[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2006, Book I)]
[May 5, 2006]
[Pages 879-889]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Interview With Kai Diekmann of Bild
May 5, 2006

    The President. Have you ever been in the Oval Office before?
    Mr. Diekmann. Once, a long time ago----
    The President. I'll give you a quick tour before our interview. So 
the first thing that a President does, which I didn't realize, was pick 
a rug. I've have no idea about rugs. And so in this job, you've got to 
delegate. The American President is in a position where there's just 
unbelievable complexities to the job--Darfur, Iran--a whole lot of 
issues. So I delegated the decision about the rug to my wife.
    The second thing a President has got to do is have a strategic mind. 
In order to be successful, in my judgment, as the President, you've got 
to constantly think strategically. And so I said to her, ``You pick out 
the colors; you be the tactical person; but I want it to say, 
`optimistic person.' '' That's all I wanted it to say. Here is the 
result. Isn't it beautiful?
    Mr. Diekmann. Yes, it is very beautiful.
    The President. There's a sense of optimism when you come in here. 
And there's a reason why. You cannot lead people unless you're 
optimistic about what you're doing. You've got to believe it in your 
very soul. One of the interesting things about the Presidency is people 
watch me like a hawk. They're looking at my moves. And if I'm going to 
be wringing my hands and if I'm all worried about the decisions I make--
are not going to lead to a better tomorrow, they'll figure it out.
    And so when you talk to me today, I just want you to know, I not 
only strongly believe in the decisions I make, I'm optimistic that 
they're going to work--very optimistic.
    These are all Texas paintings. That's west Texas; those are other 
Texas paintings. At least if you're a Texan, it reflects a way of life 
and a way of thinking. The interesting thing about Washington is that 
they want me to change--``they'' being the--and I'm not changing, you 
know. You can't make decisions if you don't know who you are and you 
flip around with the politics. You've got to stay strong in what you 
believe and optimistic about that--you'll get good results.

[[Page 880]]

    And so--the other thing I want you to know about me is that no 
matter how pressurized it may seem, I'm not changing what I believe. 
Now, I may change tactics, but I'm not going to change my core beliefs--
a belief that freedom is universal or the belief that private markets 
work, a belief in ownership--when people own something, society is 
better off; a belief that there's a role for government, but it's 
limited in nature. And I'm not changing. I don't care whether they like 
me at the cocktail parties or not. I want to be able to leave this 
office with my integrity intact.
    That's George Washington, the first President, of course. The 
interesting thing about him is that I read three--three or four books 
about him last year. Isn't that interesting? People say, ``So what?'' 
Well, here's the ``so what.'' You never know what your history is going 
to be like until long after you're gone--if they're still analyzing the 
Presidency of George Washington--[laughter]. So Presidents shouldn't 
worry about the history. You just can't. You do what you think is right, 
and if you're thinking big enough, that history will eventually prove 
you right or wrong. But you won't know in the short term.
    Lincoln--this is the place on the Oval Office wall where the 
President puts the most--the best President, and I put Lincoln here, and 
I don't think there's any question--now, people will have their--but I 
think he was the most influential President ever. And the reason why is 
because that in the midst of a difficult Presidency, needless to say--
the Civil War, thousands of people dying, with Americans killing 
Americans--he had a vision of a United States. It's conceivable this 
country would have ended up being two countries had he not had a clear 
vision, even though all around him was seemingly falling apart. He was a 
great President.
    That's called ``A Charge to Keep,'' based upon a religious hymn. The 
hymn talks about serving God. The President's job is never to promote a 
religion. The great thing about America--and Germany, for that matter--
is that you should be able to worship freely. I like to tell people, 
you're equally American whether you're a Jew, Muslim, Christian, or 
atheist--you're equally all Americans--and that if we ever lose that, we 
begin to look like the Taliban.
    I understand, in parts of Europe, some scoff at my faith. It doesn't 
bother me. But I happen to believe, for me at least, faith is one way to 
make sure that my values stay intact and that I keep life in proper 
perspective, which is a very important part, in my judgment, of being a 
good decisionmaker.
    Finally, the desk, where we'll have our picture taken in front of 
is--nine other Presidents used it. This was given to us by Queen 
Victoria in the 1870s, I think it was. President Roosevelt put the door 
in so people would not know he was in a wheelchair. John Kennedy put his 
head out the door.
    Mr. Diekmann. Yes, the very famous picture----
    The President. That's it--the most famous picture. And then Reagan, 
interestingly enough, put the bottom on there. He was a big guy; he 
didn't want to bump his knees under the desk.
    Anyway, this is the Oval Office. It's a shrine to democracy. And we 
treat it that way. When people walk in here, they don't come in here in 
bathing suits and flip-flops. They come in here dressed like they'd come 
to a shrine. It is to be respected and honored because the Office of the 
President is bigger than the person who occupies it. It's one of the 
great things about a true democracy, is that the institutions outlast 
the individuals, and therefore, there's stability in the process.
    Some Presidents forget that they're not bigger than the Office. But 
all Presidents must always honor the Office and remember it is a sacred 
trust to uphold the honor of the Presidency.
    Mr. Diekmann. Thank you for taking the time.

[[Page 881]]

    The President. Yes, glad to do it.
    Mr. Diekmann. Bild has 12 million readers. It's the largest 
newspaper in Germany. And there's one thing which is really special 
about our newspaper--every German who wants to work for the newspaper, 
he has to sign in his working contracts some beliefs--and there's the 
belief you have to be for reunification; you have to be against 
totalitarianism from riots on the right side and the left side; and you 
have to be for the peace and for the understanding with Israel. And 
since September 11th, we have a new belief--you have to be for 
partnership with America. Otherwise, you can't work for us, you can't 
come--you have to sign it in your contract.
    The President. My kind of guy. [Laughter]

War on Terror

    Mr. Diekmann. Okay, so I would like to start. Mr. President, the 
fifth anniversary of the terrible 9/11 attack is nearing. Has the 
Western world really learned the right lessons from 9/11?
    The President. Yes. The Western world, by and large, understands 
that we face an enemy that is coldblooded and will kill innocent life to 
achieve an objective. That killing not only took place on September 11th 
here in our country, but it has taken place in other countries around 
the world since then.
    Secondly, the governments of the Western world understand that in 
order to protect our respective peoples, there must be intelligence 
sharing. We must be willing to converse with each other in ways that 
might not have happened before. In other words, if we know something is 
going to happen in Germany, it's very important for the United States 
Government to call up its counterparts and to share that information. 
And there's a lot of that information sharing.
    Thirdly, we understand that money is what fuels these terror cells. 
And the idea of sharing intelligence about the movement of money is 
necessary to make sure we protect our people.
    The degree of understanding about September the 11th varies, 
however. For some people around the world, September the 11th was just a 
terrible moment. For me and a lot of other people in America, September 
the 11th was a change of attitude; it was a call to arms in the sense 
that this is the first--for America--the first battle of the war in the 
21st century.
    One of the things that I hope people come to understand is that 
there are two ways to defeat this enemy: One is to bring them to justice 
so they don't harm people, which means we've got to be constantly on the 
offense, finding them where they hide and bringing them to justice. And 
secondly is that the way to defeat their hateful ideology is by the 
spread of liberty. That notion--some understand that, and some don't. 
But I want your readers to understand, I fully understand it--that 
liberty will yield peace that we all want.
    And so part of our strategy is to work with countries, particularly 
in the Middle East, to encourage the spread of liberty and freedom. And 
we're making progress there.
    Mr. Diekmann. But still we see bombs in Tel Aviv----
    The President. Yes.
    Mr. Diekmann. ----suicide bombers. And just a couple of days ago, 
even the U.S. Government delivered a warning that there could be attacks 
and strikes at the World Cup in Germany.
    The President. Yes.
    Mr. Diekmann. Do you really believe we have a chance to win the war 
against terrorism?
    The President. Absolutely. I know this: That if we don't try to win 
the war on terrorism, the world will be a lot worse off; that if we 
believe these are just isolated incidents and people are maybe just 
temporarily angry, it is an attitude that will ultimately lead to more 
catastrophe, more danger.

[[Page 882]]

    This is an enemy which is--has clearly stated they have ambitions. 
They want to spread their ideology throughout--starting in the Middle 
East. They want to topple moderate government. They want to--they 
believe capitalists and democrats are soft--by democrats, I mean people 
living in democracies--are soft. They believe it's just a matter of time 
before the Western world tires. They have stated clearly they want 
weapons of mass destruction and that they want safe haven from which to 
launch their attacks. This is what the enemy has said. And I think those 
of us in positions of responsibility must take the words of the enemy 
very seriously.
    They can be defeated, and they will be defeated, so long as we don't 
lose our nerve. And so the United States is committed to finding these 
folks where they hide, to bringing them to justice, which we're doing, 
and to--but recognizing that the world has changed from the world of the 
past because of the spread of liberty. Just look at Europe; it's whole, 
free, and at peace, because democracies live side by side in peace. 
That's one of the great lessons of the 20th century. And it's a lesson 
that must be applied to the 21st century.
    And so, absolutely, we can win this war on terror. The victory in 
the war on terror won't come with a signing ceremony. The victory in the 
war on terror will come as the enemy becomes more and more marginalized. 
You cannot judge defeat or victory on whether or not a suicide bomber is 
able to pull off an attack. You can see progress in the war on terror as 
new democracies take hold around the world and deny--which denies an 
enemy a safe haven.
    And one such democracy that's now evolving and getting stronger is 
Iraq. Another such new democracy is Afghanistan--50 million people who 
once lived under the thumb of a tyrant--or two tyrants now are free. And 
I strongly believe the world is better off for it, and I know that those 
two democracies are a major defeat for the terrorists.

Relations With the Muslim World

    Mr. Diekmann. We have to learn in dealing with the Muslim world. Do 
we learn the right lessons? Do we have to deal in a different way with 
the Muslim world?
    The President. There is a--there needs to be more understanding 
between the Muslim world and the Western world. There needs to be a 
better understanding of the true beliefs of their respective religions. 
We must understand, words mean things to different people. There's got 
to be a better way to communicate with ourselves. Sometimes my own 
messages send signals that I don't mean to send--but stirs up anxieties 
in the Muslim world.
    On the other hand, I take great comfort in knowing that the true 
Muslim--Islam, itself, is a peaceful religion, and those who adhere to 
Islam are people that respect the rights of others. And there's common 
values in the great religions. And what we cannot allow happen is for 
these totalitarians, these Islamic extremists, to distort a great 
religion and define the nature of that religion.
    And so there's a lot of work that needs to be done between America 
and the West and the Muslim world, but we can do that work without 
sacrificing the need to defend ourselves and without condemning people 
to tyranny.

Europe-U.S. Relations

    Mr. Diekmann. How important is the partnership between the United 
States and Europe when it comes to the war on terror?
    The President. The partnership between the United States and Europe 
is a vital partnership that transcends the war on terror. Part of our 
relationship is working together in the war on terror, but there are 
many other areas where we can and will continue to work together.
    One such area is, obviously, trade. Europe and the United States 
benefit from free and fair trade. Another area is to help those who are 
afflicted with disease, like

[[Page 883]]

HIV/AIDS on the continent of Africa. Another is to deal with suffering 
that we see in the world. And hopefully, we'll be very strong in our 
determination to end the genocide in Darfur of Sudan.
    But when the United States and Europe cooperate, we can achieve 
security for our people and enhance the prosperity for our people as 
well--as well as do our duty. See, I believe there's a duty to help ease 
the suffering in the world. I believe in the admonition that to whom 
much is given, much is required. And the United States--the people of 
the United States have been given a lot. We're a blessed nation--and 
same for the people of Europe. And we have a duty to work together to 
help relieve the suffering of those who are less fortunate.

Russia-U.S. Relations/Democracy in Russia

    Mr. Diekmann. In this context, is Russia a reliable democratic 
partner?
    The President. Russia is a country in transition. And if you really 
think about where our fathers, at our age, if they had been sitting 
around talking about Russia--maybe a little younger--they would have 
been talking about an enemy, the great Soviet Union. And by the way, 
that enemy at that point in time bound the relationship between Germany 
and the United States--at least a part of Germany and the United 
States--very closely. It gave us a common front.
    So Russia no longer is that enemy, and that's a major change. 
Secondly, Russia is a country that has made some signals that are mixed 
signals, signals that allow--cause us to question their commitment to 
whether or not they intend to become a true democracy, where there's a 
freedom of the press or freedom of religion, all the different freedoms 
that are inherent in democracy.
    I, personally, have a working relationship with Vladimir 
Putin, and that's very important. I've got 
a warm relationship with him. It's a relationship where I can sit down 
with him and ask him direct questions as to why he's made the decisions 
he's made. It's a relationship where he questions me about what the 
intentions of the United States may be. It's one that I value, and I 
think it's an important relationship not only for the United States to 
have, but it's an important relationship for countries in Europe, for 
the United States to have a relationship with Vladimir Putin.
    One of our concerns is economic nationalism, to a certain extent, 
where he's using his oil companies to 
achieve what appears to be political objectives. And we make our 
concerns known when someone uses natural gas, for example, to effect--to 
send signals to government. As you might recall, Secretary Rice was in Europe, and she spoke out loudly about the 
gas contracts with Ukraine. And the reason she did that is it's--we have 
a duty to express our concerns, but in such a way that the relationship 
is one that--where, at my level, I'm able to be comfortable in 
discussing concerns with Vladimir Putin.
    We've got commonality when it comes to dealing with proliferation. 
It's very important that the United States and Russia work closely to 
make sure that nuclear materials are stored as safely as possible. We've 
got commonality when it comes to fighting the war on terror. And we've 
now got a new, important issue to work together on, as well as working 
together with Germany and others, and that's Iran.

Germany's Role in the War on Terror

    Mr. Diekmann. What role must Germany play in the war on terror?
    The President. Germany plays a vital role in the war on terror. 
Germany is in the heart of Europe. Germany is--whether it's this current 
administration or the previous administration, we have had a--amongst 
our intelligence services as well as our law enforcement services--a 
close coordination and a close discussion. Germany's will is important. 
When the German Chancellor stands up and says, ``The war on terror

[[Page 884]]

must be won,'' or--``is a vital part of the security of our peoples,'' 
people around the world listen. Germany plays a very important role.

Iraq

    Mr. Diekmann. Taking a look at the past, do the Americans feel that 
the Germans abandoned them when they went to war with Saddam Hussein?
    The President. I've come to realize that the nature of the German 
people are such that war is very abhorrent, that Germany is a country 
now that is--no matter where they sit on the political spectrum, Germans 
are--just don't like war. And I can understand that. There's a 
generation of people who had their lives torn about because of a 
terrible war.
    I felt like--I made the decision I made based upon my full 
understanding that threats must be dealt with before they come to 
fruition. And I fully understood during that period of time not 
everybody would agree with me. And so we put together a significant 
coalition and followed through on a difficult decision.
    The point now is not what went on in the past; the point now is, how 
do we work together to achieve important goals? And one such goal is a 
democracy in Germany. And I appreciate the German Government's--previous 
Government's support and this Government's support of helping the Iraqis 
rebuild their lives. Training missions are important. Debt relief was 
important. Gerhard Schroeder relieved the 
debt on Iraq. And all those gestures are very important gestures that 
say that even though people disagreed with the decision to go into Iraq, 
we now agree that it's important that a democracy in Iraq succeed. And 
that's how I view the relationship.

Democracy in Iraq

    Mr. Diekmann. The dictator is on trial now, but at the same time, 
the violence in Iraq is getting worse. Is it really a victory? Is the 
war against Iraq really a success?
    The President. Oh, yes, it's going to be a success, absolutely. When 
12 million people go to the polls--listen, these people lived under a 
brutal tyrant. People seem to forget, quickly forget, the nature of 
Saddam Hussein. This is a man who had used 
weapons of mass destruction on his own people. He had invaded his 
neighbors--Kuwait. He was shooting at U.S. aircraft. He was violating 
sanctions. He had--as we now know, he had been using the Oil-For-Food 
Programme to enhance his own standing inside the country. We didn't find 
the weapons of mass destruction that everybody thought he had, but we do 
know he still had the capacity of making weapons of mass destruction. He 
had ties to terrorist groups.
    Removing Saddam Hussein has made the 
world a safer place. We found--particularly for Iraqis. We found graves 
stuffed full of Iraqi men, women, and children. This guy was a brutal, 
brutal tyrant.
    But it is hard work to go from a tyranny to a country based upon 
liberty. We've been there 3 years. And I think if you look at the 
history of--in post-World War II, it took a long period of time to 
recover. And yet we live in a world where there's supposed to be instant 
success. And my work and the work of those of us in Iraq require 
patience, and the need is to give the Iraqi people a chance. And they 
haven't let us down.
    Just think about what happened in December: 12 million people voted. 
That's a lot of people going to the polls in the face of intimidation 
and threats. These are people that had no chance to express themselves 
at a ballot box during Saddam Hussein--in 
free elections. And yet when given a chance, they went to the polls. And 
now what you're seeing is the formation of a unity government. You've 
got Shi'a, Sunni, and Kurds, all committed to a unity government, all 
willing to fight off the terrorists, to get rid of the militias, and to 
form a

[[Page 885]]

government that the Iraqi people can be proud of.
    And no question, there's still Al Qaida, which has said they want 
Iraq as a base from which to attack, willing to recruit suicide bombers. 
Those are hard to stop. But slowly but surely, the Iraqis, with American 
help, are reconciling their differences politically, are marginalizing 
those who are still loyal to Saddam, and are 
bringing the Al Qaida and the foreign fighters to justice.

Iran

    Mr. Diekmann. But Iraq--it's still a long journey to peace, and now 
there's a new threat. You already mentioned it; that is Iran.
    The President. Yes.
    Mr. Diekmann. Iran is on the way to a nuclear program. How are we 
going to prevent them from making true what they threaten us, for 
example, in destroying Israel?
    The President. You know, it's interesting; the world in which we 
live is one that requires great confidence in our values and strength of 
purpose. And we are challenged with the Iranian issue. And I want your 
readers to know that it is my desire and my belief we can solve this 
diplomatically. And the best way to solve this issue diplomatically is 
for there to be common purpose amongst the nations of the world.
    Any diplomatic solution requires agreement on the goal. And there is 
solid agreement that the Iranians should not have a nuclear weapon or 
the knowledge and capacity how to make a nuclear weapon. That 
agreement--when I say that's the agreement, it's the agreement amongst 
Germany, France, Great Britain, the United States, Russia, China, and a 
lot of other nations. We all agree. And that's the most important step. 
If we didn't agree on the goal, it would be impossible to put together a 
coalition, a group of nations anxious to say to the Iranians with one 
voice, ``You're not going to have a weapon.''
    The way forward diplomatically, because of the intransigence of the 
Iranian Government, is to go into the United Nations Security Council. 
And that's where we're headed, and we are working closely with our 
counterparts to develop the tactics to move forward once in the United 
Nations Security Council. Our message there is, the Iranians have defied 
the world, and you're now isolated, and it's your choice to make. They 
must make the choice to give up their weapons.
    People have said to me, ``Well, why aren't you at the negotiating 
table?'' We are at the negotiating table--in this sense: We're with our 
partners on a regular basis. I think about this issue a lot. I talk to 
respective leaders a lot; the United States laid down the Security 
Council resolution, along with others. I speak to Angela Merkel quite frequently on this subject. It is the number-one 
item on our agenda when it comes to international coalitions. And the 
thing that we've got to do is be effective. And what the Iranians are 
looking forward is weakness among our group. They want to see how firm 
we are. So one of my jobs is to keep people firm in our resolve. And 
it's easy, by the way, with your Chancellor. She is firm in her resolve.

Threat of Terror/Iran

    Mr. Diekmann. The German Chancellor and the new head of state, 
Olmert, of Israel, they said the Iranian President is as dangerous as 
Adolf Hitler. Do you share their view?
    The President. I think that it's very important for us to take his 
words very seriously. When people speak, it is important that we listen 
carefully to what they say and take them seriously. For example, when Al 
Qaida speaks, I take their words seriously. When bin Laden says, ``We'll bring harm to the West,'' I take them 
seriously. When Zarqawi says, ``It's 
just a matter of time for the U.S. to get out of Iraq so we can have 
safe haven,'' I take him seriously. Zawahiri, the number-two man in

[[Page 886]]

Al Qaida, he's constantly speaking about their grand designs to spread 
their ideology.
    And when Ahmadi-nejad speaks, we 
need to take it seriously. And when he says he wants to destroy Israel, 
the world needs to take that very seriously. It's a serious threat. It's 
a threat to an ally of the United States and Germany. But what he's also 
saying is if he's willing to destroy one country, he'd be willing to 
destroy other countries. And therefore, this is a threat that has got to 
be dealt with in a way that--where the world--this is an important 
moment for the world to come together and deal with this in a way that's 
diplomatic, so that the next person who thinks or the next country that 
thinks they can threaten will understand that there is an effective 
response.
    Mr. Diekmann. Do you rule out, as a last resort, a military 
intervention against Iran?
    The President. As you know, I have said this on German soil; I've 
said it on U.S. soil, that my first choice is to solve this 
diplomatically. I think we can, but all options are on the table.

President's Relationship With Foreign Leaders

    Mr. Diekmann. Mr. President, it seems that since Chancellor Angela 
Merkel took office, the ice age between Washington and Berlin is over. 
Are good personal ties really so important for the relationship between 
America and Germany?
    The President. I've always felt like it's important to establish 
personal ties with my counterpart. And the reason why is, is that the 
role of a President is to be a strategic thinker as well as to be able 
to understand the tactics necessary to achieve the strategic objectives. 
And in order to be able to work strategically with my counterparts, I've 
got to have a personal relationship with them. I've got to be in a 
position such that when they speak, I listen, and when I speak, they 
listen, so they know that there is a compatibility to the point where 
we're comfortable sharing ideas as we try to work together to solve 
problems.
    And this world is full of problems. You're in the Oval Office during 
this interview--there are--Sudan, North Korea, Iran, Iraq, Israel-
Palestine--I mean, that's just to name a few of the problems that come 
to this desk that I deal with on a regular basis. In order for us to be 
effective, I've got to have a personal relationship with other leaders 
so that we can work together to achieve common objectives.

Germany/Leadership

    Mr. Diekmann. During a state visit in 1989, your father described 
Germany as ``partner leadership.''
    The President. Yes.
    Mr. Diekmann. Does this statement still apply today?
    The President. Absolutely. Absolutely. And it's manifesting itself 
on the Iranian issue. Chancellor Merkel has 
been strong. It's very important for the Iranians to know that there is 
a Germany committed to working with others to send the strong message to 
the Iranians that their nuclear ambitions, their nuclear weapons 
ambitions, will cause them isolation in the world in which we live.

President's Upcoming Visit to Germany

    Mr. Diekmann. You will visit Germany in July. What would you--did 
Angela Merkel ask what you would like to see in Germany?
    The President. It's really interesting. She felt like it was important for me to go to East 
Germany--old East Germany. There is no East Germany now--the old East 
Germany. And, one, I appreciated that a lot. You know, we're all 
products of how we are raised and, in many ways, where we were raised. 
If people want to get to know me better, they've got to know my parents and the values 
my parents instilled in me and the fact that I was raised in west Texas, 
in the middle of the desert, a long way away from anywhere, hardly.

[[Page 887]]

There's a certain set of values you learn in that experience.
    I was very intrigued by dealing with a very strong woman who had been raised in a Communist country and what it 
meant--what it meant. I spent some time with her upstairs in the private 
dining quarters here in the White House complex, listening to her. I 
asked her what it was like to grow up as a child. And the interesting 
thing--she first described her mother and 
father, which said a lot to me about the kind 
of person she is. I thought that was really insightful. She talked about 
her dad, the pastor, and her mom. She talked about going to school in a 
Communist system. And she told me she wanted me to come to her home, 
which, in my part of the world, at least where I'm from, inviting 
somebody to your home is a gesture of generosity. It's hospitality that 
is very gracious.
    And so I'm really looking forward to going. I'll let her plan my 
itinerary once I get there. And it's going to be a very fascinating 
moment for me. And I thank her very much for her invitation.

President's Views on Germany

    Mr. Diekmann. Are there things that bother you about the Germans? 
And are there things that you envy about the Germans?
    The President. I am--look, I mean, Germans have always been 
incredibly efficient, capable businesspeople, and when they make a 
product, it is always of the highest of quality. The only thing that 
interests me about Germany is--it's not bothersome, but it's just a 
challenge for Germany--is the absorption of East and West, and the 
difficult assignment it is to really help the eastern Germany develop an 
economy that will be able to give people hope. But, again, I have great 
respect for Germany.

Trade With Germany

    Mr. Diekmann. What kind of role does Germany play in the world?
    The President. Germany is vital for the European Union's vitality. 
And Germany--and that's important for the United States. Listen, we want 
our trading partners to be strong. If you--if we have trade between one 
another, it really helps when there's economic vitality with your 
partner. You want your partner doing well. Trade is not a zero-sum game. 
Trade is an opportunity for a mutually beneficial relationship. And 
therefore, we want the European Union's economy as a whole to be doing 
well. And Germany has a great--when Germany's economy is vibrant, it has 
a chance to really help all the countries around her to grow well.

National Economy

    Mr. Diekmann. The U.S. economy is booming.
    The President. Yes, it is, thankfully.
    Mr. Diekmann. Yes. It is booming because you made big tax cuts.
    The President. True.
    Mr. Diekmann. What do you think about the Germans--are you--they 
acting correctly if they increase taxes now?
    The President. We have--our economy is booming for several reasons. 
One is, no question, the tax cuts help, and I intend to keep our taxes 
low. Secondly, our work rules are very flexible, and so is our economy.
    We've got some issues that put us at a competitive disadvantage, and 
one is we've got too many lawsuits. And we're trying to do something 
about that. I am smart enough, however, to allow each country to make 
its own fiscal decisions as suits the needs of their constituents and 
the people.

Pope Benedict XVI

    Mr. Diekmann. You are a practicing Christian. Does having a German 
Pope 60 years after World War II have a special meaning to you?
    The President. You know, it's interesting that the last two Holy 
Fathers were from the same neighborhood. The Holy Father

[[Page 888]]

who just passed away, who was a great man, came from Poland and really 
helped rally the spirits of the people to challenge the tyranny of 
communism. And the current Holy Father came from a country torn asunder 
by war and is witness to a renewal of a united Germany. And I think it 
helps the world to have that perspective in a very important position of 
leadership. I admire the two Popes. These are strong, capable men who 
challenge the concept of moral relevancy.

The Presidency

    Mr. Diekmann. Three last very short questions. What was the most 
wonderful moment in your terms of being President so far, and what was 
the most awful moment?
    The President. The most awful moment was September the 11th, 2001.
    Mr. Diekmann. The famous picture, when somebody gave you the 
information?
    The President. Yes, that. I think, like all of us, it took a while 
for the--it was more than a moment. It was the event and the aftermath. 
On a situation like that, it takes a period to understand exactly what 
was going on. When somebody says, ``America is under attack,'' and--
you've got to fully understand what that meant. And the information 
coming was haphazard at best for a while. We weren't sure if the State 
Department got hit. I'd heard the White House had got attacked. Of 
course, I was worried that--my family was here.
    And so I would say the toughest moment of all was after the whole 
reality sunk in, and I was trying to help the Nation understand what was 
going on, and at the same time, be empathetic for those who had lost 
lives.
    The best moment was--you know, I've had a lot of great moments. I 
don't know, it's hard to characterize the great moments. They've all 
been busy moments, by the way. I would say the best moment was when I 
caught a 7\1/2\ pound largemouth bass on my lake. [Laughter]

2006 World Cup

    Mr. Diekmann. Perfect. Very last question--you're a great sports 
fan.
    The President. Yes, I am.
    Mr. Diekmann. How important is the international World Cup in 
Germany? And what is your personal take on who will be at the end, the 
world champion?
    The President. Listen, the World Cup is a--first of all, most 
Americans, up until recently, didn't understand how big the World Cup 
is. And we're beginning to understand. And the reason why is, a lot of 
us grew up not knowing anything about soccer, like me. I never saw 
soccer as a young boy. We didn't play it where I was from. It just 
didn't exist. I can't even--I'm thinking about all the--between age 6, 
when I can remember sports, and 12 or 13, I just never saw soccer being 
played.
    And so there's a generation of us that really weren't fanatic. 
There's a new generation of Americans that did grow up on soccer. And 
there's obviously a huge interest amongst that crowd in the World Cup. 
And some of us older guys are now beginning to understand the 
significance of the World Cup around the world. It is the major sporting 
event worldwide, and it's got to be a great honor for Germany to host 
the event. And I'm confident that the German people will do a 
magnificent job of welcoming people from around the world.
    And, of course, my team is the U.S. team. They tell me we've got a 
good team. Now, whether it's good enough to win it all, who knows? But I 
know they'll try their hardest.
    Mr. Diekmann. Mr. President, thank you very much.

Note: The interview was taped at 1:55 p.m. in the Oval Office at the 
White House for later broadcast. In his remarks, the President referred 
to President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia; former President Saddam 
Hussein of Iraq; former Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and Chancellor 
Angela Merkel of Germany;

[[Page 889]]

Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist organization; senior 
Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; and President Mahmud Ahmadi-
nejad of Iran. Mr. Diekmann referred to Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of 
Israel. The transcript was released by the Office of the Press Secretary 
on May 7. A tape was not available for verification of the content of 
this interview.