[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2006, Book II)]
[August 21, 2006]
[Pages 1529-1543]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
The President's News Conference
August 21, 2006
The President. Thank you all. Please be seated. Fancy digs you got
here. Thanks for your hospitality. It's good to visit with you. I look
forward to taking some of your questions. I do want to talk to you about
the latest developments in Lebanon and what we're doing to ensure U.N.
Security Council 1701 is implemented and its words are quickly put into
action.
Resolution 1701 authorizes an effective international force to
deploy to Lebanon, which is essential to peace in the region, and it's
essential to the freedom of Lebanon. An effective international force
will help ensure the cessation of hostilities holds in southern Lebanon
once the Israeli troops withdraw. An effective international force will
help the Lebanese Army meet its responsibility to secure Lebanon's
borders and stop them from acting as--and stop Hizballah from acting as
a state within a state. An effective international force will help give
displaced people in both Lebanon and Israel the confidence to return to
their homes and begin rebuilding their lives without fear of renewed
violence and terror.
An international force requires international commitment. Previous
resolutions have failed in Lebanon because they were not implemented by
the international community and, in this case, did not prevent Hizballah
and their sponsors from instigating violence. The new resolution
authorizes a force of up to 15,000 troops. It gives this force an
expanded mandate. The need is urgent. The international community must
now designate the leadership of this new international force, give it
robust rules of engagement, and deploy it as quickly as possible to
secure the peace.
America will do our part. We will assist the new international force
with logistic support, command and control, communications, and
intelligence. Lebanon, Israel, and our allies agreed that this would be
the most effective contribution we can make at this time. We will also
work with the leadership in the international force, once it's
identified, to ensure that the United States is doing all we can to make
this mission a success.
Deployment of this new international force will also help speed
delivery of humanitarian assistance. Our Nation is wasting no time in
helping the people of Lebanon. In other words, we're acting before the
force gets in there. We've been on the ground in Beirut for weeks, and
I've already distributed more than half of our $50 million pledge of
disaster relief to the Lebanese people who have lost their homes in the
current conflict. Secretary Rice has led
the diplomatic efforts to establish humanitarian corridors so that
relief convoys can get through, to reopen the Beirut airport to
passenger and humanitarian aid flights, and to ensure a steady fuel
supply for Lebanese powerplants and automobiles. I directed 25,000 tons
of wheat be delivered in Lebanon in the coming weeks.
But we'll do even more. Today I'm announcing that America will send
more aid to support humanitarian and reconstruction work in Lebanon, for
a total of more than $230 million. These funds will help the
[[Page 1530]]
Lebanese people rebuild their homes and return to their towns and
communities. The funds will help the Lebanese people restore key bridges
and roads. The funds will help the Lebanese people rehabilitate schools
so the children can start their school year on time this fall.
I've directed that an oil spill response team be sent to assist the
Lebanese Government in cleaning up an oil slick that is endangering
coastal communities; proposing a $42 million package to help train and
equip Lebanon's armed forces. I will soon be sending a Presidential
delegation of private sector leaders to Lebanon to identify ways that we
can tap into the generosity of American businesses and nonprofits to
continue to help the people of Lebanon.
We take these steps--and I'll also work closely with Congress to
extend the availability of loan guarantees to help rebuild
infrastructure in Israel, infrastructure damaged by Hizballah's rockets.
America is making a long-term commitment to help the people of
Lebanon because we believe every person deserves to live in a free, open
society that respects the rights of all. We reject the killing of
innocents to achieve a radical and violent agenda.
The terrorists and their state sponsors, Iran and Syria, have a much
darker vision. They're working to thwart the efforts of the Lebanese
people to break free from foreign domination and build their own
democratic future. The terrorists and their sponsors are not going to
succeed. The Lebanese people have made it clear: They want to live in
freedom. And now it's up to their friends and allies to help them do so.
I'll be glad to answer some questions, starting with you, Terry
[Terence Hunt, Associated Press].
Progress in Iraq
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. More than 3,500 Iraqis were killed last
month, the highest civilian monthly toll since the war began. Are you
disappointed with the lack of progress by Iraq's unity Government in
bringing together the sectarian and ethnic groups?
The President. No. I am aware that extremists and terrorists are
doing everything they can to prevent Iraq's democracy from growing
stronger. That's what I'm aware of. And therefore, we have a plan to
help them--``them,'' the Iraqis--achieve their objectives. Part of the
plan is political, and that is to help the Maliki Government work on reconciliation and to work on
rehabilitating the community. The other part is, of course, security.
And I have given our commanders all the flexibility they need to adjust
tactics to be able to help the Iraqi Government defeat those who want to
thwart the ambitions of the people. And that includes a very robust
security plan for Baghdad.
We've, as you may or may not know, Terry, moved troops from Mosul,
Stryker Brigade, into Baghdad, all aiming to help the Iraqi Government
succeed.
You know, I hear a lot of talk about civil war. I'm concerned about
that, of course, and I've talked to a lot of people about it. And what
I've found from my talks are that the Iraqis want a unified country, and
that the Iraqi leadership is determined to thwart the efforts of the
extremists and the radicals and Al Qaida, and that the security forces
remain united behind the Government. And one thing is clear: The Iraqi
people are showing incredible courage.
The United States of America must understand, it's in our interests
that we help this democracy succeed. As a matter of fact, it's in our
interests that we help reformers across the Middle East achieve their
objectives. This is the fundamental challenge of the 21st century. A
failed Iraq would make America less secure. A failed Iraq in the heart
of the Middle East will provide safe haven for terrorists and
extremists. It will embolden those who are trying to thwart
[[Page 1531]]
the ambitions of reformers. In this case, it would give the terrorists
and extremists an additional tool besides safe haven, and that is
revenues from oil sales.
You know, it's an interesting debate we're having in America, about
how we ought to handle Iraq. There's a lot of people, good, decent
people saying, ``Withdraw now.'' They're absolutely wrong. It would be a
huge mistake for this country. If you think problems are tough now,
imagine what it would be like if the United States leaves before this
Government has a chance to defend herself, govern herself, and listen to
the--and answer to the will of the people.
Patsy [Patricia Wilson, Reuters]. We're working our way here
everybody.
Iran/Democracy in the Middle East
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Iran has indicated that it will defy
the U.N. on nuclear enrichment. It's been holding military exercises,
sending weapons and money to Hizballah. Isn't Tehran's influence in the
region growing despite your efforts to curb it?
The President. The final history in the region has yet to be
written. And what's very interesting about the violence in Lebanon and
the violence in Iraq and the violence in Gaza is this: These are all
groups of terrorists who are trying to stop the advance of democracy.
They're trying to thwart the will of millions who simply want a normal,
hopeful life. That's what we're seeing. And it's up to the international
community to understand the threat.
I remember, right after Hizballah launched its rocket attacks on
Israel, I said, this is a clarifying moment. It's a chance for the world
to see the threats of the 21st century, the challenge we face.
And so to answer your question on Iran, Iran is obviously part of
the problem. They sponsor Hizballah. They encourage a radical brand of
Islam. Imagine how difficult this issue would be if Iran had a nuclear
weapon. And so therefore, it's up to the international community,
including the United States, to work in concert to--for effective
diplomacy. And that begins at the United Nations Security Council.
We have passed one Security Council resolution, demanding that Iran
cease its enrichment activities. We will see what their response is.
We're beginning to get some indication, but we'll--let's wait until they
have a formal response. The U.N. resolution calls for us to come back
together on the 31st of August. The dates--dates are fine, but what
really matters is will. And one of the things I will continue to remind
our friends and allies is the danger of a nuclear-armed Iran.
But, no, you're right; this is a--they're a central part of creating
instability, trying to stop reformers from realizing dreams. And the
question facing this country is, will--do we, one, understand the threat
to America? In other words, do we understand that a failed--failed
states in the Middle East are a direct threat to our country's security?
And secondly, will we continue to stay engaged in helping reformers, in
working to advance liberty, to defeat an ideology that doesn't believe
in freedom? And my answer is, so long as I'm the President, we will. I
clearly see the challenge. I see the challenge to what these threats
pose to our homeland, and I see the challenge--what these threats pose
to the world.
Helen [Helen Thomas, Hearst Newspapers]. [Laughter] What's so funny
about me saying ``Helen''? [Laughter] It's the anticipation of your
question, I guess.
Situation in the Middle East
Q. Israel broke its word twice on a truce. And you mentioned
Hizballah rockets, but it's--Israeli bombs have destroyed Lebanon. Why
do you always give them a pass? And what's your view on breaking of your
oath for a truce?
The President. Yes, thank you. I like to remind people about how
this started, how this whole--how the damage to innocent
[[Page 1532]]
life, which bothers me--but again, what caused this?
Q. Why drop bombs on----
The President. Let me finish--let--ma'am, let me--ma'am, please let
me finish the question. It's a great question, to begin with. The
followup was a little difficult, but anyway. [Laughter] I know you're
waiting for my answer, aren't you, with bated breath. There you go.
This never would have occurred had a terrorist organization, a state
within a state, not launched attacks on a sovereign nation. From the
beginning, Helen, I said that Israel, one, has a right to defend
herself, but Israel ought to be cautious about how she defends herself.
Israel is a democratically elected government. They make decisions on
their own sovereignty. It's their decisionmaking that is--what leads to
the tactics they chose.
But the world must understand that now is the time to come together
to address the root cause of the problem. And the problem was, you have
a state within a state. You had people launch attacks on a sovereign
nation without the consent of the Government in the country in which
they are lodged.
And that's why it's very important for all of us, those of us who
are involved in this process, to get an international force into Lebanon
to help the Lebanese Government achieve some objectives. One is their
ability to exert control over the entire country; secondly is to make
sure that the Hizballah forces don't rearm, don't get arms from Syria or
Iran through Syria, to be able to continue to wreak havoc in the region.
Let's see, we'll finish the first line here. Everybody can be
patient.
Q. Thank you.
The President. Yes. [Laughter] It's kind of like dancing together,
isn't it? [Laughter]
Q. Yes, kind of. [Laughter]
Q. Very close quarters.
The President. If I ask for any comments from the peanut gallery,
I'll call on you, Herman [Ken Herman, Cox]. [Laughter] By the way,
seersucker is coming back. I hope everybody gets--[laughter]--never
mind.
Q. It's the summertime east Texas county commissioner look.
[Laughter]
The President. Yes. Yes, Martha [Martha Raddatz, ABC News]. Sorry.
Iraq
Q. That's quite all right. Mr. President, I'd like to go back to
Iraq. You've continually cited the elections, the new Government, its
progress in Iraq, and yet the violence has gotten worse in certain
areas. You've had to go to Baghdad again. Is it not time for a new
strategy? And if not, why not?
The President. You know, Martha; you've covered the Pentagon. You
know that the Pentagon is constantly adjusting tactics because they have
the flexibility from the White House to do so.
Q. I'm talking about strategy----
The President. The strategy is to help the Iraqi people achieve
their objectives and their dreams, which is a democratic society. That's
the strategy. The tactics--now, either you say, yes, it's important we
stay there and get it done, or we leave. We're not leaving, so long as
I'm the President. That would be a huge mistake. It would send an
unbelievably terrible signal to reformers across the region. It would
say we've abandoned our desire to change the conditions that create
terror. It would give the terrorists a safe haven from which to launch
attacks. It would embolden Iran. It would embolden extremists.
No, we're not leaving. The strategic objective is to help this
Government succeed. That's the strategic--and not only to help the
Government--the reformers in Iraq succeed but to help the reformers
across the region succeed, to fight off the elements of extremism. The
tactics are--which change. Now, if you say, are you going to change your
strategic objective, it means
[[Page 1533]]
you're leaving before the mission is complete. And we're not going to
leave before the mission is complete. I agree with General
Abizaid: We leave before the mission is
done, the terrorists will follow us here.
And so we have changed tactics. Our commanders have got the
flexibility necessary to change tactics on the ground, starting with
Plan Baghdad. And that's when we moved troops from Mosul into Baghdad
and replaced them with the Stryker Brigade. So in essence, we increased
troops during this time of instability.
Suzanne [Suzanne Malveaux, Cable News Network].
Q. Sir, that's not really the question. The strategy----
The President. Sounded like the question to me.
Q. You keep saying that you don't want to leave. But is your
strategy to win working? Even if you don't want to leave--you've gone
into Baghdad before; these things have happened before.
The President. If I didn't think it would work, I would change the--
our commanders would recommend changing the strategy. They believe it
will work. It takes time to defeat these people. The Maliki Government has been in power for less than 6 months. And
yes, the people spoke. I've cited that as a part of--the reason I cite
it is because it's what the Iraqi people want. And the fundamental
question facing this Government is whether or not we will stand with
reformers across the region. It's really the task. And we're going to
stand with this Government.
Obviously, I wish the violence would go down, but not as much as the
Iraqi citizens would wish the violence would go down. But, incredibly
enough, they showed great courage, and they want our help. And any sign
that says we're going to leave before the job is done simply emboldens
terrorists and creates a certain amount of doubt for people so they
won't take the risk necessary to help a civil society evolve in the
country.
This is a campaign--I'm sure they're watching the campaign
carefully. There are a lot of good, decent people saying, ``Get out now;
vote for me; I will do everything I can to''--I guess, cut off money is
how--is what they'll try to do to get our troops out. It's a big
mistake. It would be wrong, in my judgment, for us to leave before the
mission is complete in Iraq.
Suzanne.
Situation in the Middle East/United Nations Security Council Resolution
1701
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Back to Lebanon. The Lebanese Prime
Minister, over the weekend, said that Israel flagrantly violated the
cease-fire with its raid into Lebanon. And so far, the European allies
who've committed forces, the U.N. security peacekeeping forces, have
expressed reservations; those Muslim nations who've offered troops have
been shunned by Israeli officials. Why shouldn't we see the cease-fire
as one that essentially is falling apart? And what makes this more than
a piece of paper if you don't have the will of the international
community to back it up?
The President. Yes. No, listen--all the more reason why we need to
help our friends and allies get the forces necessary to help the
Lebanese forces keep the cessation of hostilities in place, intact. And
that's why we're working with friends, with allies, with Security
Council members, to make sure the force that is committed is robust and
the rules of engagement are clear. And so it's an ongoing series of
conversations and discussions, and hopefully, this will happen quite
quickly.
Q. Will you pressure the French to contribute more troops?
The President. Well, we're pressing on all. I was asked about the
French the other day at Camp David, and I--listen, France has had a very
close relationship with Lebanon; there's historical ties with Lebanon. I
would hope they would put more troops in. I mean, they understand the
region as well as anybody. And so we're working with
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a lot of folks, trying to get this force up and running.
Look, like you--I mean, you sound somewhat frustrated by diplomacy.
Diplomacy can be a frustrating thing. I think the strategy can work, so
long as the force is robust and the rules of engagement are clear.
Iran/United Nations Security Council Resolution 1696
Q. Mr. President, as you mentioned, we're just 10 days from the U.N.
Security Council deadline on Iran. Judging by the public comments from
the Iranians, it appears, at least, highly unlikely that they're going
to stop or suspend their enrichment program. Are you confident that the
U.N. Security Council will move quickly on sanctions if Iran thumbs its
nose at the world again?
The President. I certainly hope so. In order for the U.N. to be
effective, there must be consequences if people thumb their nose at the
United Nations Security Council. And we will work with people in the
Security Council to achieve that objective, and the objective is that
there's got to be a consequence for them basically ignoring what the
Security Council has suggested through resolution.
Q. Understanding that diplomacy takes time, do you think that this
could drag out for a while?
The President. You know, I don't know. I certainly want to solve
this problem diplomatically, and I believe the best chance to do so is
for there to be more than one voice speaking clearly to the Iranians.
And I was pleased that we got a resolution, that there was a group of
nations willing to come together to send a message to the Iranians--
nations as diverse as China and Russia, plus the EU-3 and the United
States.
Kelly [Kelly O'Donnell, NBC News].
Iraq/War on Terror
Q. Morning, Mr. President. When you talked today about the violence
in Baghdad, first you mentioned extremists, radicals, and then Al Qaida.
It seems that Al Qaida and foreign fighters are much less of a problem
there, and that it really is Iraqi versus Iraqi. And when we heard about
your meeting the other day with experts and so forth, some of the
reporting out of that said you were frustrated; you were surprised. And
your spokesman said, no, you're determined. But frustration seems like a
very real emotion. Why wouldn't you be frustrated, sir, about what's
happening?
The President. I'm not--I do remember the meeting; I don't remember
being surprised. I'm not sure what they meant by that.
Q. About the lack of gratitude among the Iraqi people.
The President. Oh. No, I think--first of all, to the first part of
your question, if you look back at the words of Zarqawi before he was
brought to justice, he made it clear that the intent of their tactics in
Iraq was to create civil strife. In other words, if you--look at what he
said. He said, ``Let's kill Shi'a to get Shi'a to seek revenge,'' and
therefore, to create this kind of, hopefully, cycle of violence.
Secondly, it's pretty clear that--at least the evidence indicates
that the bombing of the shrine was--it was an Al Qaida plot, all
intending to create sectarian violence. No, Al Qaida is still very
active in Iraq. As a matter of fact, some of the more--I would guess, I
would surmise that some of the more spectacular bombings are done by Al
Qaida suiciders.
No question there's sectarian violence as well. And the challenge is
to provide a security plan such that a political process can go forward.
And I know--I'm sure you all are tired of hearing me say 12 million
Iraqis voted, but it's an indication about the desire for people to live
in a free society. That's what that means, see.
[[Page 1535]]
And the only way to defeat this ideology in the long term is to
defeat it through another ideology, a competing ideology, one that--
where Government responds to the will of the people. And that's really--
really the fundamental question we face here in the beginning of this
21st century is whether or not we believe as a nation, and others
believe, it is possible to defeat this ideology.
Now, I recognize, some say that these folks are not ideologically
bound. I strongly disagree. I think not only do they have an ideology;
they have tactics necessary to spread their ideology. And it would be a
huge mistake for the United States to leave the region, to concede
territory to the terrorists, to not confront them. And the best way to
confront them is to help those who want to live in free society.
Look, eventually Iraq will succeed because the Iraqis will see to it
that they succeed. And our job is to help them succeed. That's our job.
Our job is to help their forces be better equipped, to help their police
be able to deal with these extremists, and to help their Government
succeed.
Q. But are you frustrated, sir?
The President. Frustrated? Sometimes I'm frustrated--rarely
surprised. Sometimes I'm happy. This is--but war is not a time of joy.
These aren't joyous times. These are challenging times, and they're
difficult times, and they're straining the psyche of our country. I
understand that. You know, nobody likes to see innocent people die.
Nobody wants to turn on their TV on a daily basis and see havoc wrought
by terrorists. And our question is, do we have the capacity and the
desire to spread peace by confronting these terrorists and supporting
those who want to live in liberty? That's the question. And my answer to
that question is, we must. We owe it to future generations to do so.
Bill [Bill Plante, CBS News].
Situation in the Middle East/United Nations Security Council Resolution
1559
Q. Mr. President, as you have reminded us a number of times, it was
Hizballah that started the confrontation between Israel and Lebanon. But
you were supportive of the holding off of any kind of cease-fire until
Israel had a chance to clear out the Hizballah weapons. By all accounts,
they did not exactly succeed in doing that. And by all accounts, the
Lebanese Army, as it moved into southern Lebanon, had a-wink-and-a-nod
arrangement with Hizballah not to disturb anything, to just leave things
as they are, a situation not unknown in the Middle East. Do you demand
that the peacekeeping force, if and when it gets up and running, disarm
Hizballah?
The President. The truth of the matter is, if 1559, that's the
United Nations Security Council resolution number, had been fully
implemented, we wouldn't be in the situation we were in to begin with.
There is--there will be another resolution coming out of the United
Nations giving further instructions to the international force. First
things first--is to get the rules of engagement clear so that the force
will be robust, to help the Lebanese.
One thing is for certain--is that when this force goes in to help
Lebanon, Hizballah won't have that safe haven or that kind of freedom to
run on the--in Lebanon's southern border. In other words, there's an
opportunity to create a cushion, a security cushion. Hopefully, over
time, Hizballah will disarm. You can't have a democracy with a armed
political party willing to bomb its neighbor without the consent of its
Government, or just deciding, well, ``Let's just create enough chaos and
discord by lobbing rockets.''
And so the reality is, in order for Lebanon to succeed--and we want
Lebanon's democracy to succeed--the process is going to--the Lebanese
Government is eventually going to have to deal with Hizballah.
[[Page 1536]]
Q. But it's the status quo if there's no disarming.
The President. Not really. I mean, yes, eventually, you're right.
But in the meantime, there will be a--there's a security zone, something
to--where the Lebanese Army and the UNIFIL force are more robust, UNIFIL
force can create a security zone between Lebanon and Israel. That would
be helpful.
But ultimately, you're right. Your question is, shouldn't Hizballah
disarm, and ultimately, they should. And it's necessary for the Lebanese
Government to succeed.
The cornerstone of our policy in that part of the world is to help
democracies. Lebanon is a democracy; we want the Siniora Government to succeed. Part of our aid package is going
to be, help strengthen the army of Lebanon so when the Government
speaks, when the Government commits its troops, they do so in an
effective way.
Knoller [Mark Knoller, CBS Radio].
Presidential Pardons
Q. Yes, sir.
The President. How are you feeling?
Q. I'm good, sir. It's good to be back.
The President. Good to see you. Yes, it's good to see you. Sorry we
didn't spend more time in Crawford. I knew you were anxious to do so.
Q. Always am.
The President. That's good. [Laughter] That's why we love seeing
you.
Q. Thanks. Let me ask you about Presidential pardons. Last week, you
issued 17 of them. That brought the number of pardons you've issued in
your Presidency to 97, and that's far fewer than most of your recent
predecessors, except your dad. And I want to ask you, do you consider
yourself to be stingy when it comes to pardons? What is your philosophy
on granting Presidential pardons?
The President. You know, I don't have the criterion in front of me,
Mark, but we have a strict criterion that we utilize--``we'' being the
Justice Department and the White House Counsel. And I, frankly, haven't
compared the number of pardons I've given, to any other President.
Perhaps I should. But I don't think a scorecard should, necessarily, be
the guidepost for pardoning people.
McKinnon [John McKinnon, Wall Street Journal]. I'm going to go to
you, Jackson [David Jackson, USA Today], and kind of work around.
Energy/Alternative Fuel Sources
Q. Thanks. Mr. President, what do you say to people who are losing
patience with gas prices at $3 a gallon? And how much of a political
price do you think you're paying for that right now?
The President. I've been talking about gas prices ever since they
got high, starting with this--look, I understand gas prices are like a
hidden tax--not a hidden tax, it's a tax; it's taking money out of
people's pockets. I know that. All the more reason for us to diversify
away from crude oil. That's not going to happen overnight. We passed law
that encouraged consumption through different purchasing habits, like
hybrid vehicles. You buy a hybrid, you get a tax credit. We've
encouraged the spread of ethanol as an alternative to crude oil. We have
asked for Congress to pass regulatory relief so we can build more
refineries to increase the supply of gasoline, hopefully taking the
pressure off of price.
And so the strategy is to recognize that dependency upon crude oil
is--in a global market affects us economically here at home, and
therefore, we need to diversify away as quickly as possible.
Jackson.
Hurricane Katrina Recovery Efforts
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. As you know, the one-year anniversary
of Katrina is coming up. And there are a lot of retrospectives about
what went wrong down there last year. Specifically, what has your
administration done in the past year to help
[[Page 1537]]
the folks down there, and what remains to be done?
The President. Yes, thanks. You know, I went to New Orleans, in
Jackson Square, and made a commitment that we would help the people
there recover. I also want the people down there to understand that it's
going to take a while to recover. This was a huge storm.
First things--the first thing that's necessary to help the recovery
is money. And our Government has committed over $110 billion to help. Of
that, a lot of money went to--went out the door to help people adjust
from having to be moved because of the storm. And then there's rental
assistance, infrastructure repair, debris removal. Mississippi removed
about 97 percent, 98 percent of its what they call dry debris. We're now
in the process of getting debris from the waters removed. Louisiana is
slower in terms of getting debris removed. The money is available to
help remove that debris. People can get after it, and I would hope they
would.
Q. What----
The President. Let me finish. Thank you.
We provided about $1.8 billion for education. That money has gone
out the door. We want those schools up and running. As I understand, the
schools are running now in New Orleans; a lot of schools are. Flood
insurance--we're spending money on flood insurance. There is more work
to be done, particularly when it comes to housing. We've spent about--or
appropriated about 16 billion--$17 billion for direct housing grants to
people in the gulf coast and in Louisiana.
I made the decision, along with the local authorities, that each
State ought to develop a housing recovery plan. That's what they call
the LRA in Louisiana. They're responsible for taking the Federal money
and getting it to the people. Same in--Mississippi has developed its own
plan.
I thought it would be best that there be a local plan developed and
implemented by local folks. And so there's now, as I mentioned, $16
billion of direct housing grants. Each State has developed its own plan,
how much money goes to each homeowner to help these people rebuild their
lives. And so I think the area where people will see the most effect in
their lives is when they start getting this individualized CDBG grant
money.
Q. Is there anything that's disappointed you about the recovery, the
Federal response?
The President. I was concerned at first about how much Congress and
the taxpayers would be willing to appropriate and spend. I think $110
billion is a strong commitment, and I'm pleased with that. Any time we--
I named a man named Don Powell to go down
there, and the thing that's most important is for the Government to
eliminate any bureaucratic obstacles when we find something that's not
moving quick enough.
I think, for example, about debris removal. There was the issue of
whether or not the Government would pay for debris removal on private
property, or not. So we worked out a plan with the local mayors and
local county commissioners, local parish presidents to be able to
designate certain property as a health hazard. And when they did so,
then Government money could pay for it. In other words, we're trying to
be flexible with the rules and regulations we have to deal with.
But the place where people, I'm sure, are going to be most
frustrated is whether or not they're going to get the money to rebuild
their homes. And my attitude is, we've appropriated the money, and now
we'll work with the States to get the money.
April [April Ryan, American Urban Radio Networks], I suspect you
have a followup on this.
State and Local Government Role in Hurricane Recovery
Q. Yes, I do, sir.
The President. Why don't you let her go?
[[Page 1538]]
Q. And another question, sir. The followup: Some have a concern that
you've given all of this money, but the Federal Government has moved
away to let the local government, particularly in New Orleans, handle
everything, and things are not moving like they expected. And that's one
of the concerns. And another question, if you----
The President. Well, let me address that, and I promise you can ask
that other one.
As I mentioned to you, the strategy from the get-go was to work with
the local folks in Mississippi and Louisiana, and they would then submit
their plans to the Federal Government, particularly for housing. And
that upon approval, we would then disburse the appropriated monies--in
this case, about $17 billion for housing grants. And so each State came
up with a grant formula, and I can't give you all the details. But
it's--the whole purpose is intended to get money into people's pockets
to help them rebuild. And once the strategy is developed at the State
and local level, it makes sense for the monies to be appropriated at the
State and local level. And if there's a level of frustration there, we
will work with the LRA, in this case.
Second question.
Q. Well, I have one followup on that. Do you think----
The President. Well, how many--are you trying to dominate this
thing? [Laughter]
Q. No, sir, but I don't get a chance to talk to you as much as the
others.
The President. That's not--wait a minute. [Laughter]
Q. But a followup real quick. Do you think that more needs to be
done? Does the Federal Government need to put its hands on what's going
on? Because New Orleans is not moving----
The President. I think the best way to do this is for the Federal
Government's representative, Don Powell, to
continue to work with Mayor Nagin and Governor
Blanco to get the money into the
hands of the people. The money has been appropriated; the formula is in
place; and now it's time to move forward.
Now, you have another question, I presume.
North Korea
Q. Yes, sir. And this is it, sir. Chinese officials are saying that
you need to get involved in the six-party talks, and that, ultimately,
you have to be a part of the six-party talks in dealing with North
Korea. And also, they're saying that you need to stop dealing with the
issue of money laundering and deal with the real issue of ballistic
missiles. What are your thoughts?
The President. Well, counterfeiting U.S. dollars is an issue that
every President ought to be concerned about. And when you catch people
counterfeiting your money, you need to do something about it.
We are very much involved in the six-party talks. As a matter of
fact, I talked to Hu Jintao this morning about the
six-party talks and about the need for us to continue to work together
to send a clear message to the North Korean leader that there is a better choice for him than to continue to
develop a nuclear weapon. The six-party talks are--is an important part
of our--the six-party talks are an important part of our strategy of
dealing with Kim Jong Il. And the North Korean--the Chinese President
recognized that in the phone call today. And so we talked about how
we'll continue to collaborate and work together.
Jim [Jim Rutenberg, New York Times].
War on Terror/Public Debate
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. You mentioned the campaign earlier. Do
you agree with those in your party, including the Vice President, who
have said or implied that Democratic voters emboldened Al Qaida types by
choosing Ned Lamont over Joe Lieberman, and then as a message that--how
Americans vote will send messages to terrorists abroad? Thank you.
[[Page 1539]]
The President. You're welcome. What all of us in this administration
have been saying is that leaving Iraq before the mission is complete
will send the wrong message to the enemy and will create a more
dangerous world. That's what we're saying. It's an honest debate, and
it's an important debate for Americans to listen to and to be engaged
in. In our judgment, the consequences for defeat in Iraq are
unacceptable.
And I fully understand that some didn't think we ought to go in
there in the first place. But defeat--if you think it's bad now, imagine
what Iraq would look like if the United States leaves before this
Government can defend itself and sustain itself. Chaos in Iraq would be
very unsettling in the region. Leaving before the job would be done
would send a message that America really is no longer engaged, nor cares
about the form of governments in the Middle East. Leaving before the job
was done would send a signal to our troops that the sacrifices they made
were not worth it. Leaving before the job is done would be a disaster,
and that's what we're saying.
I will never question the patriotism of somebody who disagrees with
me. This has nothing to do with patriotism; it has everything to do with
understanding the world in which we live. It's like the other day; I was
critical of those who heralded the Federal judge's opinion about the terrorist surveillance program. I
thought it was a terrible opinion, and that's why we're appealing it.
And I have no--look, I understand how democracy works--quite a little
bit of criticism in it, which is fine; that's fine; it's part of the
process. But I have every right, as do my administration, to make it
clear what the consequences would be of policy. And if we think somebody
is wrong or doesn't see the world the way it is, we'll continue to point
that out to people.
And therefore, those who heralded the decision not to give law
enforcement the tools necessary to protect the American people simply
don't see the world the way we do. They see, maybe these are kind of
isolated incidents. These aren't isolated incidents; they're tied
together. There is a global war going on. And somebody said, ``Well,
this is law enforcement.'' No, this isn't law enforcement, in my
judgment. Law enforcement means kind of a simple, singular response to
the problem. This is a global war on terror. We're facing extremists
that believe something, and they want to achieve objectives. And
therefore, the United States must use all our assets, and we must work
with others to defeat this enemy. That's the call. And we--in the short
run, we've got to stop them from attacking us. That's why I give the
Tony Blair Government great credit, and their
intelligence officers, and our own Government credit for working with
the Brits to stop this attack.
But you know something--it's an amazing town, isn't it, where they
say, on the one hand, ``You can't have the tools necessary--we herald
the fact that you won't have the tools necessary to defend the people,''
and sure enough, an attack would occur, and say, ``How come you don't
have the tools necessary to defend the people?'' That's the way we think
around this town.
And so, yes, we'll continue--Jim, we'll continue to speak out in a
respectful way, never challenging somebody's love for America when you
criticize their strategies or their point of view. And, you know, for
those who say that, well, all they're trying to say is, we're not
patriotic, simply don't listen to our words very carefully, do they?
What matters is that in this campaign that we clarify the different
point of view. And there are a lot of people in the Democrat Party who
believe that the best course of action is to leave Iraq before the job
is done, period. And they're wrong. And the American people have got to
understand the consequence of leaving Iraq before the job is done. We're
not going to leave Iraq before the job is done, and we'll complete the
mission in Iraq. I can't tell
[[Page 1540]]
you exactly when it's going to be done, but I do know that it's
important for us to support the Iraqi people, who have shown incredible
courage in their desire to live in a free society. And if we ever give
up the desire to help people who live in freedom, we will have lost our
soul as a nation, as far as I'm concerned.
Ann [Ann Compton, ABC Radio].
2006 Midterm Elections/Iraq
Q. Is that a make-or-break issue for you, in terms of domestic
politics? There's a Republican in Pennsylvania who says he doesn't think
the troops should--would you campaign for Mike Fitzpatrick?
The President. I already have.
Q. And would you campaign against Senator Joe Lieberman, whose
Republican candidate may support you, but he supports you too, on Iraq?
The President. I'm going to stay out of Connecticut. [Laughter]
Q. It's your native State, Mr. President. You were born there.
The President. Shhh. [Laughter] I may be the only person--the only
Presidential candidate who never carried the State in which he was born.
Do you think that's right, Herman? Of course, you would have researched
that and dropped it out for everybody to see, particularly since I
dissed that just ridiculous looking outfit. [Laughter]
Q. Your mother raised you better than that, Mr. President.
The President. That is--so I'm not going to say it----
Q. There is Al Gore.
The President. I don't want anybody to know that I think it's
ridiculous. Look, I'm not through yet.
Q. ----make-or-break issue for you?
The President. And by the way, I'm staying out of Connecticut
because that's what the party suggested, the Republican Party of
Connecticut. And plus, there's a better place to spend our money, time,
and resources----
Q. But you're the head of the party.
The President. Right. I've listened to them very carefully. I'm a
thoughtful guy. I listen to people. [Laughter] I'm openminded. I'm all
the things that you know I am.
The other part of your question? Look, issues are won based upon
whether or not you can keep this economy strong--elections are won based
upon economic issues and national security issues. And there's a
fundamental difference between many of the Democrats and my party, and
that is, they want to leave before the job is completed in Iraq. And
again, I repeat, these are decent people. They're just as American as I
am. I just happen to strongly disagree with them. And it's very
important for the American people to understand the consequences of
leaving Iraq before the job is done.
This is a global war on terror. I repeat what our major general
said--or leading general said, in the
region. He said, ``If we withdraw before the job is done, the enemy will
follow us here.'' I strongly agree with that. And if you believe that
the job of the Federal Government is to secure this country, it's really
important for you to understand that success in Iraq is part of securing
the country.
We're talking about a long-term issue here as well, Ann. In the
short term, we've got to have the tools necessary to stop terrorist
attack. That means good intel, good intelligence sharing, the capacity
to know whether Al Qaida is calling into this country and why. We've got
to have all those tools, the PATRIOT Act, the tearing down those walls
between intel and law enforcement are a necessary part of protecting the
country. But in the long term, the only way to defeat this terrorist
bunch is through the spread of liberty and freedom.
And that's a big challenge. I understand it's a challenge. It
requires commitment and patience and persistence. I believe it's the
challenge of this--the challenge for this
[[Page 1541]]
generation. I believe we owe it to our children and grandchildren to
stay engaged and to help spread liberty and to help reformers.
Now, ultimately, success is going to be up to the reformers. Just
like in Iraq, it's going to require Iraqis--the will of Iraqis to
succeed. I understand that. And that's why our strategy is to give them
the tools necessary to defend themselves and help them defend
themselves, in this case, right now, mainly in Baghdad, but, as well,
around the country.
At home, if I were a candidate, if I were running, I'd say, look at
what the economy has done. It's strong. We created a lot of jobs--let me
finish my question, please. These hands going up--I'm not--I'm kind of
getting old and just getting into my peroration. [Laughter] Look it up.
[Laughter] I'd be telling people that the Democrats will raise your
taxes. That's what they said. I'd be reminding people that tax cuts have
worked in terms of stimulating the economy. I'd be reminding people,
there's a philosophical difference between those who want to raise taxes
and have the Government spend the money, and those of us who say, you
get to spend the money the way you want to--see fit; it's your money.
I'd remind people that progrowth economic policies have helped us cut
that deficit faster than we thought.
I'd also remind people, if I were running, that the long-term
problem facing the budget is Social Security and Medicare. And they
look--Republican or Democrat ought to say, ``I look forward to working
with the President to solve the problem.'' People expect us to come here
to solve problems, and thus far, the attitude has been, let's just kind
of ignore what the President has said and just hope somebody else comes
and solves it for us.
And that's what I'd be running on. I'd be running on the economy,
and I'd be running on national security. But since I'm not running, I
can only serve as an adviser to those who are.
Yes, Herman.
Public Opinion Polls/Iraq
Q. Thank you, sir. Go ahead. [Laughter]
The President. I don't need to, now that you've stood up and
everybody can clearly see for themselves. [Laughter]
Q. Mr. President, polls continue to show sagging support for the war
in Iraq. I'm curious as to how you see this developing. Is it your
belief that long-term results will vindicate your strategy and people
will change their mind about it, or is this the kind of thing you're
doing because you think it's right and you don't care if you ever gain
public support for it? Thank you.
The President. Thank you. Look, I mean, Presidents care about
whether people support their policies. I don't mean to say, I don't
care; of course I care. But I understand why people are discouraged
about Iraq--I can understand that. There is--we live in a world in which
people, I guess, hope things happen quickly, and this is a situation
where things don't happen quickly because there's a very tough group of
people using tactics, mainly the killing of innocent people, to achieve
their objective. And they're skillful about how they do this, and they
also know the impact of what it means on the consciousness of those of
us who live in the free world. They know that.
And so yes, I care; I really do. I wish--and so therefore, I'm going
to spend a lot of time trying to explain as best as I can why it's
important for us to succeed in Iraq.
Q. Can I follow----
The President. Let me finish. On the other hand, Ken, I don't think
you've ever heard me say--and you've now been covering me for quite a
while, 12 years--I don't think I've--12 years? Yes. Exactly. Yes. I
don't think you've ever heard me say, ``Gosh, I'd better change
positions because the polls say this or that.'' I've been here long
enough to understand, you cannot make good decisions if you're trying to
chase a poll. And so the second part of your question is, look, I'm
going to do
[[Page 1542]]
what I think is right, and if people don't like me for it, that's just
the way it is.
War on Terror/Spread of Democracy in the Middle East
Q. Quick followup: A lot of the consequences you mentioned for
pulling out seem like maybe they never would have been there if we
hadn't gone in. How do you square all of that?
The President. I square it because, imagine a world in which you had
Saddam Hussein who had the capacity to make a
weapon of mass destruction, who was paying suiciders to kill innocent
life, who would--who had relations with Zarqawi. Imagine what the world
would be like with him in power. The idea is to try to help change the
Middle East.
Now, look, part of the reason we went into Iraq was--the main reason
we went into Iraq at the time was we thought he had weapons of mass
destruction. It turns out he didn't, but he had the capacity to make
weapons of mass destruction. But I also talked about the human suffering
in Iraq, and I also talked the need to advance a freedom agenda. And so
my question--my answer to your question is, is that, imagine a world in
which Saddam Hussein was there, stirring up
even more trouble in a part of the world that had so much resentment and
so much hatred that people came and killed 3,000 of our citizens.
You know, I've heard this theory about everything was just fine
until we arrived, and then--kind of the ``stir up the hornet's nest''
theory. It just doesn't hold water, as far as I'm concerned. The
terrorists attacked us and killed 3,000 of our citizens before we
started the freedom agenda in the Middle East.
Q. What did Iraq have to do with that?
The President. What did Iraq have to do with what?
Q. The attack on the World Trade Center?
The President. Nothing, except for it's part of--and nobody has ever
suggested in this administration that Saddam Hussein ordered the attack. Iraq was a--the lesson of
September the 11th is, take threats before they fully materialize, Ken.
Nobody has ever suggested that the attacks of September the 11th were
ordered by Iraq. I have suggested, however, that resentment and the lack
of hope create the breeding grounds for terrorists who are willing to
use suiciders to kill to achieve an objective. I have made that case.
And one way to defeat that--defeat resentment is with hope. And the
best way to do hope is through a form of government. Now, I said going
into Iraq, we've got to take these threats seriously before they fully
materialize. I saw a threat. I fully believe it was the right decision
to remove Saddam Hussein, and I fully believe
the world is better off without him. Now the question is, how do we
succeed in Iraq? And you don't succeed by leaving before the mission is
complete, like some in this political process are suggesting.
Last question. Stretch [Bill Sammon, Washington Examiner]. Who are
you working for, Stretch?
Food and Drug Administration/Plan B Contraceptive Pill
Q. Washington Examiner.
The President. Oh, good. I'm glad you found work. [Laughter]
Q. Thank you very much. Mr. President, some pro-life groups are
worried that your choice of FDA Commissioner will approve over the
counter sales of Plan B, a pill that, they say, essentially can cause
early-term abortions. Do you stand by this choice, and how do you feel
about Plan B in general?
The President. I believe that Plan B ought to be--ought to require a
prescription for minors; that's what I believe. And I support Andy's decision.
[[Page 1543]]
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room Renovation
The President.Thanks for letting me come by the new digs here.
Q. Do you like them?
The President. They may be a little too fancy for you.
Q. We'd be happy to go back.
Q. Are we coming back?
Q. Ever?
The President. Absolutely, you're coming back.
Q. Can we hold you to that?
The President. Coming back to the bosom of the White House.
[Laughter] I'm looking forward to hugging you when you come back,
everybody. When are you coming back?
Q. As soon as they can have us.
Q. You tell us.
Q. May.
The President. May, is that when it is scheduled?
Q. They've sealed off of our--they sealed off the door. We're
wondering if we're really coming back or not.
Q. The decision will be made by commanders on the ground, sir.
[Laughter]
Q. There's no timetable.
The President. What do you think this is, a correspondents dinner or
something? [Laughter]
Thank you all.
Q. Thank you, sir.
Q. Want to come down and see our workspace?
The President. No. [Laughter]
Note: The President's news conference began at 10:02 a.m. at the White
House Conference Center Briefing Room. In his remarks, he referred to
Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki and former President Saddam Hussein of
Iraq; Gen. John P. Abizaid, USA, commander, U.S. Central Command; Prime
Minister Fuad Siniora of Lebanon; Mayor C. Ray Nagin of New Orleans, LA;
Gov. Kathleen Babineaux Blanco of Louisiana; President Hu Jintao of
China; Chairman Kim Jong Il of North Korea; U.S. District Court Judge
for the Eastern District of Michigan Anna Diggs Taylor; and Prime
Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom. Reporters referred to
senatorial candidates Ned Lamont and Alan Schlesinger of Connecticut;
and former Vice President Al Gore.