    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2006, Book II)]
    [December 7, 2006]
    [Pages 2153-2165]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom
    December 7, 2006

        President Bush. Thank you all. Please be seated. I just had a good
    visit with Prime Minister Tony Blair. I appreciate you coming back, Mr.
    Prime Minister. I always enjoy our discussions. And I appreciate your
    clear view that we are confronted with a struggle between moderation and
    extremism, and this is particularly evident in the broader Middle East.
        I talked about my recent trip to Jordan, where I talked to Prime
    Minister Maliki. I briefed the Prime
    Minister on my visit with His Eminence, Mr. Hakim, one of the major political players in Iraq. We discussed the
    report I received yesterday from the Iraq Study Group, a report chaired
    by Secretary of State--former Secretary of State James Baker and former Congressman Lee Hamilton. I told the Prime Minister I thought this was a very
    constructive report. I appreciated the fact that they laid out a series
    of recommendations, and they're worthy of serious study. I also updated
    the Prime Minister on the reviews that are being conducted by the
    Pentagon and the State Department and our National Security Council. I
    talked to him about the consultations I'm having with the United States
    Congress.
        We agree that victory in Iraq is important. It's important for the
    Iraqi people; it's important for the security of the United States and
    Great Britain; and it's important for the civilized world. We agree that
    an Iraq that can govern itself, defend itself, and sustain itself as an
    ally on the war on terror is a noble goal. The Prime Minister and I seek
    a wide range of opinions about how to go forward in Iraq, and I
    appreciate your opinions and your advice.
        The increase in sectarian attacks we're seeing in and around Baghdad
    are unsettling. It has led to much debate in both our countries about
    the nature of the war that is taking place in Iraq. And it is true that
    Sunni and Shi'a extremists are targeting each other's innocent civilians
    and engaging in brutal reprisals. It's also true that forces beyond
    Iraq's borders contribute to this violence. And the Prime Minister put
    it this way, he said, ``The violence is

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    not an accident or a result of faulty planning. It is a deliberate
    strategy. It is the direct result of outside extremists teaming up with
    internal extremists--Al Qaida with the Sunni insurgents and Iran with
    the Shi'a militia--to foment hatred and to throttle, at birth, the
    possibility of a nonsectarian democracy.'' You were right, and I
    appreciate your comments.
        The primary victims of the sectarian violence are the moderate
    majority of Iraqis--Sunni and Shi'a alike--who want a future of peace.
    The primary beneficiaries are Sunni and Shi'a extremists, inside and
    outside of Iraq, who want chaos in that country so they can take control
    and further their ambitions to dominate the region.
        These Sunni and Shi'a extremists have important differences, yet
    they agree on one thing: The rise of free and democratic societies in
    the Middle East, where people can practice their faith, choose their
    leaders, and live together in peace would be a decisive blow to their
    cause.
        And so they're supporting extremists across the region who are
    working to undermine young democracies. Just think about the Middle
    East. In Iraq, they support terrorists and death squads who are
    fomenting sectarian violence in an effort to bring down the elected
    Government of Prime Minister Maliki. In
    Lebanon, they're supporting Hizballah, which recently declared its
    intention to force the collapse of Prime Minister Siniora's democratically elected Parliament and Government. In
    Afghanistan, they're supporting remnants of the Taliban that are seeking
    to destabilize President Karzai's Government
    and regain power. In the Palestinian Territories, they are working to
    stop moderate leaders like President Abbas from making progress toward the vision of two
    democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace
    and security.
        In each of these places, radicals and extremists are using terror to
    stop the spread of freedom. And they do so because they want to spread
    their ideologies, their ideologies of hate and impose their rule on this
    vital part of the world. And should they succeed, history will look back
    on our time with unforgiving clarity and demand to know, what happened?
    How come free nations did not act to preserve the peace?
        Prime Minister Blair and I understand that we have a responsibility
    to lead and to support moderates and reformers who work for change
    across the broader Middle East. We also recognize that meeting this
    responsibility requires action. We will take concerted efforts to
    advance the cause of peace in the Middle East. Prime Minister Blair
    informed me that he will be heading to the Middle East soon to talk to
    both the Israelis and the Palestinians, and I support that mission. I
    support the mission because it's important for us to advance the cause
    of two states living side by side in peace, and helping both parties
    eliminate the obstacles that prevent an agreement from being reached.
    And your strong leadership on this issue matters a lot.
        We'll support the democratic Government of Prime Minister
    Maliki as he makes difficult decisions and
    confronts the forces of terror and extremism that are working hard to
    tear his country apart.
        Britain and America are old allies, and the Prime Minister and I are
    strong friends. But Britain and America aren't standing together in this
    war because of friendship. We're standing together because our two
    nations face an unprecedented threat to civilization. We're standing
    together to prevent terrorists and extremists from dominating the Middle
    East. We stand together to prevent extremists from regaining the safe
    haven they lost in Afghanistan, a safe haven from which they launched
    attacks that killed thousands of our citizens. We stand together because
    we understand the only way to secure a lasting peace for our children
    and grandchildren is to defeat the extremist ideologies and help the
    ideology of hope, democracy prevail. We know the only way to secure
    peace for ourselves is to help millions of moms and dads across

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    the Middle East build what our citizens already have: societies based on
    liberty that will allow their children to grow up in peace and
    opportunity.
        It's a tough time, and it's a difficult moment for America and Great
    Britain. And the task before us is daunting. Yet our nations have stood
    together before in difficult moments. Sixty-five years ago this day,
    America was jolted out of our isolationism and plunged into a global war
    that Britain had been fighting for 2 years. In that war, our Nation
    stood firm. And there were difficult moments during that war, yet the
    leaders of our two nations never lost faith in the capacity to prevail.
        We will stand firm again, in this first war of the 21st century. We
    will defeat the extremists and the radicals. We will help a young
    democracy prevail in Iraq. And in so doing, we will secure freedom and
    peace for millions, including our own citizens.
        Mr. Prime Minister, welcome.
        Prime Minister Blair. Thank you very much, Mr. President. And thank
    you, firstly, for stressing again the strength of the relationship
    between our two countries, which is important for us, but I think it's
    important for the wider global community as well. Thank you also for the
    clarity of your vision about the mission that we're engaged in at the
    moment, which is a struggle between freedom and democracy on the one
    hand and terrorism and sectarianism on the other. And it's a noble
    mission, and it's the right mission, and it's important for our world
    that it succeeds.
        And so the question is, how do we make sure that it does, indeed,
    succeed? And in respect of Iraq, I, like you, welcome the Baker-Hamilton
    study group. It offers a strong way forward. I think it is important now
    we concentrate on the elements that are necessary to make sure that we
    succeed, because the consequences of failure are severe. And I believe
    this is a mission we have to succeed in and we can succeed in.
        And I think there are three elements that we can take forward. The
    first is to make sure that we are supporting the Maliki Government in
    making sure that that Government's nonsectarian nature is reflected in
    the policies of that Government and the way that it conducts itself. I
    think in respect of governance and security and capability--particularly
    economic capability--there is much that we are doing, but can do even
    more in order to make sure that they are supported in the vital work
    that they do and in the work of reconciliation, in bringing the
    different parts of Iraq together in order to give effect to the will of
    the Iraqi people, expressed in their democratic election.
        I think, secondly, it's important that all of us who are engaged in
    this, but particularly those in the region, live up to their
    responsibilities in supporting the Maliki Government, in ensuring that
    Iraq is able to proceed in a democratic and nonsectarian way.
        And I think that, finally, as you rightly emphasize, it is important
    that we do everything we can in the wider Middle East to bring about
    peace between Israel and the Palestinians. This is something that I know
    you feel deeply and passionately about. You are the first President who
    committed yourself to the two-state solution, and I believe that by
    moving this forward, we send a very strong signal not just to the region
    but to the whole of the world that we are evenhanded and just in the
    application of our values, that we want to see an Israel confident of
    its security and a Palestinian people able to live in peace and justice
    and democracy.
        And that brings me back, finally, to the point that I began with,
    because I think it is the central point. Yes, it is immensely tough at
    the moment and very challenging, and everybody knows that. But there are
    only two ways that the Middle East can go. Its people can either be
    presented with a choice between a secular or a religious dictatorship,
    which is not a choice that any

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    free people would ever choose, or alternatively, they can enjoy the same
    possibilities of democracy that we hold dear in our countries. And this
    is not a view that we hold--I hold because of idealism alone; it is
    because I also believe that the only realistic path to security is by
    ensuring the spread of liberty.
        So, Mr. President, thank you again for welcoming me here. And we
    will work closely with you in the time to come in order to achieve the
    mission we have set ourselves.
        President Bush. Thank you, sir.
        Prime Minister Blair. Thank you.
        President Bush. We'll answer a couple of questions.

    Iraq Study Group Report/Situation in the Middle East

        Q. Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, neither of you has shown
    much doubt about your Iraq policies. Do you acknowledge that your
    approach has failed, as Baker-Hamilton suggests? And are you willing to
    engage directly with Syria and Iran and pull out most combat forces by
    early 2008, unless there's unexpected circumstances?
        President Bush. The thing I liked about the Baker-Hamilton report is it
    discussed the way forward in Iraq. And I believe we need a new approach.
    And that's why I've tasked the Pentagon to analyze the way forward.
    That's why Prime Minister Blair is here to talk about the way forward,
    so we can achieve the objective, which is an Iraq which can govern
    itself, sustain itself, and defend itself and be an ally in the war on
    terror.
        And the Baker-Hamilton report did some very interesting things. First, it shows
    that Republicans and Democrats can work together to achieve an--to come
    up with a strategy to achieve an objective, something the American
    people don't think is possible to happen. In other words, they've seen
    elections, and they saw all the bitterness and finger-pointing and name-
    calling and wonder whether or not we can work together on this important
    cause. And I believe we can, and the Baker-Hamilton commission showed
    it's possible for people of good will to sit down at the table and
    design a way forward.
        And so that's why I'm sitting down with the Members of Congress, to
    say to both Republicans and Democrats, ``This is an important cause.
    It's important for our security. It's important to help lay the
    foundations for peace, and I want to hear your ideas.'' And I thought
    the report did a good job of showing what is possible. The Congress
    isn't going to accept every recommendation in the report, and neither
    will the administration, but there's a lot of very important things in
    the report that we ought to seriously consider.
        And as the Prime Minister talked about, there's three aspects to the
    report. One is, how do we empower the Maliki Government so that the
    Maliki Government--the elected Government of
    the Iraqis--can help with the economy, can help secure peace, can do
    hard work necessary to achieve stability and to achieve the objective?
        It talked about the regional--the countries in the region and the
    responsibilities of the region to help this Iraqi Government. And the
    idea of having an international group is an interesting idea. We've
    already got the compact, and I think the
    Baker-Hamilton report suggests that we
    broaden the Compact beyond just economic measures.
        But one thing is for certain: When people--if people come to the
    table to discuss Iraq, they need to come understanding their
    responsibilities to not fund terrorists, to help this young democracy
    survive, to help with the economics of the country. And if people are
    not committed, if Syria and Iran is not committed to that concept, then
    they shouldn't bother to show up.
        Thirdly, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is an--is important to
    have--is important to be solved. I'm committed to a two-state

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    solution. I believe it is in Israel's interest and the Palestinian
    people's interest to have two states living side by side for peace. And
    the Prime Minister shares that goal, and he is willing to take time to
    go over and help remove obstacles toward achieving that goal.
        And there are two notable obstacles. One is the prisoner, and secondly, is for there to be a unity government
    that recognizes the principles of the Quartet, with which Israel can
    negotiate. And we want to help.
        And so I view this as a very important way forward, with important
    concepts. And the American people expect us to come up with a new
    strategy to achieve the objective which I've been talking about and
    which is laid out in the Baker-
    Hamilton report.
        Prime Minister Blair. Look, I think the analysis of the situation is
    not really in dispute. The question is, how do we find the right way
    forward? And what we've got at the moment is something that is at one
    level very simple to describe but at another level very profound and
    difficult to deal with, and that is that the outside extremists are
    linking up with internal extremists, basically to create the
    circumstances of sectarianism, where it's very, very difficult then for
    democracy and ordinary institutions to function.
        And I think the Baker-Hamilton report allows us to--as the situation
    has evolved in Iraq--to evolve our strategy in order to meet it in the
    ways that I've just described. But I think we've got to be very, very
    clear about this: It will require everybody to face up to their
    responsibilities--us, of course, because we are principal actors in
    this, but also the Iraqi Government. They've got to be prepared to make
    the moves necessary--full governance, full capability, reconciliation,
    and full help and security--and we will be there to support them.
        But then there's responsibilities, as the President was saying a
    moment or two ago, on the region and the neighbors. And let me come
    directly to the Iran and Syria point. The issue for me is not a question
    of being unwilling to sit down with people or not, but the basis upon
    which we discuss Iraq has got to be clear, and it's got to be a basis
    where we are all standing up for the right principles, which are now
    endorsed in the United Nations resolutions, in respect of Iraq. In other
    words, you support the democratic elected Government; you do not support
    sectarians; and you do not support, arm, or finance terrorists.
        Now, the very reason we have problems in parts of Iraq--and we know
    this very well down in the south of Iraq--is that Iran, for example, has
    been doing that. It's been basically arming, financing, supporting
    terrorism. So we've got to be clear the basis upon which we take this
    forward. And as I say, it's got to be on the basis of people accepting
    their responsibilities.
        And finally, in relation to what the President was just saying a
    moment or two ago on Israel and Palestine, I mean, I think that one
    thing that is very clear is that the old Middle East had within it the
    origins of all the problems we see. I mean, this terrorist problem that
    we faced in the last few years, it didn't originate, I'm afraid, a few
    years ago. It's been building up over decades. It's come out of a series
    of states of oppression, of warped ideology based on a perverted view of
    the faith of Islam. This has been building up for a long period of time,
    and it has basically come out of the Middle East.
        Now my view in the end is that you go back to the origins of this
    and say, well, how do we resolve it? And the only way we resolve it is
    by having the right vision and then the practical measures to achieve
    it.
        Now I think the vision is absolutely correct. What we've got to do
    now--and this is exactly why the President is talking about the way
    forward--is that we've got to get the right way forward--this is where
    Baker-Hamilton helped--in order that we have the practical policy that
    bolsters and gives effect to the vision, because the vision is

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    the right vision. You leave a Middle East in which the Israel-Palestine
    issue is not solved, in which there's no moves towards democracy, in
    which Iraq goes back in its old state, in which the Iranian people have
    no chance to express themselves, maybe not in the months or 1 year, 2
    years, but you'll have the same problem. You know, the reason we are
    faced with this issue is because in the end, everything that happened in
    that region erupted, in fact, on the streets of New York. But it--the
    origins of this went way, way back before that.
        And so it is--there's a tendency, I think, sometimes, to see this as
    a battle between the idealists on the one hand and the realists on the
    other. In my view, the only modern form of realism is one that has
    ideals at the center of it.

    War on Terror

        Q. Mr. President, the Iraq Study Group described the situation in
    Iraq as grave and deteriorating. You said that the increase in attacks
    is unsettling. That won't convince many people that you're still in
    denial about how bad things are in Iraq, and question your sincerity
    about changing course.
        President Bush. It's bad in Iraq. Does that help? [Laughter]
        Q. Why did it take others to say it before you've been willing to
    acknowledge it to the world?
        President Bush. In all due respect, I've been saying it a lot. I
    understand how tough it is, and I've been telling the American people
    how tough it is, and they know how tough it is. And the fundamental
    question is, do we have a plan to achieve our objective? Are we willing
    to change as the enemy has changed? The--and what the Baker-Hamilton study has
    done is, it shows good ideas as to how to go forward. What our Pentagon
    is doing is figuring out ways to go forward, all aiming to achieve our
    objective.
        Make no mistake about it, I understand how tough it is, sir. I talk
    to the families who die. I understand there's sectarian violence. I also
    understand that we're hunting down Al Qaida on a regular basis and we're
    bringing them to justice. I understand how hard our troops are working.
    I know how brave the men and women who wear the uniform are, and
    therefore, they'll have the full support of this Government. I
    understand what long deployments mean to wives and husbands, and mothers
    and fathers, particularly as we come into a holiday season. I
    understand. And I have made it abundantly clear how tough it is.
        I also believe we're going to succeed. I believe we'll prevail. Not
    only do I know how important it is to prevail, I believe we will
    prevail. I understand how hard it is to prevail. But I also want the
    American people to understand that if we were to fail--and one way to
    assure failure is just to quit, is not to adjust, and say, it's just not
    worth it--if we were to fail, that failed policy will come to hurt
    generations of Americans in the future.
        And as I said in my opening statement, I believe we're in an
    ideological struggle between forces that are reasonable and want to live
    in peace and radicals and extremists. And when you throw into the mix
    radical Shi'a and radical Sunni trying to gain power and topple moderate
    governments, with energy which they could use to blackmail Great Britain
    or America or anybody else who doesn't kowtow to them, and a nuclear
    weapon in the hands of a government that is--would be using that nuclear
    weapon to blackmail to achieve political objectives, historians will
    look back and say, how come Bush and Blair couldn't see the threat?
    That's what they'll be asking. And I want to tell you, I see the threat,
    and I believe it is up to our governments to help lead the forces of
    moderation to prevail. It's in our interests.
        And one of the things that has changed for American foreign policy
    is a threat overseas can now come home to hurt us. And September the
    11th should be a wake-up call for the American people to understand what
    happens if there is violence and safe

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    havens in a part of the world. And what happens is, people can die here
    at home.
        And so no, I appreciate your question. I appreciate--as you can
    tell, I feel strongly about making sure you understand that I understand
    it's tough. But I want you to know, sir, that I believe we'll prevail. I
    know we have to adjust to prevail, but I wouldn't have our troops in
    harm's way if I didn't believe that, one, it was important, and two,
    we'll succeed. Thank you.

    Diplomatic Efforts in the Middle East

        Q. Prime Minister, if I may, briefly--isn't what the----
        Prime Minister Blair. You're not going to do a followup, are you?
    [Laughter]
        Q. No, no, forgive me. I just wanted to ask you about your Middle
    East mission, if I may. Given your trip to the Middle East, isn't the
    truth of what the Arab-Israeli solution--sorry, isn't the truth of what
    the Arab-Israeli problem requires is not, however hard you try, another
    visit by a British Prime Minister, but the genuine commitment--and not
    merely in words--of an American administration that's serious about
    doing something about it?
        Prime Minister Blair. Well, I believe that we have that commitment.
    And I mean, you're right in this sense, there would be no point in me
    going unless it was part of a mission that was supported fully by our
    American allies. But it is--we agree--the vision--I mean, the one thing
    that I find very frustrating about the situation, Israel-Palestine, is
    that there is actually an agreement as to the solution we want to see,
    which is a two-state solution. And really, everybody is agreed to that.
    So the question is, how do you get there?
        And there are critical obstacles that stand in the way of that that
    require detailed attention and management, and it's not merely myself
    who's going to be engaged in this, of course, but as you know, the
    Secretary of State has been very closely involved in this. She's been
    visiting the region recently, and I know is, again, fully committed to
    it.
        I think what is interesting from what you have from this today is an
    acceptance and, indeed, a clear belief that you look at these issues
    together. There is a kind of whole vision about how we need to proceed
    that links what happens inside Iraq with what happens outside Iraq. And
    again, I think that the Baker-Hamilton report put this very simply and
    very clearly.
        And you know, there is no way that you ever succeed in these things
    unless you just carry on trying, and that's what we will do. And one of
    the things I learned in all the long years that you followed me in
    relation to Northern Ireland is that you just--you don't accept that you
    ever give up. You just carry on doing it. And I am sure that it is
    possible to resolve this, and I also do believe that if we do, then it
    would send a signal of massive symbolic power across the world.
        President Bush. Steve [Steve Holland, Reuters].

    War on Terror Strategy

        Q. Thank you, sir. You mentioned Iran and Syria as part of this
    regional effort. Are you willing to engage with them directly as the
    report recommends? And back to the issue of the troops, is it possible
    to get them out of Iraq by early 2008, as the report talks about? And
    when do you hope to have this report? Sorry to----
        President Bush. How many questions you got, Steve?
        Q. Sorry about that. [Laughter]
        President Bush. You mean, when do I hope to announce the strategy,
    is that what you're talking about?
        Q. Yes, sir.
        President Bush. After I get the reports. And Baker-Hamilton is a really
    important part of our considerations. But we want to make sure the
    military gets their point of view in. After all, a lot of what we're
    doing is a military operation. I want to make sure the State Department
    is able

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    to help us analyze the strategy to make sure that we've got the right
    political emphasis, not only inside Iraq but outside Iraq.
        I appreciated the Prime Minister's answer to this lad--we call them
    lads, in Great Britain--lad's question, is that--[laughter].
        Prime Minister Blair. You've made a friend, I think, there.
    [Laughter] It's a long time since anyone's called him that, yes.
    [Laughter]
        President Bush. You got to understand--well----
        Q. He calls me a number of other things.
        President Bush. Our Secretary of State
    is very much engaged in this issue. She works hard on the issue. And as
    much as we'd like to impose the settlement, it's important for you to
    understand, sir, that the Israelis and the Palestinians must accept
    responsibility and must sign off on an agreement. It's kind of easy to
    sit back and say, okay, we're going to impose this on them. We can help,
    and we will help.
        So, Steve, that's--we're spending a lot--I know, I'm heading back.
    We're spending a lot of time considering the new course, because the
    decisions that we make affect lives. They affect the lives of our
    soldiers; they affect the lives of the Iraqi people. But one thing is
    central to this new course, and that is, the Iraqi Government must be
    given more responsibility so they can prove to their people and to their
    allies that they're capable of making hard decisions necessary for their
    young democracy to move forward.
        Second part of your long question?

    Iran/Syria

        Q. Well, are you willing to engage direct talks with----
        President Bush. Oh, Iran and Syria.
        Q. ----just a regional effort----
        President Bush. No, no, I understand. Steve, let me talk about
    engaging Iran. We have made it clear to the Iranians that there is a
    possible change in U.S. policy, a policy that's been in place for 27
    years, and that is that if they would like to engage the United States
    that they've got to verifiably suspend their enrichment program. We've
    made our choice. Iran now has an opportunity to make its choice. I would
    hope they would make the choice that most of the free world wants them
    to make, which is, there is no need to have a weapons program; there is
    no need to isolate your people; there's no need to continue this
    obstinance, when it comes to your stated desires to have a nuclear
    weapon. It's not in your interest to do so.
        And should they agree to verifiably suspend their enrichment, the
    United States will be at the table with our partners.
        It's really interesting to talk about conversations with countries,
    which is fine; I can understand why people speculate about it, but there
    should be no mistake in anybody's mind, these countries understand our
    position. They know what's expected of them.
        There is--if we were to have a conversation, it would be this one,
    to Syria: Stop destabilizing the Siniora Government. We believe that the
    Siniora Government should be supported, not
    weakened. Stop allowing money and arms to cross your border into Iraq.
    Don't provide safe haven for terrorist groups. We've made that position
    very clear.
        And the truth of the matter is, is that these countries have now got
    the choice to make. If they want to sit down at the table with the
    United States, it's easy--just make some decisions that will lead to
    peace, not to conflict.
        Is that the third part of your question? You've got to stop these
    long questions, Steven. Steven.

    U.S. Troop Levels in Iraq/War on Terror

        Q. Combat troops out by early 2008, is that possible----
        President Bush. One of the things the report did mention, and I
    think you've said it in your comment, that if conditions so

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    allow--and we want our combat troops out as quick as possible. We want
    the Iraqis taking the fight. But it's very important to be--as we design
    programs, to be flexible and realistic. And as the report said--I don't
    got the exact words, but it was along the lines that, you know,
    ``depending upon conditions,'' I believe is what the qualifier was. And
    I thought that made a lot of sense. I've always said we'd like our
    troops out as fast as possible. I think that's an important goal.
        On the other hand, our commanders will be making recommendations
    based upon whether or not we're achieving our stated objective. And the
    objective, I repeat, is a government which can sustain, govern, and
    defend itself--free Government of Iraq that can do that--and will be an
    ally in this movement--against this movement that is threatening peace
    and stability. And it's real.
        I like to remind people, it's akin to the cold war in many ways.
    There's an ideological clash going on. And the question is, will we have
    the resolve and the confidence in liberty to prevail? That's really the
    fundamental question facing--it's not going to face this Government or
    this Government because we made up our mind. We've made that part clear.
    But it will face future governments. There will be future opportunities
    for people to say, ``Well, it's not worth it; let's just retreat.'' I
    would strongly advise a government not to accept that position because
    of the dangers inherent with isolationism and retreat.

    Situation in the Middle East

        Q. I'll try to be succinct. Mr. President, 2 years ago, you said
    that you were ready to expend political capital on the Israel-
    Palestinian situation. With hindsight, do you think you've fulfilled
    that intention? How closely do you see a linkage between what happens in
    Israel-Palestine and a settlement in Iraq, achieving your goals?
        And Prime Minister, given that you were so recently in the Middle
    East and the situation hasn't exactly improved since then, is there
    anything specific you're hoping to achieve next week when you go back?
        President Bush. Want me to start? I'm getting older, so you're going
    to have to repeat the second part of your question. [Laughter] Let me
    answer the first part. What's important is for people to accept the goal
    of two states living side by side for peace. And what has changed in the
    Middle East is that Israel and Palestine--at least the current
    leadership of both countries, or both--one entity and one country--
    accept that goal. That's important.
        To that end, the previous Prime Minister
    made a decision to unilaterally withdraw from Gaza, which I felt was a
    good decision, which would expedite the potential arrival of a state.
    And so to answer your question, yes, we're spending a lot of capital
    getting people headed in the same direction, which if you look at the
    history of the Middle East, is a change.
        Secondly, one of the reasons why there hasn't been instant success
    is because radicals and extremists are trying to stop the advance of a
    Palestinian state. Why? Because democracy is a defeat for them. That's
    what I strongly believe. I find it interesting that when Prime Minister
    Olmert reaches out to Palestinians to discuss a
    way forward on the two-state solution, Hizballah attacks Israel. Why?
    Because radicals and extremists can't stand the thought of a democracy.
    And one of the great ironies is that people in the Middle East are
    working hard to prevent people in the Middle East from realizing the
    blessings of a free society in a democracy.
        And so no question, progress has been spotty. But it's important for
    people to understand, one of the reasons why is, is because radicals are
    trying to prevent it, and they're willing to kill innocent people to
    prevent progress. Now, our goal is to help the Abbas Government strengthen its security forces, and
    we're doing that. Our goal is to help the Abbas Government form a
    government that adheres to the principles

    [[Page 2162]]

    of the Quartet. We can't abandon the principles of the Quartet just
    because it may sound easy. We can't do that. When nations lay out
    principles, you've got to adhere to those principles, just like when we
    laid out a vision, you adhere to that vision.
        And so the Prime Minister's visit, like Condi's visit recently to the Middle East, are all aiming
    to help countries remove obstacles necessary to achieve the vision. And
    it's hard work, but it's necessary work. And so I do believe there is
    a--I know there's a change of attitude. And now the fundamental question
    is, can we help the moderates prevail? And make no mistake about it,
    radicals and extremists will kill in order to stop the progress. And
    that's what's difficult. But it should be a signal to those of us who
    have got the comfort of liberty to understand the consequences of this
    ideological struggle we're fighting. One of the consequences is the
    denial of a Palestinian state.
        This is ironic, isn't it? I think it is, and it's sad.
        Prime Minister Blair. I mean, I think, first of all, it's important
    to understand how much has begun--how much work there's been. I mean, I
    know I've had many, many meetings on this issue over the past few
    months. I know Secretary Rice has been immensely active on it over these
    past months as well. Now, some of that is visible and out there at press
    conferences and meetings, and a lot of it is behind the scenes.
        But in essence, what we've got to do is to try to resolve two
    issues. First of all, we need to get the release of Corporal Shalit,
    which, as Prime Minister Olmert made clear the other day, would then
    allow the release of many Palestinian prisoners as well. And this is
    obviously a very important issue.
        But then, secondly, and this is, I think, really--one of the core
    questions is, we are prepared to release the money to the Palestinian
    Authority. We are prepared to take the peace process forward and get
    into a process of negotiation. But we need a government on both sides
    that is committed to the basic principles of that negotiation. And at
    the present time, we are not able to achieve a national unity government
    on the Palestinian side. And the reason for that is that we are saying,
    not as a matter of dogma at all, but you can't have a government that
    everyone can deal with and you can then negotiate a peace between Israel
    and Palestine, unless it's on the basis that everyone accepts the
    other's right to exist. So that's the difficulty. It's not a kind of
    technical point; it's absolutely at the heart of it.
        Now, what we have got to do is to find either a way of unlocking the
    problem of forming that national unity government, on the principles
    laid down by the United Nations as well as the rest of the Quartet, or
    alternatively, a different way forward, but whatever way forward will
    have to be on the basis you get an empowered Palestinian Government with
    whom everyone can negotiate and deal with.
        Now, you know, again, it's a very, very obvious thing. It's not just
    for the Israelis and the Palestinians but also for the whole of the
    region. You know, you can't negotiate this unless everyone accepts the
    basic principles of the negotiation. But if people were to do that--and
    after all, we're only asking people to accept the position that the
    United Nations and, really, the whole of the international community--
    you could move this forward quickly. I mean, I don't think there's any
    doubt at all that if you could get an empowered Palestinian Government
    able to negotiate, Israel has made it clear it is prepared to negotiate.
        I'm not saying there aren't very tricky issues. There are--things
    like Jerusalem, the right of return, which are very, very difficult. But
    actually, it's not beyond our wit to put it together. We could put it
    together. But you need to get these initial steps taken.
        Now, what I'm wont to do when I go out there is just explore what is
    the way

    [[Page 2163]]

    that we get that ability to get the negotiation underway, trying to work
    round these obstacles. And it's something--we were talking about Iran
    and Syria moments ago; it's something all of those countries could help
    with if they wanted to help with it. So I kind of feel one thing that is
    important is that everyone understands that there's no shortage of
    willingness, energy, commitment on our side.
        And believe me, I've talked about this with the President many, many
    times, and I don't believe there's any shortage of those qualities on
    his part at all. But we need to get this--we need to get the door
    unlocked because it's kind of barred at the moment. It needs to be
    opened. And that's the task, I think, for the next period.
        President Bush. Thank you. L.A. Times man, Jim [Jim Gerstenzang].

    Iraq Study Group Report

        Q. Mr. President, you have said that you have the Baker-Hamilton
    report; you also have the--you're waiting to hear from the Pentagon;
    you're waiting to hear from the State Department. This report was
    prepared by a bipartisan group, the only one you'll get. Secretary Baker
    has a special relationship with the family. Should this report not get
    extra consideration? Does it not carry more weight than any of the
    others?
        President Bush. That's an interesting question. It's certainly an
    important part of our deliberations, and it was certainly an important
    part of our discussions this morning. Some reports are issued and just
    gather dust. And truth of the matter is, a lot of reports in Washington
    are never read by anybody.
        To show you how important this one is, I read it, and our guest read
    it. The Prime Minister read a report prepared by a commission. And this
    is important. And there are some--I don't think Jim Baker and Lee Hamilton expect
    us to accept every recommendation. I expect them--I think--I know they
    expect us to consider every recommendation, Jim, that we ought to pay
    close attention to what they advise. And I told them yesterday at our
    meeting that we would pay close attention and would seriously consider
    every recommendation. We've discussed some of their recommendations here
    at this press conference. And we are--we will spend a lot of time on it.
        And I--and so you ask its relative importance. I'd call it a very
    important report and a very important part of our working to a new
    approach, a new way forward in Iraq.
        And I can't--I really do thank those citizens for taking time out of
    busy lives to spend time helping us look at different options. These are
    distinguished souls. They got plenty to do. They're busy people, and yet
    they took 9 months out. And they talked to a lot of people; they went to
    Iraq; they thought about it a lot. And it was a very considerate,
    important report. And I will take their recommendations very seriously.

    War on Terror Strategy

        Q. Mr. President, the Iraq Study Group said that leaders must be
    candid and forthright with people. So let me test that. Are you capable
    of admitting your failures in the past, and perhaps much more
    importantly, are you capable of changing course, perhaps in the next few
    weeks?
        President Bush. I think you're probably going to have to pay
    attention to my speech coming up here when I get all the recommendations
    in, and you can answer that question yourself. I do know that we have
    not succeeded as fast as we wanted to succeed. I do understand that
    progress is not as rapid as I had hoped. And therefore, it makes sense
    to analyze the situation and to devise a set of tactics and strategies
    to achieve the objective that I have stated.
        And so if the present situation needs to be changed, it follows that
    we'll change it if we want to succeed. What's really interesting is, the
    battle has changed in Iraq

    [[Page 2164]]

    from the rejectionists and former Ba'athists and definitely foreign
    fighters who have entered the country that were trying to destabilize
    the new Government to one that Mr. Zarqawi stated clearly--he said,
    ``Look, let's kill Shi'a in order to create enough chaos and confusion
    and doubt of the Government, and set off a sectarian battle.'' And he
    succeeded in that extent. He didn't succeed at avoiding us, but he did
    succeed at starting off sectarian strife. And now the fundamental
    question is, what strategy is necessary to deal with this type of
    violence?
        We'll continue after Al Qaida. Al Qaida will not have safe haven in
    Iraq. And that's important for the American people to know. We've got
    special operators. We've got better intelligence. And there is--Al Qaida
    is effective at these spectacular bombings, and we'll chase them down,
    and we are, along with the Iraqis. The strategy now is how to make sure
    that we've got the security situation in place such that the Iraqi
    Government is capable of dealing with the sectarian violence, as well as
    the political and economic strategies as well.
        So yes, I think you'll see something differently, because it's a
    practical answer to a situation on the ground that's not the way we'd
    like it. You wanted frankness; I thought we would succeed quicker than
    we did, and I am disappointed by the pace of success.
        Prime Minister Blair. I mean, look, there isn't any--as I said a
    moment or two ago, there isn't any doubt about how tough this is. It's
    hugely challenging. But what the report did not say is that we should
    just get out and leave it. What it did say is that it's immensely
    important that we succeed.
        Now, the question is, therefore, how do we do it? And in that
    regard, I think the report is practical, it's clear, and it offers also
    the way of bringing people together.
        The other thing that we want to do, because this is part of
    succeeding in this mission, is actually to make people understand that
    this is something where you've got to try and bring people together
    around a set of common objectives and a practical set of methods to
    achieve those objectives.
        And, you know, the issues that the report raises--I mean, these
    aren't issues that, obviously, no one has ever thought of; these aren't
    issues that haven't been part of the continual discussion and debate and
    iteration within the coalition and, indeed, between us and the Iraqi
    Government. But those essential elements--we want to make sure, in the
    light of the changing situation that there is there, that, one, we have
    the Iraqi Government able to operate effectively, but in a nonsectarian
    way, because that's what we began with. Secondly, that we make sure that
    everyone in the region is supporting that. And thirdly, that we set this
    within the context of a broader vision for the Middle East, not least in
    respect of Israel and Palestine.
        Now, in respect of the elements of that strategy, this report gives
    us a basis on which we can move forward, but we've obviously then got to
    look at the practical measures that are necessary in order to give
    effect to those elements. And that's what we'll do. And I think that,
    you know, the one thing that no one who is dealing with this on a day-
    to-day basis has any doubt about is how tough it is. But the question
    is, how we make sure that we overcome those tough conditions and
    succeed, because the need to succeed is so huge.

    British Armed Forces in Iraq and Afghanistan

        Q. Prime Minister, just a brief supplementary--sorry, I didn't get
    to ask you the question. You promised some time--I'm sorry.
        President Bush. Look, I agree; this is a total violation of--
    [laughter]. Our press corps is calling you down, man. I mean, there you
    are--no, go ahead. [Laughter]
        Q. You're encouraging it.
        President Bush. I'm not encouraging it. He's not a member of the
    American press--it's the Prime Minister. [Laughter]

    [[Page 2165]]

        Prime Minister Blair. He's my guy. [Laughter]
        Q. Only because you cut me off, Mr. President----
        President Bush. Okay. [Laughter]
        Press. Ooh! [Laughter]
        Q. Prime Minister, you promised the British military whatever it
    takes to fight in Iraq and Afghanistan, but the former head of the
    British Army says the British military is not being funded properly for
    the job it's being asked to do. Do you accept that?
        Prime Minister Blair. We get from our military advice as to what
    they need, and we do our level best to meet it. I mean, we'll--I haven't
    actually read Mike Jackson's comments. I think it's Mike's speech you're
    talking about. And let me tell you, he's someone I have enormous amount
    of respect for and did a fantastic job when he was chief of our staff.
        But in relation to this, we've worked closely with the military the
    whole time. It's important we carry on doing it. And I simply make the
    point that in the last few years, and not least yesterday in the pre-
    budget report of the chancellor, we gave another significant increase in
    funding. But it's important we do this. I mean this is a mission in
    which it is--because it's important that we succeed, it's important that
    we equip our armed forces properly. But I've got nothing--if you'll
    forgive me, I've not got anything to comment on in detail until I've
    actually read the speech that he made. Not that--I'm not saying you
    wouldn't give me a fair resume of it. [Laughter]
        President Bush. Thank you, buddy.
        Prime Minister Blair. Okay.
        President Bush. Good job. Thank you.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 11:05 a.m. in Room 450 of
    the Dwight D. Eisenhower Executive Office Building. In his remarks, the
    President referred to Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki of Iraq; Abdul Aziz
    Al-Hakim, chairman, Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution of Iraq;
    Prime Minister Fuad Siniora of Lebanon; President Hamid Karzai of
    Afghanistan; President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority; Cpl.
    Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier captured and held captive by militants
    in Gaza since June 25; and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and former Prime
    Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel. Prime Minister Blair referred to former
    Chief of the General Staff Michael Jackson of the United Kingdom.