    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2006, Book II)]
    [September 15, 2006]
    [Pages 1647-1661]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference
    September 15, 2006

        The President. It's always a pleasure to be introduced into the Rose
    Garden. Thank you, Wendell [Wendell Goler, FOX News Channel]. Thank you
    for coming. I'm looking forward to answering some of your questions.
        This week, our Nation paused to mark the fifth anniversary of the 9/
    11 attacks. It was a tough day for a lot of our citizens. I was so
    honored to meet with family members and first-responders, workers at the
    Pentagon, all who still had heaviness in their heart. But they asked me
    a question--you know, they kept asking me, ``What do you think the level
    of determination for this country is in order to protect ourselves?''
    That's what they want to know.
        You know, for me, it was a reminder about how I felt right after 9/
    11. I felt a sense of determination and conviction about doing
    everything that is necessary to protect the people. I'm going to go back
    to New York to address the United Nations General Assembly. I'm going to
    talk to world leaders gathered there about our obligation to defend
    civilization and liberty, to support the forces of freedom and
    moderation throughout the Middle East. As we work with the international
    community to defeat the terrorists and extremists, to provide an
    alternative to their hateful ideology, we must also provide our military
    and intelligence professionals with the tools they need to protect our
    country from another attack. And the reason they need those tools is
    because the enemy wants to attack us again.
        Right here in the Oval Office, I get briefed nearly every morning
    about the nature of this world, and I get briefed about the desire of an
    enemy to hurt America. And it's a sobering experience, as I'm sure you
    can imagine. I wish that weren't the case, you know. But it is the case.
    And therefore, I believe it is vital that our folks on the frontline
    have the tools necessary to protect the American people.
        There are two vital pieces of legislation in Congress now that I
    think are necessary to help us win the war on terror. We will work with
    members of both parties to get legislation that works out of the
    Congress. The first bill will allow us to use military commissions to
    try suspected terrorists for war crimes. We need the legislation because
    the Supreme Court recently ruled that military commissions must be
    explicitly authorized by Congress. So we're working with Congress. The
    Supreme Court said, ``You must work with Congress.'' We are working with
    Congress to get a good piece of legislation out.
        The bill I have proposed will ensure that suspected terrorists will
    receive full and fair trials without revealing to them our Nation's
    sensitive intelligence secrets. As soon as Congress acts on this bill,
    the man our intelligence agencies believe helped orchestrate the 9/11
    attacks can face justice.

    [[Page 1648]]

        The bill would also provide clear rules for our personnel involved
    in detaining and questioning captured terrorists. The information that
    the Central Intelligence Agency has obtained by questioning men like
    Khalid Sheikh Mohammed has provided
    valuable information and has helped disrupt terrorist plots, including
    strikes within the United States.
        For example, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed described the design of planned attacks of buildings
    inside the U.S. and how operatives were directed to carry them out. That
    is valuable information for those of us who have the responsibility to
    protect the American people. He told us the operatives had been
    instructed to ensure that the explosives went off at a high--a point
    that was high enough to prevent people trapped above from escaping. He
    gave us information that helped uncover Al Qaida cells' efforts to
    obtain biological weapons.
        We've also learned information from the CIA program that has helped
    stop other plots, including attacks on the U.S. Marine base in East
    Africa or American consulate in Pakistan or Britain's Heathrow Airport.
    This program has been one of the most vital tools in our efforts to
    protect this country. It's been invaluable to our country, and it's
    invaluable to our allies.
        Were it not for this program, our intelligence community believes
    that Al Qaida and its allies would have succeeded in launching another
    attack against the American homeland. Making us--giving us information
    about terrorist plans we couldn't get anywhere else, this program has
    saved innocent lives. In other words, it's vital. That's why I asked
    Congress to pass legislation so that our professionals can go forward,
    doing the duty we expect them to do. Unfortunately, the recent Supreme
    Court decision put the future of this program in question. That's
    another reason I went to Congress. We need this legislation to save it.
        I am asking Congress to pass a clear law with clear guidelines based
    on the Detainee Treatment Act that was strongly supported by Senator
    John McCain. There is a debate about the
    specific provisions in my bill, and we'll work with Congress to continue
    to try to find common ground. I have one test for this legislation; I'm
    going to answer one question as this legislation proceeds, and it's
    this: The intelligence community must be able to tell me that the bill
    Congress sends to my desk will allow this vital program to continue.
    That's what I'm going to ask.
        The second bill before Congress would modernize our electronic
    surveillance laws and provide additional authority for the terrorist
    surveillance program. I authorized the National Security Agency to
    operate this vital program in response to the 9/11 attacks. It allows us
    to quickly monitor terrorist communications between someone overseas and
    someone in the United States, and it's helped detect and prevent attacks
    on our country. The principle behind this program is clear: When an Al
    Qaida operative is calling into the United States or out of the country,
    we need to know who they're calling, why they're calling, and what
    they're planning.
        Both these bills are essential to winning the war on terror. We will
    work with Congress to get good bills out. We have a duty, we have a duty
    to work together to give our folks on the frontline the tools necessary
    to protect America. Time is running out. Congress is set to adjourn in
    just a few weeks. Congress needs to act wisely and promptly so I can
    sign good legislation.
        And now I'll be glad to answer some questions. Terry [Terence Hunt,
    Associated Press].

    War on Terror/Counterterrorism Efforts

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, former Secretary of
    State Colin Powell says the world is beginning to doubt the moral basis
    of our fight against terrorism. If a former Chairman of the Joint

    [[Page 1649]]

    Chiefs of Staff and former Secretary of State feels this way, don't you
    think that Americans and the rest of the world are beginning to wonder
    whether you're following a flawed strategy?
        The President. If there's any comparison between the compassion and
    decency of the American people and the terrorist tactics of extremists,
    it's flawed logic. I simply can't accept that. It's unacceptable to
    think that there's any kind of comparison between the behavior of the
    United States of America and the action of Islamic extremists who kill
    innocent women and children to achieve an objective, Terry.
        My job, and the job of people here in Washington, DC, is to protect
    this country. We didn't ask for this war. You might remember the 2000
    campaign. I don't remember spending much time talking about what it
    might be like to be a Commander in Chief in a different kind of war. But
    this enemy has struck us, and they want to strike us again. And we will
    give our folks the tools necessary to protect the country; that's our
    job.
        It's a dangerous world. I wish it wasn't that way. I wish I could
    tell the American people, ``Don't worry about it; they're not coming
    again.'' But they are coming again. And that's why I've sent this
    legislation up to Congress, and that's why we'll continue to work with
    allies in building a vast coalition to protect not only ourselves but
    them. The facts are--is that after 9/11, this enemy continued to attack
    and kill innocent people.
        I happen to believe that they're bound by a common ideology. Matter
    of fact, I don't believe that, I know they are. And they want to impose
    that ideology throughout the broader Middle East. That's what they have
    said. It makes sense for the Commander in Chief and all of us involved
    in protecting this country to listen to the words of the enemy. And I
    take their words seriously. And that's what's going to be necessary to
    protect this country, is to listen carefully to what they say and stay
    ahead of them as they try to attack us.
        Steve [Steve Holland, Reuters].
        Q. Can I just follow up?
        The President. No, you can't. Steve. If we follow up, we're not
    going to get--I want Hillman [G. Robert Hillman, Dallas Morning News] to
    be able to ask a question. It's his last press conference--not yet,
    Hillman. [Laughter] Soon. You and Wendell seem----

    ``Military Commissions Act of 2006''

        Q. Thank you very much, sir. What do you say to the argument that
    your proposal is basically seeking support for torture, coerced
    evidence, and secret hearings? And Senator McCain says your plan will
    put U.S. troops at risk. What do you think about that?
        The President. This debate is occurring because of the Supreme
    Court's ruling that said that we must conduct ourselves under the Common
    Article 3 of the Geneva Convention. And that Common Article Three says
    that there will be no outrages upon human dignity. It's very vague. What
    does that mean, ``outrages upon human dignity''? That's a statement that
    is wide open to interpretation. And what I'm proposing is that there be
    clarity in the law so that our professionals will have no doubt that
    that which they are doing is legal. You know, it's--and so the piece of
    legislation I sent up there provides our professionals that which is
    needed to go forward.
        The first question that we've got to ask is, do we need the program?
    I believe we do need the program. And I detailed in a speech in the East
    Room what the program has yield--in other words, the kind of information
    we get when we interrogate people within the law. You see, sometimes you
    can pick up information on the battlefield; sometimes you can pick it up
    through letters; but sometimes you actually have to question the people
    who know the strategy and plans of the enemy. And in this case, we
    questioned people like Khalid Sheikh

    [[Page 1650]]

    Mohammed, who we believe ordered the
    attacks on 9/11, or Ramzi bin al-Shibh or
    Abu Zubaydah, coldblooded killers who were part
    of planning the attack that killed 3,000 people. And we need to be able
    to question them, because it helps yield information, information
    necessary for us to be able to do our job.
        Now, the Court said that you've got to live under Article 3 of the
    Geneva Convention, and the standards are so vague that our professionals
    won't be able to carry forward the program, because they don't want to
    be tried as war criminals. They don't want to break the law. These are
    decent, honorable citizens who are on the frontline of protecting the
    American people, and they expect our Government to give them clarity
    about what is right and what is wrong in the law. And that's what we
    have asked to do.
        And we believe a good way to go is to use the amendment that we
    worked with John McCain on, called the Detainee
    Treatment Act, as the basis for clarity for people we would ask to
    question the enemy. In other words, it is a way to bring U.S. law into
    play. It provides more clarity for our professionals, and that's what
    these people expect. These are decent citizens who don't want to break
    the law.
        Now, this idea that somehow we've got to live under international
    treaties, you know--and that's fine; we do; but oftentimes the United
    States Government passes law to clarify obligations under international
    treaty. And what I'm concerned about is if we don't do that, then it's
    very conceivable our professionals could be held to account based upon
    court decisions in other countries. And I don't believe Americans want
    that. I believe Americans want us to protect the country, to have clear
    standards for our law enforcement, intelligence officers, and give them
    the tools necessary to protect us within the law.
        It's an important debate, Steve. It really is. It's a debate that
    really is going to define whether or not we can protect ourselves. I
    will tell you this: I've spent a lot of time on this issue, as you can
    imagine, and I've talked to professionals, people I count on for advice;
    these are people that are going to represent those on the frontline of
    protecting this country. They're not going forward with the program.
    They're not going--the professionals will not step up unless there's
    clarity in the law. So Congress has got a decision to make: Do you want
    the program to go forward or not?
        I strongly recommend that this program go forward in order for us to
    be able to protect America.
        Hillman. This is Hillman's last press conference, so--sorry, sorry,
    about that.

    Immigration Reform

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. On another of your top priorities,
    immigration, leaders of both parties have indicated that any chance of
    comprehensive immigration reform is dead before the election. Is this an
    issue you would like to revisit in a lame-duck session after the
    election? Or would it be put off until the new Congress?
        The President. Bob, I strongly believe that in order to protect this
    border, Congress has got to pass a comprehensive plan that on the one
    hand provides additional money to secure the border and on the other
    hand recognizes that people are sneaking in here to do jobs Americans
    aren't doing. It would be better that they not sneak in, that they would
    come on a temporary basis, in an orderly way, to do work Americans
    aren't doing and then go home. And I will continue to urge Congress to
    think comprehensively about this vital piece of legislation.
        I went up to the Hill yesterday, and of course this topic came up.
    It's exactly what I told the Members of Congress. They wanted to know
    whether or not we were implementing border security measures that they
    had funded last January, and the answer is, we are. One of the key
    things I told them was we had ended what's called catch-and-release.
    That was a--you know,

    [[Page 1651]]

    a Border Patrol agent would find somebody, particularly from--not from
    Mexico, and would say, ``Well, we don't have enough detention space, so
    why don't you come back and check in with the local person you're
    supposed to check in with,'' and then they'd never show back up. And
    that, of course, frustrated the Border Patrol agents; it frustrates
    American citizens; it frustrates me. And we ended it because Congress
    appropriated money that increased the number of beds available to detain
    people when we get them sneaking into our country illegally.
        The border has become modernized. And Secretary Chertoff here, later on this month, will be announcing further
    modernizations, as he has led a contract that will use all kinds of
    different technologies to make the border more secure. But in the long
    run, to secure this border, we've got to have a rational work plan.
        And finally, we're going to have to treat people with dignity in
    this country. Ours is a nation of immigrants, and when Congress gets
    down to a comprehensive bill, I would just remind them, it's virtually
    impossible to try to find 11 million folks--who have been here, working
    hard and, in some cases, raising families--and kick them out. It's just
    not going to work. But granting automatic citizenship won't work either.
    To me, that would just provide an additional incentive for people to try
    to sneak in, and so therefore, there is a rational way forward. I'll
    continue working--I don't know the timetable. My answer is, as soon as
    possible; that's what I'd like to see done.
        Thank you. Let's see, Wendell. Coming your way. Everybody is going
    to get one.

    United Nations/Iran

        Q. My apologies, Mr. President, for talking too long at the start.
        The President. Don't worry. I'm not going to apologize for talking
    too long to your answer. [Laughter]
        Q. Talk as long as you'd like, sir. [Laughter]
        When you go to New York next week, it's our thinking that one of the
    things you'll be trying to do is to get more international support for
    taking a tough stance against Iran. I wonder how much that is frustrated
    by two things: one, the war in Iraq and world criticism of that; and the
    other, the Iraqi Prime Minister going to Iran and basically challenging
    your administration's claim that Iran is meddling in Iraqi affairs.
        The President. First, Wendell, my decision, along with other
    countries, to remove Saddam Hussein has
    obviously created some concern amongst allies, but it certainly hasn't
    diminished the coalitions we put together to deal with radicalism. For
    example, there's 70 nations involved with the Proliferation Security
    Initiative, and that's an initiative to help prevent weapons of mass
    destruction and/or component parts from being delivered to countries
    that could use them to hurt us; or the broad war on terror, the
    intelligence sharing or financial--sharing of financial information; or
    Afghanistan, where NATO troops are there now, along with ours.
        In other words, there's a broad coalition. Most nations recognize
    the threat of Iran having a nuclear weapon in the middle of the Middle
    East. And there's common consensus that we need to work together to
    prevent the Iranian regime from developing that nuclear weapons program.
        I am pleased that there is strong consensus. And now the objective
    is to continue reminding the Iranian regime that there is unanimity in
    the world and that we will move forward together. And we expect them to
    come to the table and negotiate with the EU in good faith. And should
    they choose to verifiably suspend their program, their enrichment
    program, we'll come to the table. That's what we have said; offer still
    stands.
        During the Hizballah attacks on Israel, the United Nations did pass
    a resolution

    [[Page 1652]]

    with our European friends and ourselves and, of course, Russia and China
    voting for the resolution. I think it passed 14 to 1; one nation voted
    against the resolution toward Iran. So there is common consensus. And
    you've heard me lament oftentimes, it takes a while to get diplomacy
    working. There's one nation of Iran and a bunch of nations like us
    trying to kind of head in the same direction. And my concern is that
    they'll stall; they'll try to wait us out.
        So part of my objective in New York is to remind people that
    stalling shouldn't be allowed. In other words, we need to move the
    process. And they need to understand we're firm in our commitment, and
    if they try to drag their feet or get us to look the other way, that we
    won't do that, that we're firmly committed in our desire to send a
    common signal to the Iranian regime.
        It is important for the Iranian people to also understand we respect
    them; we respect their history; we respect their traditions; we respect
    the right for people to worship freely; we would hope that people would
    be able to express themselves in the public square; and that our
    intention is to make the world safer. And we'll continue to do so.
        Suzanne [Suzanne Malveaux, Cable News Network] and then Martha
    [Martha Raddatz, ABC News].

    Iran's Nuclear Enrichment Program

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. If I could follow up on that question.
        The President. Yes.
        Q. Mahmud Ahmadi-nejad, the Iranian President, will actually be in
    the same building as you next week, in Manhattan for the United Nations
    General Assembly. You say that you want to give the message to the
    Iranian people that you respect them. Is this not an opportunity,
    perhaps, to show that you also respect their leader? Would you be
    willing to, perhaps, meet face to face with Ahmadi-nejad, and would this
    possibly be a breakthrough, some sort of opportunity for a breakthrough
    on a personal level?
        The President. No, I'm not going to meet with him. I have made it
    clear to the Iranian regime that we will sit down with the Iranians once
    they verifiably suspend their enrichment program. And I meant what I
    said.
        Martha.

    Saddam Hussein

        Q. Mr. President, you have said throughout the war in Iraq and
    building up to the war in Iraq that there was a relationship between
    Saddam Hussein and Zarqawi and Al Qaida. A Senate Intelligence Committee
    report a few weeks ago said there was no link, no relationship, and that
    the CIA knew this and issued a report last fall. And yet a month ago,
    you were still saying there was a relationship. Why did you keep saying
    that? Why do you continue to say that? And do you still believe that?
        The President. The point I was making to Ken Herman's [Austin
    American-Statesman] question was that Saddam Hussein was a state sponsor
    of terror and that Mr. Zarqawi was in Iraq. He had been wounded in
    Afghanistan, had come to Iraq for treatment. He had ordered the killing
    of a U.S. citizen in Jordan. I never said there was an operational
    relationship. I was making the point that Saddam Hussein had been
    declared a state sponsor of terror for a reason, and therefore, he was
    dangerous.
        The broader point I was saying, I was reminding people was why we
    removed Saddam Hussein from power. He was dangerous. I would hope people
    aren't trying to rewrite the history of Saddam Hussein; all of a sudden,
    he becomes kind of a benevolent fellow. He's a dangerous man. And one of
    the reasons he was declared a state sponsor of terror was because that's
    what he was. He harbored terrorists; he paid for families of suicide
    bombers. Never have I said that Saddam Hussein gave orders to attack 9/
    11. What I did say was,

    [[Page 1653]]

    after 9/11, when you see a threat, you've got to take it seriously. And
    I saw a threat in Saddam Hussein, as did Congress, as did the United
    Nations. I firmly believe the world is better off without Saddam in
    power, Martha.
        Dave [David Gregory, NBC News]. He's back.

    ``Military Commissions Act of 2006''

        Q. Sorry, I've got to get disentangled----
        The President. Would you like me to go to somebody else here, until
    you--[laughter].
        Q. Sorry.
        The President. But take your time, please. [Laughter]
        Q. I really apologize for that. Anyway----
        The President. I must say, having gone through those gyrations,
    you're looking beautiful today, Dave. [Laughter]
        Q. Mr. President, critics of your proposed bill on interrogation
    rules say there's another important test--these critics include John
    McCain, who you've mentioned several times this morning--and that test
    is this: If a CIA officer, paramilitary or special operations soldier
    from the United States were captured in Iran or North Korea, and they
    were roughed up, and those governments said, ``Well, they were
    interrogated in accordance with our interpretation of the Geneva
    Conventions,'' and then they were put on trial and they were convicted
    based on secret evidence that they were not able to see, how would you
    react to that, as Commander in Chief?
        The President. David, my reaction is, is that if the nations such as
    those you named, adopted the standards within the detainee detention
    act, the world would be better. That's my reaction. We're trying to
    clarify law. We're trying to set high standards, not ambiguous
    standards.
        And let me just repeat, Dave, we can debate this issue all we want,
    but the practical matter is, if our professionals don't have clear
    standards in the law, the program is not going to go forward. You cannot
    ask a young intelligence officer to violate the law. And they're not
    going to. They--let me finish, please--they will not violate the law.
    You can ask this question all you want, but the bottom line is--and the
    American people have got to understand this--that this program won't go
    forward, if there is vague standards applied, like those in Common
    Article 3 from the Geneva Convention; it's just not going to go forward.
    You can't ask a young professional on the frontline of protecting this
    country to violate law.
        Now, I know they said they're not going to prosecute them. Think
    about that: Go ahead and violate it; we won't prosecute you. These
    people aren't going to do that, Dave. Now, we can justify anything you
    want and bring up this example or that example; I'm just telling you the
    bottom line, and that's why this debate is important, and it's a vital
    debate.
        Now, perhaps some in Congress don't think the program is important.
    That's fine. I don't know if they do or don't. I think it's vital, and I
    have the obligation to make sure that our professionals who I would ask
    to go conduct interrogations to find out what might be happening or who
    might be coming to this country--I got to give them the tools they need.
    And that is clear law.
        Q. But sir, this is an important point, and I think it depends----
        The President. The point I just made is the most important point.
        Q. Okay.
        The President. And that is, the program is not going forward. David,
    you can give a hypothetical about North Korea or any other country; the
    point is that the program is not going to go forward if our
    professionals do not have clarity in the law. And the best way to
    provide clarity in the law is to make sure the Detainee Treatment Act is
    the crux of the law. That's how we define Common Article 3, and it sets
    a

    [[Page 1654]]

    good standard for the countries that you just talked about.
        Next man.
        Q. No, but wait a second, I think this is an important point----
        The President. I know you think it's an important point.
        Q. Sir, with respect, if other countries interpret the Geneva
    Conventions as they see fit--as they see fit--you're saying that you'd
    be okay with that?
        The President. I am saying that I would hope that they would adopt
    the same standards we adopt, and that by clarifying Article 3, we make
    it stronger; we make it clearer; we make it definite.
        And I will tell you again, David, you can ask every hypothetical you
    want, but the American people have got to know the facts. And the bottom
    line is simple: If Congress passes a law that does not clarify the
    rules--if they do not do that, the program is not going forward.
        Q. This will not endanger U.S. troops, in your----
        The President. Next man.
        Q. This will not endanger U.S. troops----
        The President. David, next man, please. Thank you. It took you a
    long time to unravel, and it took you a long time to ask your question.

    Democracy Efforts in Iraq/Insurgency and Terrorist Attacks

        Q. Morning, sir. I'd like to ask you another question about Iraq.
    It's been another bloody day there. The last several weeks have been 40,
    50, 60 bodies a day. We've been talking for the last several months
    about Iraq being on the brink of a civil war. I'd like to ask you if
    it's not time to start talking about Iraq as being in a civil war, and
    if it's not, what's the threshold?
        The President. Well, it seems like it's pretty easy to speculate
    from over here about the conditions on the ground. And so what I do is I
    talk to people like our Ambassador and
    General Casey, which I just did this
    morning. And they and the Iraqi Government just don't agree with the
    hypothesis it is a civil war. They believe that there's, no question,
    violence; they believe that Al Qaida is still creating havoc; they know
    there's people taking reprisal; they're confident there are still
    Saddamists who are threatening people and carrying out attacks.
        But they also believe that the Baghdad security plan is making
    progress. There was a lot of discussion about Al Anbar Province
    recently, and I spent some time talking with our commanders. No
    question, it's a dangerous place. It's a place where Al Qaida is really
    trying to root themselves; it's a place from which they'd like to
    operate. You know, this business about Al Qaida, Al Anbar's loss is just
    not the case; it's not what our commanders think.
        So to answer your question, there's no question, it's tough. What I
    look for is whether or not the unity Government is moving forward,
    whether or not they have a political plan to resolve issues such as oil
    and federalism, whether or not they're willing to reconcile, and whether
    or not Iraqi troops and Iraqi police are doing their jobs.
        Q. But how do you measure progress with a body count like that?
        The President. Well, one way you do it is you measure progress based
    upon the resilience of the Iraqi people: Do they want there to be a
    unity government, or are they splitting up into factions of people
    warring with the head leaders, with different alternatives of governing
    styles and different philosophies? The unity Government is intact. It's
    working forward. They're making tough decisions, and we'll stay with
    them. We'll stay with them because success in Iraq is important for this
    country. We're constantly changing our tactics. We're constantly
    adapting to the enemy. We're constantly saying, ``Here's the way
    forward; we want to work with you.'' But this is really the big
    challenge of the 21st century,

    [[Page 1655]]

    whether or not this country and allies are willing to stand with
    moderate people in order to fight off extremists. It is the challenge.
        I said the other night in a speech, this is like the ideological war
    of the 21st century, and I believe it. And I believe that if we leave
    that region, if we don't help democracy prevail, then our children and
    grandchildren will be faced with an unbelievable chaotic and dangerous
    situation in the Middle East. Imagine an enemy that can't stand what we
    believe in getting a hold of oil resources and taking a bunch of oil off
    the market in order to have an economic punishment. In other words, they
    say, ``You go ahead and do this, and if you don't, we'll punish you
    economically.'' Or imagine a Middle East with an Iran with a nuclear
    weapon threatening free nations and trying to promote their vision of
    extremism through Hizballah.
        I find it interesting that young democracies are being challenged by
    extremists. I also take great hope in the fact that, by far, the vast
    majority of people want normalcy and want peace, including in Iraq; that
    there is a deep desire for people to raise their children in a peaceful
    world; the desire for mothers to have the best for their child. And it's
    not--this isn't--you know, Americans--you've got to understand, this is
    universal. And the idea of just saying, well, that's not important for
    us--to me--or the future of the country, it's just not acceptable.
        And I know it's tough in Iraq. Of course it's tough in Iraq, because
    an enemy is trying to stop this new democracy, just like people are
    trying to stop the development of a Palestinian state, which I strongly
    support, or people trying to undermine the Lebanese democracy. And the
    reason why is because the ideologues understand that liberty will trump
    their dark vision of the world every time. And that's why I call it an
    ideological struggle. And it's a necessary struggle, and it's a vital
    struggle.
        Richard [Richard Benedetto, USA Today].

    United Nations

        Q. Mr. President, as you prepare to go up to the United Nations next
    week to address the General Assembly, Secretary Kofi Annan has been
    critical of some of U.S. policies, particularly in Afghanistan, lately.
    How would you characterize the relationship between the United States
    and the United Nations at this point?
        The President. Yes. First of all, my personal relationship with Kofi
    Annan is good. I like him. And we've got a good
    relationship, personal relationship. I think a lot of Americans are
    frustrated with the United Nations, to be frank with you. Take, for
    example, Darfur--I'm frustrated with the United Nations in regards to
    Darfur. I have said and this Government has said, there's genocide
    taking place in the Sudan. And it breaks our collective hearts to know
    that.
        We believe that the best way to solve the problem is there be a
    political track as well as a security track. And part of the security
    track was for there initially to be African Union forces supported by
    the international community, hopefully to protect innocent lives from
    militia. And the AU force is there, but it needs--it's not robust
    enough. It needs to be bigger. It needs to be more viable.
        And so the strategy was then to go to the United Nations and pass a
    resolution enabling the AU force to become blue-helmeted--that means,
    become a United Nations peacekeeping force--with additional support from
    around the world. And I suggested that there also be help from NATO
    nations in logistics and support in order to make the security effective
    enough so that a political process could go forward to save lives.
        The problem is, is that the United Nations hasn't acted. And so I
    can understand why those who are concerned about Darfur are frustrated;
    I am. I'd like to see more robust United Nations action. What you'll

    [[Page 1656]]

    hear is, ``Well, the Government of Sudan must invite the United Nations
    in for us to act.'' Well, there are other alternatives, like passing a
    resolution saying, we're coming in with a U.N. force in order to save
    lives.
        I'm proud of our country's support for those who suffer. We've
    provided, by far, the vast majority of food and aid. I'm troubled by
    reports I hear about escalating violence. I can understand the
    desperation people feel for women being pulled out of these refugee
    centers and raped. And now is the time for the U.N. to act.
        So you asked if there are levels of frustration; there's a
    particular level of frustration. I also believe that the United Nations
    can do a better job spending the taxpayer--our taxpayers' money. I think
    there needs to be better management structures in place, better
    accountability in the organization. I hope the United Nations still
    strongly stands for liberty. I hope they would support my call to end
    tyranny in the 21st century.
        So I'm looking forward to going up there to--it's always an
    interesting experience, Richard, for a west Texas fellow to speak to the
    United Nations. And I'm going to have a strong message, one that's
    hope--based upon hope and my belief that the civilized world must stand
    with moderate reformist-minded people and help them realize their
    dreams. I believe that's the call of the 21st century.
        Let's see, who else? The front row people have all asked. Hutch [Ron
    Hutcheson, Knight Ridder].

    Terrorist Surveillance Program

        Q. Good morning.
        The President. Good morning. Thank you.
        Q. On both the eavesdropping program and the detainee issues----
        The President. We call it the terrorist surveillance program, Hutch.
        Q. That's the one.
        The President. Yes.
        Q. You're working with Congress sort of after the fact, after you
    established these programs on your own authority. And Federal courts
    have ruled in both cases, you overstepped your authority. Is your
    willingness to work with Congress now an acknowledgment that that is a
    fact?
        The President. First of all, I strongly believe that the district
    court ruling on the terrorist surveillance program was flawed. And
    there's a court process to determine whether or not my belief is true.
    That's why it's on appeal. We're working with Congress to add certainty
    to the program.
        In terms of the Hamdan decision, I
    obviously believed that I could move forward with military commissions.
    Other Presidents had. The Supreme Court didn't agree, and they said,
    ``Work with Congress.'' And that's why we're working with Congress.
        McKinnon [John McKinnon, Wall Street Journal].

    National Economy/2006 Midterm Elections

        Q. Thank you, sir. Polls show that many people are still more
    focused on domestic issues like the economy than on the international
    issues in deciding how to vote in November. And I'd just like to ask you
    if you could contrast what you think will happen on the economy if
    Republicans retain control of Congress versus what happens on the
    economy if Democrats take over?
        The President. If I weren't here--first of all, I don't believe the
    Democrats are going to take over, because our record on the economy is
    strong. If the American people would take a step back and realize how
    effective our policies have been, given the circumstances, they will
    continue to embrace our philosophy of government. We've overcome
    recession, attacks, hurricanes, scandals, and the economy is growing,
    4.7 percent unemployment rate. It's been a strong economy. And I've
    strongly believed the reason it is because we cut taxes and, at the same
    time, showed fiscal

    [[Page 1657]]

    responsibility here in Washington, with the people's money. That's why
    the deficit could be cut in half by 2009 or before.
        And so I shouldn't answer your hypothetical, but I will. I believe
    if the Democrats had the capacity to, they would raise taxes on the
    working people. That's what I believe. They'll call it tax on the rich,
    but that's not the way it works in Washington, see. For example, running
    up the top income tax bracket would tax small businesses. A lot of small
    businesses are subchapter S corporations or limited partnerships that
    pay tax at the individual level. And if you raise income taxes on them,
    you hurt job creation. Our answer to economic growth is to make the tax
    cuts permanent so there's certainty in the Tax Code and people have got
    money to spend in their pockets.
        And so yes, I've always felt the economy is a determinate issue, if
    not the determinate issue in campaigns. We've had a little history of
    that in our family and--[laughter]--you might remember. But it's a--I
    certainly hope this election is based upon economic performance.
        Let's see here, kind of working my way--yes, Mark [Mark Silva,
    Chicago Tribune].

    USA PATRIOT Act

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I'd also like to ask an election-
    related question. The Republican leader in the House this week said that
    Democrats--he wonders if they are more interested in protecting the
    terrorists than protecting the American people. Do you agree with him,
    sir? And do you think that's the right tone to set for this upcoming
    campaign, or do you think he owes somebody an apology?
        The President. I wouldn't have exactly put it that way. But I do
    believe there's a difference of attitude. I mean, take the PATRIOT Act,
    for example--an interesting debate that took place, not once, but twice,
    and the second time around there was a lot of concern about whether or
    not the PATRIOT Act was necessary to protect the country. There's no
    doubt in my mind we needed to make sure the PATRIOT Act was renewed to
    tear down walls that exist so that intelligence people could serve--
    could share information with criminal people. It wasn't the case, Mark,
    before 9/11.
        In other words, if somebody had some intelligence that they thought
    was necessary to protect the people, they couldn't share that with
    somebody who's job it was to rout people out of society to prevent them
    from attacking. It just made no sense. And so there was a healthy
    debate, and we finally got the PATRIOT Act extended after it was passed
    right after 9/11. To me, it was an indication of just a difference of
    approach.
        No one should ever question the patriotism of somebody who--let me
    just start over. I don't question the patriotism of somebody who doesn't
    agree with me; I just don't. And I think it's unwise to do that. I don't
    think that's what leaders do. I do think that--I think that there is a
    difference of opinion here in Washington about tools necessary to
    protect the country--the terrorist surveillance program--or what did you
    call it, Hutcheson? Yes, the illegal eavesdropping program is what you
    wanted to call it--[laughter]--IEP as opposed to TSP. [Laughter] There's
    just a difference of opinion about what we need to do to protect our
    country, Mark. I'm confident the leader, you
    know, meant nothing personal. I know that he shares my concern that we
    pass good legislation to get something done.
        Ken.

    Former Governor Ann Richards of Texas

        Q. Thank you, sir. I'd be interested in your thoughts and
    remembrances about Ann Richards, and particularly what you learned in
    running against her 12 years ago.
        The President. Yes. Obviously, Laura and I pray for her family. I
    know this is a tough time for her children. She loved her children, and
    they loved her a lot.

    [[Page 1658]]

        Running against Ann Richards taught me a lot. She was a really,
    really good candidate. She was a hard worker. She had the capacity to be
    humorous and yet make a profound point. I think she made a positive
    impact on the State of Texas. One thing is for certain: She empowered a
    lot of people to be--to want to participate in the political process
    that might not have felt that they were welcome in the process.
        I'll miss her. She was a--she really kind of helped define Texas
    politics in its best way. And one of the things we have done is we've--
    in our history, we've had characters, people larger than life, people
    that could fill the stage; when the spotlight was on them, wouldn't
    shirk from the spotlight but would talk Texan and explain our State. And
    she was really good at that.
        And so I'm sad she passed away, and I wish her family all the best--
    and all her friends. She had a lot of friends in Texas. A lot of people
    loved Ann Richards.
        And anyway, as I understand, they're working on the deal and how to
    honor her, and she'll be lying in state in the capitol, and----
        Q. Will you be sending anybody to----
        The President. Yes, I will send somebody to represent me. I don't
    know who it is going to be yet. Well, we're trying to get the details.
    Before I ask somebody, I've got to find out the full details.
        Thanks for asking the question. Let's see, New York Times, Sheryl
    [Sheryl Gay Stolberg].

    ``Military Commissions Act of 2006''

        Q. Hi, Mr. President.
        The President. Fine. How are you doing?
        Q. I'm well today. Thank you. [Laughter]
        The President. Did you start with, ``Hi, Mr. President''?
        Q. Hello, Mr. President.
        The President. Okay, that's fine. Either way, that's always a
    friendly greeting. Thank you.
        Q. We're a friendly newspaper.
        The President. Yes. [Laughter] Let me just say, I'd hate to see
    unfriendly. [Laughter]
        Q. Mr. President----
        The President. Want me to go on to somebody else and you collect
    your--[laughter]. Sorry, go ahead, Sheryl.
        Q. Mr. President, your administration had all summer to negotiate
    with lawmakers on the detainee legislation. How is it that you now find
    yourself in a situation where you have essentially an open rebellion on
    Capitol Hill led by some of the leading members of your own party, very
    respected voices in military affairs? And secondly, would you veto the
    bill if it passes in the form that the Armed Services Committee approved
    yesterday?
        The President. First, we have been working throughout the summer,
    talking to key players about getting a bill that will enable the program
    to go forward, and was pleased that the House of Representatives passed
    a good bill with an overwhelming bipartisan majority out of their
    committee, the Armed Services Committee. And I felt that was good
    progress. And obviously, we've got a little work to do in the Senate,
    and we'll continue making our case. But, no, we've been involved--ever
    since the Supreme Court decision came down, Sheryl, we've been talking
    about both the military tribunals and this Article 3 of the Geneva
    Convention.
        The Article 3 of the Geneva Convention is hard for a lot of citizens
    to understand. But let's see if I can put it this way for people to
    understand. There is a very vague standard that the Court said must kind
    of be the guide for our conduct in the war on terror and the detainee
    policy. It's so vague that it's impossible to ask anybody to participate
    in the program for fear--for that person having the fear of breaking the
    law. That's the problem.
        And so we worked with members of both bodies and both parties to try
    to help bring some definition to Common Article 3. I really don't think
    most Americans want

    [[Page 1659]]

    international courts being able to determine how we protect ourselves.
    And my assurance to people is that we can pass law here in the United
    States that helps define our treaty--international treaty obligations.
    We have done that in the past. It is not the first time that we have
    done this. And I believe it's necessary to do it this time in order for
    the program to go forward.
        Peter [Peter Baker, Washington Post].
        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Sheryl's second question was whether
    you would veto the bill as it passed yesterday.
        The President. Oh, I don't--that's like saying, can you work with a
    Democrat Congress, when I don't think the Democrat Congress is going to
    get elected. I believe we can get a good bill. And there is--as you
    know, there's several steps in this process. The House will be working
    on a bill next week--the Senate will be. Hopefully, we can reconcile
    differences. Hopefully, we can come together and find a way forward
    without ruining the program.
        So your question was Sheryl's question?
        Q. No, sir.
        The President. Oh, you were following up on Sheryl's question?
        Q. Yes, sir.
        The President. That's a first. [Laughter]

    Iraqi Military and Security Forces/U.S. Armed Forces

        Q. We're a friendly paper too. [Laughter]
        Mr. President, you've often used the phrase ``stand up/stand down,''
    to describe your policy when it comes to troop withdrawals from Iraq--as
    Iraqi troops are trained and take over the fight, American troops will
    come home. The Pentagon now says they've trained 294,000 Iraqi troops
    and expect to complete their program of training 325,000 by the end of
    the year. But American troops aren't coming home, and there are more
    there now than there were previously. Is the goalpost moving, sir?
        The President. No, no. The enemy is changing tactics, and we're
    adapting. That's what's happening. And I asked General Casey today, ``Have you got what you need?'' He
    said, ``Yes, I've got what I need.''
        We all want the troops to come home as quickly as possible. But
    they'll be coming home when our commanders say the Iraqi Government is
    capable of defending itself and sustaining itself and is governing
    itself. And you know, I was hoping we would have--be able to--hopefully,
    Casey would come and say, you know,
    ``Mr. President, there's a chance to have fewer troops there.'' It
    looked like that might be the case, until the violence started rising in
    Baghdad, and it spiked in June and July, as you know--or increased in
    June and July.
        And so they've got a plan now. They've adapted. The enemy moved;
    we'll help the Iraqis move. And so they're building a berm around the
    city to make it harder for people to come in with explosive devices, for
    example. They're working different neighborhoods inside of Baghdad to
    collect guns and bring people to detention. They've got a ``clear,
    build, and hold'' strategy.
        The reason why there are not fewer troops there, but are more--
    you're right; it's gone from 135,000 to about 147,000, I think, or 140-
    something thousand troops--is because George Casey felt he needed them to help the Iraqis achieve their
    objective.
        And that's the way I will continue to conduct the war. I'll listen
    to generals. Maybe it's not the politically expedient thing to do, is to
    increase troops coming into an election, but we just can't--you can't
    make decisions based upon politics about how to win a war. And the
    fundamental question you have to ask--and Martha knows what I'm about to
    say--is, can the President trust his commanders on the ground to tell
    him what is necessary? That's really one of the questions.
        In other words, if you say, ``I'm going to rely upon their
    judgment,'' the next

    [[Page 1660]]

    question is, how good is their judgment, or is my judgment good enough
    to figure out whether or not they know what they're doing? And I'm going
    to tell you, I've got great confidence in General John Abizaid and General George Casey. These are extraordinary men who understand the
    difficulties of the task and understand there is a delicate relationship
    between self-sufficiency on the Iraqis' part and U.S. presence.
        And this is not a science but an art form in a way, to try to make
    sure that a unity government is able to defend itself and, at the same
    time, not be totally reliant upon coalition forces to do the job for
    them. And the issue is complicated by the fact that there are still Al
    Qaida or Saddam remnants or militias that are
    still violent. And so to answer your question, the policy still holds.
    The ``stand up/stand down'' still holds, and so does the policy of me
    listening to our commanders to give me the judgment necessary for troop
    levels.
        Richard [Richard Wolffe, Newsweek] and then Allen [Mike Allen,
    Time].

    Usama bin Laden/Pakistan's Role in the War
    on Terror

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Earlier this week, you told a group of
    journalists that you thought the idea of sending Special Forces to
    Pakistan to hunt down bin Laden was a strategy that would not work.
        The President. Yes.
        Q. Now recently you've also----
        The President. It's because, first of all, Pakistan is a sovereign
    nation.
        Q. Well, recently you've also described bin Laden as a sort of
    modern day Hitler or Mussolini. And I'm wondering why--if you can
    explain why you think it's a bad idea to send more resources to hunt
    down bin Laden, wherever he is?
        The President. We are, Richard. Thank you. Thanks for asking the
    question. They were asking me about somebody's report, well, Special
    Forces here--Pakistan--if he is in Pakistan, which this person thought
    he might be, who is asking the question--Pakistan is a sovereign nation.
    In order for us to send thousands of troops into a sovereign nation,
    we've got to be invited by the Government of Pakistan.
        Secondly, the best way to find somebody who is hiding is to enhance
    your intelligence and to spend the resources necessary to do that. Then
    when you find him, you bring him to justice. And there is a kind of an
    urban myth here in Washington about how this administration hasn't
    stayed focused on Usama bin Laden. Forget it. It's convenient throw-away
    lines when people say that. We have been on the hunt, and we'll stay on
    the hunt until we bring him to justice. And we're doing it in a smart
    fashion, Richard, we are.
        And I look forward to talking to President Musharraf. Look, he doesn't like Al Qaida. They tried to kill
    him. And we've had a good record of bringing people to justice inside of
    Pakistan, because the Paks are in the lead. They know the stakes about
    dealing with a violent form of ideological extremists.
        And so we will continue on the hunt. And we've been effective about
    bringing to justice most of those who planned and plotted the 9/11
    attacks, and we've still got a lot of pressure on them. The best way to
    protect the homeland is to stay on the offense and keep pressure on
    them.
        Last question. Allen.

    American Culture

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. It was reported earlier this week that
    in a meeting with conservative journalists, you said you'd seen changes
    in the culture. You referred to it as a ``Third Awakening.'' I wonder if
    you could tell us about--what you meant by that, what led you to that
    conclusion? And do you see any contradictory evidence in the culture?
        The President. No, I said--Mike, thanks. I was just speculating that
    the culture might be changing, and I was talking about when you're
    involved with making decisions

    [[Page 1661]]

    of historic nature, you won't be around to see the effects of your
    decisions. And I said that when I work the ropelines, a lot of people
    come and say, ``Mr. President, I'm praying for you''--a lot. As a matter
    of fact, it seems like a lot more now than when I was working ropelines
    in 1994. And I asked them--I was asking their opinion about whether or
    not there was a ``Third Awakening,'' I called it.
        I'd just read a book on Abraham Lincoln, and his Presidency was
    right around the time of what they called the Second Awakening, and I
    was curious to know whether or not these smart people felt like there
    was any historical parallels. I also said that I had run for office the
    first time to change a culture--Herman and Hutch remember me saying, you
    know, the culture that said, ``If it feels good, do it, and if you've
    got a problem, blame somebody else''--to helping to work change a
    culture in which each of us are responsible for the decisions we make in
    life. In other words, ushering in a responsibility era. And I reminded
    people that responsibility means, if you're a father, love your child;
    or if you're corporate America, be honest with the taxpayers; if you're
    a citizen of this country, love your neighbor.
        And so I was wondering out loud with them. It seems like to me that
    something is happening in the religious life of America. But I'm not a
    very good focus group either. I'm encapsulated here. I'm able to see a
    lot of people, and from my perspective, people are coming to say, ``I'm
    praying for you.'' And it's an uplifting part of being the President; it
    inspires me. And I'm grateful that a fellow citizen would say a prayer
    for me and Laura.
        Anyway, thank you all very much.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 11:15 a.m. in the Rose
    Garden at the White House. In his remarks, he referred to Khalid Sheikh
    Mohammed, senior Al Qaida leader responsible for planning the September
    11, 2001, terrorist attacks, who was captured in Pakistan on March 1,
    2003; Ramzi bin al-Shibh, an Al Qaida operative suspected of helping to
    plan the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, who was captured in
    Karachi, Pakistan, on September 11, 2002; Abu Zubaydah, a leader of the
    Al Qaida terrorist organization, who was captured in Faisalabad,
    Pakistan, on March 28, 2002; U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad;
    Gen. George W. Casey, Jr., USA, commanding general, Multi-National
    Force--Iraq; Gen. John P. Abizaid, USA, commander, U.S. Central Command;
    Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist organization; and
    President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan. The President also referred to
    H.R. 6054, the ``Military Commissions Act of 2006,'' and S. 2455 and S.
    3874, both concerning the terrorist surveillance program. A reporter
    referred to Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki of Iraq.