--Vladimir Putin--to explain to him that this is not aimed at
him. And there's all kinds of ways you can do that. One is total
transparency between our militaries and scientists--military people and
scientists, which I'm more than happy to do.
President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia
Q. Do you see this as hurting the relationship between you and
President Putin?
The President. No. As I said, it's a complex relationship. We've had
issues before. I think if you look at the history of our relationship,
there's been some moments where we've agreed and moments where we
disagreed. That's just the way--that's what happens when you've got
nations that are influential.
And we've had our disagreements with different allies, had
disagreements with France over Iraq. We've had disagreements with other
nations, but that doesn't mean they're not friends, or that doesn't mean
we can't work with them.
Yes, sir.
Russia-U.S. Relations
Q. Are you at all concerned, though, that this current state of the
relationship between you and President Putin might have some
implications for the outcome with regard to Iran? You've sort of relied
on his----
The President. Well, we've been working very closely with Russia on
Iran, and I don't think that this--first of all, my comments yesterday
were very realistic in the sense that said, we're friends; we've got a
complex relationship; we can work together, but we've had some
disagreements. I just don't see how--why that, those kinds of statements
are going to prevent the United States and Russia from working closely
together on key issues like Iran or proliferation, areas where we can
get along.
Obviously, there's disagreement. You mentioned Kosovo. No question,
he doesn't agree with our position. And so
we've got to work together and see if we can't understand each other on
a lot of issues. But it's an interesting question about, well, shouldn't
you just scrap the system? And the answer is, is that the system exists
in the first place to deal with threats. And that's why it needs to go
forward.
Situation in Sudan/United Nations
Q. Can I ask about Darfur?
The President. Yes.
Q. Have you expressed your frustration with why the international
community hasn't been moving on Darfur? You obviously introduced
sanctions. Would you be prepared to see a no-fly zone over Darfur to
have some direct interaction?
The President. We would consider that. And, yes, I've expressed my
frustrations.
Q. You would consider it in what context? Would you want to see
other people help establish----
The President. Look, I want to see other people helping Darfur and--
by joining us and sending clearer and stronger messages to President
Bashir. And yeah, I'm
frustrated. It--because there are still people
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suffering, and yet the U.N. process is moving at a snail's pace. As you
know, I gave this speech at the Holocaust Museum and caveated it because
the Secretary-General asked for a reasonable
period of time to see if he could not get the process moving.
Q. And the reasonable period is over?
The President. Yes, it was. That's why I gave my speech. And I don't
know if you noticed, but Sudan is now headed to peacekeeping at the U.N.
Iran/Trial of I. Lewis ``Scooter'' Libby
Q. Sir, will you pardon Scooter Libby?
Q. [Inaudible]
The President. It's interesting, isn't it? And the second in charge
is Iran.
Q. And a no-fly zone, have you----
The President. I can't give you all the tactics on it yet, but I
understand the principle and said so in my speech that we would consider
such.
Listen, that was a sad day for--yesterday was a very sad day for
Scooter and his family. But there's an ongoing process, and it wouldn't
be appropriate for me to discuss it until the process has run its
course.
Q. Do you think it says something about you and Vice President
Cheney, that you continue to embrace a man who has been convicted and
sentenced?
The President. No, it's a sad day for him, and my heart goes out to
his family. And it wouldn't be appropriate for me to discuss the case
until after the legal remedies have run its course.
Q. Well, there's a lot of speculation that you are going to pardon--
--
The President. Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press].
Russia-U.S. Relations
Q. Back to Russia?
The President. Yes, back to Russia. [Laughter]
Q. Fun stuff. [Laughter]
Q. Nice going, Terry. [Laughter]
Q. Yeah, right. [Laughter]
Q. You seemed to have carefully calibrated your response to some of
the comments that you made----
The President. Well, I think what you ought to do--look, I would
suggest going back and looking at a series of my responses. In other
words, put--and yesterday was an important speech to give about
democracies. And I think in terms--if you want to really figure out how
I conduct relations with Russia, it would be helpful for you--if you're
interested in writing a genuinely--I know you are--an indepth piece
about how I've conducted relations with Russia to look at different
comments I have made relative to different moments of drama or moments
of discord or moments of agreement.
And I have always said that, one, this is an important relationship.
It's an important relationship because when we work together, we can
solve problems. I've also said it's a complex relationship because there
are disagreements. You asked why--I haven't had a chance to talk to him
about it. The insinuation was that he's doing
this for internal political reasons. I can't make that the case, and it
would be unfair for me to put words in his mouth, and so therefore, I
won't.
I've also said it's important for there to be a personal
relationship between me and President Putin
so that we can have frank discussions in a way that enables us to more
likely deal with the problems we face. That's why I'll visit with him
here, and that's why I'm looking forward to welcoming him to my
dad's house in Kennebunkport. It's an
opportunity to continue to have a serious dialog with serious players in
trying to keep the peace.
There will be disagreements; that's just the way life works. And--
but that doesn't necessarily lend itself to speculation that somehow the
relationship between me and the President is
not a positive relationship. It is a positive, and I'm going to work to
keep it that way.
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There are some who say we shouldn't have any relations with Russia.
I strongly disagree with that. I think it's important for us to maintain
relations with Russia and--on a variety of fronts, whether it be--you
know, look, I want him to join the WTO for a reason. I believe it's--I
think if trade increases between Russia and the United States, it's
important to have some structure and ways to resolve the inevitable
disagreements that will arise. And that's what happens not only with a
nation like Russia; that's what happens all the time in Europe. There's
trade disputes where there needs to be a dispute resolution mechanism.
And that's one of the things that the WTO provides.
Yes, sir.
Russia/Energy Resources
Q. You talked about the need to prevent extremists from getting
their hands on oil in the Middle East or anywhere else. How would you
characterize how Vladimir Putin manages his country's energy resources?
The President. Well, first of all, he
is--he has got the opportunity to really develop the greatest asset of
Russia, and that's her brainpower. He's inherited a very difficult
situation in Russia. The demographics indicate that it will be a
shrinking society for a variety of reasons. One, it's health care system
is good in parts of the country and not so good in other parts. They've
got a needle issue; they've got HIV/AIDS issues. They've got a series of
issues that he knows he has to deal with. They've got an old pensioner
system. So that cashflow from oil will enable him to modernize his
society, and he's making steps to do that.
Secondly, it is a--obviously, it creates tensions with Europe. His
being a sole source of natural gas for certain countries creates a
degree of tension, and that's why the European Union and Russia are
continuing to work through their issues.
The fundamental question is, will he make
enough investment in his oil infrastructure to take advantage of these
cashflows and, at the same time, make an investment inside his country?
And he believes he is committed, enhancing human capital. The question
is, is that--is the middle class going to continue to grow? It looks
like it has grown substantially in the past.
This country, again, is certainly not perfect in the eyes of many
Americans. On the other hand, if you consider where it's come from, it
has made substantial progress toward a freer society in the sense that
there is a middle class that's growing and will eventually make more
demands. Now, having said that, there's been--as I said yesterday,
there's been some backtracking. We had expectations, and those
expectations weren't met.
Progress in Iraq
Q. Can I ask about Iraq? The idea of the surge seemed to be to buy
some time for the political leaders in Iraq to make progress on
reconciliation. Have you seen any real, meaningful progress on that
front?
The President. Yes, look, they're close to getting an oil deal done.
It's--it hadn't been the closure on certain issues, but they're working
hard to get it there.
Q. Is that--I mean, they've been talking about that for a long time.
It doesn't seem that they--the increased security operations have moved
them to speed----
The President. Well, I think on certain fronts, they have made
progress. They've got a budget that's now moved out. They've got a--I
know they're working on an oil law. They're working on different--
discussing whether or not they have Provincial elections, and we hope
they get--hope these issues come to fruition.
But you're right, that's what the surge is intended to do, plus
provide enough time for these Iraqi forces to step in, prevent the
sectarian violence from spilling out of the capital. What's difficult is
the fact that Al Qaida continues to kill. And it frustrates the Iraqi
people, and it should frighten the American people that Al Qaida is
active in Iraq looking for a safe haven from which
[[Page 699]]
to launch further attacks. And they're the primary--they're the ones
primarily responsible for these EID [IED]* and suicide bombers.
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*White House correction.
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Alternative Fuel Sources
Q. Can I go back to Brendan's [Brendan Murray, Bloomberg News]
question for a second?
The President. What was it?
Q. About Russia's economic situation and the use of its oil wells. I
guess my question is, are you concerned that Russia's enormous energy
wealth is going to kind of create a situation where its leaders are
vulnerable to the arrogance of power? In other words, they've got an
immense amount of wealth concentrated in their hands, and inevitably
that tends to make people act in aggressive ways, doesn't it?
The President. I think what--one reason why I promote rule of law
throughout the world is to make sure that that very scenario doesn't
accelerate. A second initiative that we all have got to take is to
diversify away from hydrocarbons, and that's what will eventually yield
to national security and economic security for countries that are
dependent upon hydrocarbons from other places, such as ourself.
You know, there is--there are mechanisms in place to basically
enable nations to protect themselves; the EU is a mechanism. If you
noticed, there's constant jockeying here in Europe with Russia about
security. No question, some nations are concerned about their supplies
of gas being used for political purposes. And therefore, all of us need
to work collaboratively to convince nations not to do that, whether it
be Russia or any other nation that is supplying hydrocarbons to the
world.
You've heard me say, we import oil from places that don't
necessarily like us. Oil is fungible, by the way. But nevertheless, we
do. And therefore, it is in our interest, just like it's in the interest
of other countries, to diversify. And that's really going to be the
interesting challenge here as we move forward in this 21st century. One
of the dividends of diversification through new technologies is better
environmental quality. And that's why this issue is--it's got a real
poignancy, as far as I'm concerned. One, I know we can be better
stewards of the environment. But also, at the same time, it ends up
making us less dependent on crude oil from overseas, in our case.
It's coming, and the question is, how do you stimulate new
technologies? What is the most effective way to get technologies to the
market that will enable the world to control greenhouse gases, for
example? And that's really where the--see, once you get people to agree
to a goal, then the next question that needs to be answered is, how best
to achieve that goal? We've taken the lead in achieving that goal by
spending billions of dollars on new technologies.
We've got new technologies being advanced in cellulosic ethanol.
That will help nations once that becomes able to compete in the market.
There's new battery technologies being promoted, primarily out of Japan.
But nevertheless, it's--will have the beneficial effect of enabling
people to drive without the use of gasoline. Clean coal technologies are
going to be a really important part of a strategy to deal with what will
be an international goal.
And so the question is, how best to stimulate that type of
investment? And that's an important discussion to have here at the G-8.
It's also an important discussion to have at home.
Iran
Q. Iran--President Ahmadi-nejad says that Iran's nuclear program
cannot be stopped. Is he right?
The President. Therefore, let's build a missile defense system. And,
yes, we're going to work to stop him. That's why we are constantly
working through diplomatic channels to continue to apply pressure. And
[[Page 700]]
I mentioned the other day, I think we need to go back to the U.N.
Security Council. And we'll see.
Spread of Democracy
Q. You mentioned South Korea earlier. Do you think South Korea could
be a model for Iraq?
The President. I think that--first of all, the situation inside
South Korea is different--or was different than it is in Iraq. On the
other hand, U.S. presence enabled the South Korean economy and system to
evolve and, at the same time, provided assurances to the Chinese and the
Japanese.
And you hear me say that--and compare the situation in the Middle
East to what happened in the Far East. It's not to say that the cultures
were the same or the difficulties in the different countries are the
same. It is to say, however, that the U.S. can provide a presence in
order to give people confidence necessary to make decisions that will
enable democracies to emerge and say to other people, step back and let
the democracies emerge.
It's very interesting to note that the U.S. presence in the Far East
was welcomed by different countries with different interests. But it
helped achieve an objective for all of us, and today, the Far East is
peaceful. And it wasn't peaceful at the end of the Korean war; it was a
place where thousands of Americans had lost lives.
And so the comparison between Korea and the Middle East is, again,
not to say that the religious situation was the same--of course, it was
different--nor to say that some of the influential players were the
same; it's different. But it is to say that given time, these
democracies will emerge.
President Nicolas Sarkozy of France
Q. What do you think of the new French President?
The President. I haven't met him yet--I have met him--excuse me--but
not as President.
Note: The interview began at 11:45 a.m. at the Kempinski Grand Hotel
Heiligendamm. In his remarks, the President referred to former President
Martti Ahtisaari of Finland, United Nations Special Envoy of the
Secretary-General for the Future Status Process of Kosovo; Chancellor
Angela Merkel of Germany; Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates;
President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan; King Abdallah bin Abd al-Aziz Al
Saud of Saudi Arabia; President Umar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir of Sudan;
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon of the United Nations; and President
Mahmud Ahmadi-nejad of Iran. A reporter referred to Russian chess
grandmaster and political activist Garry Kasparov. A tape was not
available for verification of the content of this interview.