[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2006, Book I)]
[March 21, 2006]
[Pages 524-539]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



The President's News Conference
March 21, 2006

    The President. Good morning. Yesterday I delivered a--the second in 
a series of speeches on the situation in Iraq. I spoke about the 
violence that the Iraqi people had faced since last month's bombing of 
the Golden Mosque in Samarra. I also said that for every act of violence 
there is encouraging progress in Iraq that's hard to capture on the 
evening news.
    Yesterday I spoke about an important example of the gains we and the 
Iraqis have made, and that is in the northern city of Tall `Afar. The 
city was once under Al Qaida control, and thanks to coalition and Iraqi 
forces, the terrorists have now been driven out of that city. Iraqi 
security forces are maintaining law and order. We see the outlines of a 
free and secure Iraq that we and the Iraqi people have been fighting 
for. As we mark the third anniversary of the launch of Operation Iraqi 
Freedom, the success we're seeing in Tall `Afar gives me confidence in 
the future of Iraq.
    Terrorists haven't given up; they're tough-minded; they like to 
kill. There's going to be more tough fighting ahead. No question that 
sectarian violence must be confronted by the Iraqi Government and a 
better trained police force. Yet we're making progress, and that's 
important for the American people to understand.

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    We're making progress because of--we've got a strategy for victory, 
and we're making progress because the men and women of the United States 
military are showing magnificent courage, and they're making important 
sacrifices that have brought Iraq to an historic moment--the opportunity 
to build a democracy that reflects its country's diversity, that serves 
its people, and is an active partner in the fight against the 
terrorists.
    Now Iraq's leaders must take advantage of the opportunity. I was 
encouraged by the announcement Sunday the Iraqi leaders--that the Iraqi 
leaders made--are making progress toward a council that gives each of 
the country's main political factions a voice in making security and 
economic policies. It's an indicator that Iraq's leaders understand the 
importance of a government of national unity. Our Ambassador to Iraq, 
Zal Khalilzad, is very much involved in the 
process and will encourage the Iraqi leaders to put aside their 
differences, reach out across sectarian lines, and form a unity 
government.
    Here at home, I'm also encouraged by the strength of our economy. 
Last year, our economy grew at a healthy 3.5 percent. Over the past 2\1/
2\ years, the economy has added nearly 5 million new jobs; that's more 
than Japan and the 25 nations of the European Union combined. The 
national unemployment rate is 4.8 percent; that's lower than the average 
rate of the 1970s, the 1980s, and the 1990s. Productivity is strong; 
inflation is contained. Household net worth is at an alltime high. Real 
after-tax income is up more than 8 percent per person since the 
beginning of 2001. The growing economy is a result of the hard work of 
the American people and good policies here in Washington.
    I believe America prospers when people are allowed to keep more of 
what they earn so they can make their own decisions about how to spend, 
save, and invest. So I'm going to continue to work with Congress to make 
the tax relief permanent, continue to work with Congress to restrain 
Federal spending, continue to work with Congress to achieve the goal of 
cutting the deficit in half by 2009.
    We cannot take our growing economy for granted, and so I look 
forward to working with the Congress to make sure we invest in basic 
research and promote math and science education. I'm going to work with 
Congress to reduce our dependence on foreign oil. I know it came as a 
surprise to some of you that I would stand up in front of the Congress 
and say, ``We got a problem; we're addicted to oil.'' But it is a 
problem. And I look forward to working with both Republicans and 
Democrats to advance an agenda that will make us less dependent on 
foreign oil, an agenda that includes hybrid cars, advanced ethanol 
fuels, and hydrogen cells. I'm going to look forward to working with 
Congress to make sure health care is affordable and available.
    We're going to work with Congress to make sure we meet our 
commitments to our fellow citizens who are affected by Katrina. I 
appreciate the step that the House of Representatives took last week on 
passing a supplemental appropriations bill that funds gulf coast 
reconstruction and, of course, supports our men and women in uniform. I 
look forward to working with the Senate to get that supplemental bill 
passed and to my desk.
    Now I'll be glad to take any questions you have, starting with AP 
person [Terence Hunt, Associated Press]. [Laughter]

Progress in Iraq

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
    The President. That would be you, Terry.
    Q. Iraq's Interim Prime Minister said Sunday that violence is 
killing an average of 50 to 60 people a day and that ``if this is not 
civil war, then God knows what civil war is.'' Do you agree with Mr. 
Allawi that Iraq has fallen into civil war?
    The President. I do not. There are other voices coming out of Iraq, 
by the way, other than Mr. Allawi--who I know, 
by

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the way, and like; he's a good fellow. President Talabani has spoken. General Casey, the other day, was quite eloquent on the subject--Zal 
Khalilzad, who I talk to quite frequently. 
Listen, we all recognize that there is violence, that there's sectarian 
violence. But the way I look at the situation is that the Iraqis took a 
look and decided not to go to civil war.
    A couple of indicators are that the army didn't bust up into 
sectarian divisions. The army stayed united. And as General Casey pointed out, they did, arguably, a good job in 
helping to make sure the country stayed united.
    Secondly, I was pleased to see religious leaders stand up. Ayatollah 
Sistani, for example, was very clear in his 
denunciation of violence and the need for the country to remain united. 
The political leaders who represent different factions of the Iraqi 
society have committed themselves to moving forward on a unity 
government.
    No question that the enemy has tried to spread sectarian violence; 
they use violence as a tool to do that. They're willing to kill innocent 
people. The reports of bound Sunnis that were executed are horrific. And 
it's obviously something we're going to have to deal with. And more 
importantly, the Iraqis are going to have to deal with it.
    But I see progress. I've heard people say, ``Oh, he's just kind of 
optimistic for the sake of optimism.'' Well, look, I believe we're going 
to succeed. And I understand how tough it is--don't get me wrong--I 
mean, you make it abundantly clear how tough it is. I hear it from our 
troops; I read the reports every night. But I believe the Iraqis--this 
is a moment where the Iraqis had a chance to fall apart, and they 
didn't. And that's a positive development.
    Steve [Steve Holland, Reuters].

Iran

    Q. Thank you. You describe Iran as a threat, yet, you're close to 
opening talks with them about Iraq. What would be the objective in these 
talks if they are not negotiations? And is there a risk of getting drawn 
into the nuclear issue?
    The President. Thanks for asking that question. A couple of months 
ago, I gave Zal, our Ambassador in Iraq, 
permission to explain to the Iraqi--Iranians what we didn't like about 
their involvement in Iraq. I thought it was important for them to hear 
firsthand, other than through press accounts. He asked whether or not it 
made sense for him to be able to talk to a representative in Baghdad. I 
said, ``Absolutely. You make it clear to them that attempts to spread 
sectarian violence, or to maybe move parts that could be used for IEDs 
is unacceptable to the United States.''
    It is very important for the Iranians to understand that any 
relationship between Iraq and Iran will be negotiated between those two 
countries. Iraq is a sovereign government. They have a foreign policy. 
And when they get their unity government stepped up, they will be in 
charge of negotiating with the Iranians their foreign policy 
arrangement. And so this is a way for us to make it clear to them that--
about what's right or wrong in their activities inside of Iraq.
    Secondly, our negotiations with Iran on the nuclear weapons will be 
led by the EU-3. And that's important because the Iranians must hear 
there's a unified voice about--that says that they shall not have a 
capacity to make a nuclear weapon and/or the knowledge as to how to make 
a nuclear weapon, for the sake of security of the world.
    It's important for our citizens to understand that we have got to 
deal with this issue diplomatically now. And the reason why is because 
if the Iranians were to have a nuclear weapon, they could blackmail the 
world. If the Iranians were to have a nuclear weapon, they could 
proliferate. This is a country that's walking away from international 
accords; they're not heading toward the international accords; they're 
not welcoming the international inspections--

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or safeguards--safeguard measures that they had agreed to.
    And so our policy for the Iranians, in terms of the nuclear program, 
is to continue to work with the EU-3, as well as Russia and China. Later 
on this week, there's going to be a P-5--that's a diplomatic 
sloganeering for the permanent members of the Security Council plus 
Germany--and working together to make sure that the message remains 
unified and concerted.
    If you're a nontransparent society, you've got a negotiating 
advantage over six parties, because all you have to do is kind of try to 
find a--the weakest link in the negotiating team. And so our job is to 
make sure that this international will remains strong and united, so 
that we can solve this issue diplomatically.
    Helen [Helen Thomas, Hearst Newspapers]. After that brilliant 
performance at the Gridiron, I am----

War on Terror

    Q. You're going to be sorry. [Laughter]
    The President. Well, then, let me take it back. [Laughter]
    Q. I'd like to ask you, Mr. President, your decision to invade Iraq 
has caused the deaths of thousands of Americans and Iraqis, wounds of 
Americans and Iraqis for a lifetime. Every reason given, publicly at 
least, has turned out not to be true. My question is, why did you really 
want to go to war? From the moment you stepped into the White House, 
from your Cabinet officers, intelligence people, and so forth--what was 
your real reason? You have said it wasn't oil, quest for oil--it hasn't 
been Israel, or anything else. What was it?
    The President. I think your premise--in all due respect to your 
question and to you as a lifelong journalist--is that--I didn't want 
war. To assume I wanted war is just flat wrong, Helen, in all due 
respect----
    Q. Everything----
    The President. Hold on for a second, please.
    Q. ----everything I've heard----
    The President. Excuse me, excuse me. No President wants war. 
Everything you may have heard is that, but it's just simply not true. My 
attitude about the defense of this country changed on September the 
11th. We--when we got attacked, I vowed then and there to use every 
asset at my disposal to protect the American people.
    Our foreign policy changed on that day, Helen. You know, we used to 
think we were secure because of oceans and previous diplomacy. But we 
realized on September the 11th, 2001, that killers could destroy 
innocent life. And I'm never going to forget it. And I'm never going to 
forget the vow I made to the American people that we will do everything 
in our power to protect our people.
    Part of that meant to make sure that we didn't allow people to 
provide safe haven to an enemy. And that's why I went into Iraq--hold on 
for a second----
    Q. They didn't do anything to you or to our country.
    The President. Look--excuse me for a second, please. Excuse me for a 
second. They did. The Taliban provided safe haven for Al Qaida. That's 
where Al Qaida trained----
    Q. I'm talking about Iraq----
    The President. Helen, excuse me. That's where--Afghanistan provided 
safe haven for Al Qaida. That's where they trained. That's where they 
plotted. That's where they planned the attacks that killed thousands of 
innocent Americans.
    I also saw a threat in Iraq. I was hoping to solve this problem 
diplomatically. That's why I went to the Security Council; that's why it 
was important to pass 1441, which was unanimously passed. And the world 
said, ``Disarm, disclose, or face serious consequences''----
    Q. ----go to war----
    The President. ----and therefore, we worked with the world, we 
worked to make

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sure that Saddam Hussein heard the message of 
the world. And when he chose to deny inspectors, when he chose not to 
disclose, then I had the difficult decision to make to remove him. And 
we did, and the world is safer for it.
    Q. Thank you, sir. Secretary Rumsfeld----
    Q. Thank you. [Laughter].
    The President. You're welcome. [Laughter] I didn't really regret it. 
I kind of semi-regretted it. [Laughter]
    Q. ----have a debate.
    The President. That's right. Anyway, your performance at the 
Gridiron was just brilliant--unlike Holland's, was a little weak, but--
[laughter].
    Sorry.

Progress in Iraq

    Q. Secretary Rumsfeld has said that if civil war should break out in 
Iraq, he's hopeful that Iraqi forces can handle it. If they can't, sir, 
are you willing to sacrifice American lives to keep Iraqis from killing 
one another?
    The President. I think the first step is to make sure a civil war 
doesn't break out. And that's why we're working with the leaders there 
in Baghdad to form a unity government. Obviously, if there is difficulty 
on the streets, the first line of defense for that difficulty will be 
the Iraqi forces, which have proved themselves in the face of potential 
sectarian violence--right after the bombing of the mosque in Samarra. 
The forces are--part of our strategy for victory is to get the forces 
the skills and the tools and the training necessary to defend their own 
country, whether it be against Zarqawi 
and the killers, or whether it be those who are trying to spread 
sectarian violence. And they have proven themselves.
    And so our position is, one, get a unity government formed, and 
secondly, prepare the Iraqi troops, and support Iraqi troops, if need 
be, to prevent sectarian violence from breaking out.
    Yes, sir.

War on Terror

    Q. Mr. President, I'd like to ask you for your reaction on the 
latest insurgent attack in Baghdad, 17 police officers killed and a 
bunch of insurgents freed. I spent a fair amount of time in front of 
that hotel in Cleveland yesterday, talking to people about the war and 
saying you were there to talk optimistically. And one woman who said she 
voted for you, said, ``You know what, he's losing me. We've been there 
too long; he's losing me.'' What do you say to her?
    The President. I say that I'm talking realistically to people. We 
have a plan for victory, and it's important we achieve that plan. 
Democracy--first of all, this is a global war on terror, and Iraq is a 
part of the war on terror. Mr. Zarqawi 
and Al Qaida, the very same people that attacked the United States, have 
made it clear that they want to drive us out of Iraq so they can plan, 
plot, and attack America again. That's what they have said; that's their 
objective. I think it is very important to have a President who is 
realistic and listens to what the enemy says.
    Secondly, I am confident, or I believe--I'm optimistic we'll 
succeed. If not, I'd pull our troops out. If I didn't believe we had a 
plan for victory, I wouldn't leave our people in harm's way. And that's 
important for the woman to understand.
    Thirdly, in spite of the bad news on television--and there is bad 
news. You brought it up; you said, how do I react to a bombing that took 
place yesterday--is precisely what the enemy understands is possible to 
do. I'm not suggesting you shouldn't talk about it. I'm certainly not 
being--please don't take that as criticism. But it also is a realistic 
assessment of the enemy's capability to affect the debate, and they know 
that. They're capable of blowing up innocent life so it ends up on your 
TV show. And therefore, it affects the woman in Cleveland you were 
talking to. And I can

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understand how Americans are worried about whether or not we can win.
    I think most Americans understand we need to win, but they're 
concerned about whether or not we can win. So one of the reasons I go 
around the country, to Cleveland, is to explain why I think we can win. 
And so I would say, yes, I'm optimistic about being able to achieve a 
victory, but I'm also realistic. I fully understand the consequences of 
this war. I understand people's lives are being lost. But I also 
understand the consequences of not achieving our objective by leaving 
too early. Iraq would become a place of instability, a place from which 
the enemy can plot, plan, and attack.
    I believe that they want to hurt us again. And therefore, I know we 
need to stay on the offense against this enemy. They've declared Iraq to 
be the central front, and therefore, we've got to make sure we win that. 
And I believe we will.
    Please.

White House Staff

    Q. Good morning, sir. Mindful of the frustrations that many 
Americans are expressing to you, do you believe you need to make any 
adjustments in how you run the White House? Many of your senior staffers 
have been with you from the beginning. There are some in Washington who 
say----
    The President. Wait a minute. Is this a personal attack launching 
over here? [Laughter]
    Q. Some say they are tired and even tone-deaf, even within your 
party who say that maybe you need some changes. Would you benefit from 
any changes to your staff?
    The President. I've got a staff of people that have, first of all, 
placed their country above their self-interests. These are good, hard-
working, decent people. And we've dealt with a lot; we've dealt with a 
lot. We've dealt with war; we've dealt with recession; we've dealt with 
scandal; we've dealt with Katrina. I mean, they had a lot on their 
plate. And I appreciate their performance and their hard work, and 
they've got my confidence.
    And I understand--Washington is a great town for advice. I get a lot 
of it--sometimes in private, from my friends, and sometimes in public. 
There are those who like to stand up and say to the President, ``Here's 
what you ought to be doing.'' And I understand that. This isn't the 
first time during these 5\1/2\ years that people have felt comfortable 
about standing up, telling me what to do. And that's okay. I take it all 
in and appreciate the spirit in which it's delivered, most of the time. 
But--no, look, I'm satisfied with the people I've surrounded myself 
with. We've been a remarkably stable administration. And I think that's 
good for the country.
    Obviously, there's some times when government bureaucracies haven't 
responded the way we wanted them to. And like citizens, I don't like 
that at all. I mean, I think, for example, of the trailers sitting down 
in Arkansas. Like many citizens, they're wondering why they're down 
there. How come we got 11,000? So I've asked Chertoff to find out, what are you going to do with them? The 
taxpayers aren't interested in 11,000 trailers just sitting there; do 
something with them.
    And so I share that sense of frustration when a big government is 
unable to--sends wrong signals to taxpayers. But our people are good, 
hard-working people.
    Elisabeth [Elisabeth Bumiller, New York Times].

Second-Term Agenda

    Q. Can I just follow up on that?
    The President. Sure.
    Q. But aside from staff, Mr. President, are you listening to 
suggestions you bring somebody else into the White House, a wise man, a 
graybeard, some old-time Washington hand who can steady Congress if 
they're upset about things, Republicans in Congress?

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    The President. I'm listening to all suggestions. I really am. I 
mean, I'm listening to Congress. We're bringing Congress down here all 
the time. And it's interesting to hear their observations. They--
they're, obviously, expressing concerns. It's an election year, after 
all. And it seems like history tends to repeat itself when you're in the 
White House. I can remember '02 before the elections; there was a 
certain nervousness. There was a lot of people in Congress who weren't 
sure I was going to make it in '04, and whether or not I'd drag the 
ticket down. So there's a certain unease as you head into an election 
year; I understand that.
    My message to them is, please continue to give me advice and 
suggestions. And I take their advice seriously. But also remember we've 
got a positive agenda. We've got something to do. It's important for 
Congress to have confidence in our ability to get things done. We're 
supporting our troops over the last 12 months. We've got two Supreme 
Court judges confirmed. We've got the PATRIOT Act reauthorized over the 
objections of the Democrat leadership in the Senate. We got some tort 
reform passed. We passed a budget that cut nonsecurity discretionary 
spending. There's a series of--we got an energy bill passed. We worked 
to get a lot of positive things done. And now we've got an agenda--
continue to keep this economy growing and keep this Nation competitive.
    I meant what I said in my speech: We shouldn't fear this future. In 
other words, we shouldn't allow isolationism and protectionism to 
overwhelm us. We ought to be confident about our ability to shape the 
future.
    And that's why this Competitiveness Initiative is important. That's 
why this energy plan that gets us less addicted to oil is important. We 
got some interesting ideas on health care that we need to continue to 
press to make sure consumers are actually a part of the decisionmaking 
process when it comes to health care decisions. We've got an aggressive 
agenda that, by working together, will get passed. But I do, I listen.
    Yes, Jim [Jim Gerstenzang, Los Angeles Times].

War on Terror/Polls

    Q. ----new guy? No new guy?
    The President. Well, I'm not going to announce it right now. Look, 
they've got some ideas that I like and some I don't like. Put it that 
way.
    Q. You've said during your Presidency that you don't pay that much 
attention to the polls, but----
    The President. Correct.
    Q. ----there is a handful that have come back, and they all say the 
exact same thing: A growing number of Americans are questioning the 
trustworthiness of you and this White House. Does that concern you?
    The President. I believe that my job is to go out and explain to 
people what's on my mind. That's why I'm having this press conference, 
see. I'm telling you what's on my mind. And what's on my mind is winning 
the war on terror. And I understand war creates concerns, Jim. Nobody 
likes war. It creates a sense of uncertainty in the country. The person 
you talked to in Cleveland is uncertain about our ability to go forward. 
She's uncertain about whether or not we can succeed, and I understand 
that. War creates trauma, particularly when you're fighting an enemy 
that doesn't fight soldier to soldier. They fight by using IEDs to kill 
innocent people. That's what they use. That's the tool they use. And it 
creates a sense of concern amongst our people, and that makes sense, and 
I know that.
    And one of the reasons why it's important for me to continue to 
speak out and explain why we have a strategy for victory, why we can 
succeed--and I'm going to say it again--if I didn't believe we could 
succeed, I wouldn't be there. I wouldn't put those kids there. I meet 
with too many families who's lost a loved one to not be able to look 
them in the eye and say, we're

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doing the right thing. And we are doing the right thing. A democracy in 
Iraq is going to affect the neighborhood. A democracy in Iraq is going 
to inspire reformers in a part of the world that is desperate for 
reformation.
    Our foreign policy up to now was to kind of tolerate what appeared 
to be calm. And underneath the surface was this swelling sense of 
anxiety and resentment, out of which came this totalitarian movement 
that is willing to spread its propaganda through death and destruction, 
to spread its philosophy. Now, some in this country don't--I can 
understand--don't view the enemy that way. I guess they kind of view it 
as an isolated group of people that occasionally kill. I just don't see 
it that way. I see them bound by a philosophy with plans and tactics to 
impose their will on other countries.
    The enemy has said that it's just a matter of time before the United 
States loses its nerve and withdraws from Iraq. That's what they have 
said. And their objective for driving us out of Iraq is to have a place 
from which to launch their campaign to overthrow modern governments--
moderate governments--in the Middle East, as well as to continue 
attacking places like the United States. Now, maybe some discount those 
words as kind of meaningless propaganda. I don't, Jim. I take them 
really seriously. And I think everybody in government should take them 
seriously and respond accordingly. And so it's--I've got to continue to 
speak as clearly as I possibly can about the consequences of success and 
the consequences of failure and why I believe we can succeed.

Defense Secretary Rumsfeld/Progress in 
Iraq

    Q. Mr. President, Kathleen Koch, CNN.
    The President. Yes.
    Q. You said you listen to Members of Congress, and there have been 
growing calls from some of those Members for the resignation of Defense 
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld; also from his own former subordinates like 
U.S. Army Major General Paul Eaton, who described him in a recent 
editorial as ``incompetent and tactically inept.'' Do you feel that 
personally you've ever gotten bad advice in the conduct of the war in 
Iraq? And do you believe Rumsfeld should resign?
    The President. No, I don't believe he should resign. I think he's 
done a fine job of not only conducting two battles, Afghanistan and 
Iraq, but also transforming our military, which has been a very 
difficult job inside the Pentagon.
    Listen, every war plan looks good on paper until you meet the 
enemy--not just the war plan we executed in Iraq but the war plans that 
have been executed throughout the history of warfare. In other words, 
the enemy changes tactics, and we've got to change tactics too.
    And no question that we've had to adjust our tactics on the ground. 
And perhaps the clearest example is in the training of Iraqi security 
forces. When we got into Iraq, we felt like we needed to train a 
security force that was capable for defending the country from an 
outside threat. And then it became apparent that the insurgents and 
Zarqawi were able to spread their 
poison and their violence in a ruthless way, and therefore, we had to 
make sure that the Iraqi forces were able to deal with the internal 
threat. And we adjusted our tactics and started spending a lot more time 
getting the Iraqis up and running, and then embedding our troops with 
the Iraqis.
    And it has been a success. But no question about it, we missed some 
time as we adjusted our tactics. We had to change our reconstruction 
strategy. We were--we thought it made sense, initially, when we went in 
there to build big, grand projects, which turned out to be targets for 
the insurgents to blow up. And a better strategy was to be spending 
reconstruction money at the local level, so that local leaders committed 
to a peaceful and unified Iraq would benefit. In other words, people 
would see

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tangible benefits from an emerging democracy, and the leaders would be 
viewed as people helping to improve their lives.
    And so this is a war in which we've changed tactics. It's a war in 
which we've adjusted and learned lessons in the process of the war.
    Yes, sir.

Social Security Reform

    Q. Just after the 2004 election, you seemed to--you claimed a really 
enviable balance of political capital and a strong mandate. Would you 
make that claim today? Do you still have that?
    The President. I'd say I'm spending that capital on the war.
    Q. Well, is that costing you elsewhere, then?
    The President. I don't think so. I just named 12--I just named an 
agenda that over the last 12 month was--would be, I suspect, if looked 
at objectively, would say, well, they got a lot done. And I'd be glad to 
repeat them if you like, which is--[laughter].
    Q. ----Social Security----
    The President. Wait a minute. Please no hand gestures. [Laughter]
    Social Security--it didn't get done. You notice it wasn't on the 
list. [Laughter] Let me talk about that, if you don't mind. First of 
all, Social Security is a really difficult issue for some Members of 
Congress to deal with because it is fraught with all kind of political 
peril. As a matter of fact, it's been difficult for a lot of Congresses 
to deal with. The one time in recent memory that it was dealt with was 
when there was a near crisis--in other words, when the system was about 
to fall into the abyss, and people came together and solved it. But they 
thought it was a fairly long-term fix; it turned out to be a lot shorter 
fix than they thought.
    So I'm disappointed Congress didn't want to go forward with it, but 
I'm not surprised. Therefore, I tried a new tactic. Last year, the 
tactic was to believe that once the people saw there was a problem, they 
would then demand a solution. And we made progress on describing the 
problem. I think the American people are now beginning to get the 
picture that if we don't do something, Social Security and Medicare will 
bust. If we don't do something, future Congresses--not this Congress, 
but future Congresses--are going to be confronted with some serious 
decisions about raising taxes enormously or cutting benefits 
drastically--or other programs drastically.
    And so that issue sunk in. Just that--there wasn't that connection 
with action inside, in the body of the respective chambers--although, 
there were some noble efforts made by some Members of Congress to get 
something started.
    So the new tactics to get people involved in this process is to try 
to take the politics out of it and bring members of both parties, both 
chambers together. There's quiet consultations going on to get this 
commission--committee together of members that could get something put 
in place that would have a bipartisan appeal to it. Bipartisanship is 
hard to achieve in Washington these days. I readily concede that. Yet 
this issue is one that's going to require a bipartisan approach. It's 
simply not going to be an issue where one party, without the cooperation 
of the other party, kind of tries to move a bill. At least, that's how I 
view it.
    But I'm committed to moving the issue. I think it's important. And 
I'm not deterred by the fact that nothing happened. As a matter of fact, 
I take great pride in the fact that I was willing to bring up the issue 
while others might not have. That's the job of the President. The job of 
the President is not to worry about the short-term attitudes. The job of 
the President is to confront big issues and to bring them to the front 
and to say to people, ``Let's work together to get it solved.'' And I'm 
going to continue working on it.
    Carl [Carl Cameron, FOX News].

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Terrorist Surveillance Program

    Q. Thank you, sir. On the subject of the terrorist surveillance 
program----
    The President. Yes.
    Q. ----not to change the tone from all this emphasis on 
bipartisanship, but there have been now three sponsors to a measure to 
censure you for the implementation of that program. The primary sponsor, 
Russ Feingold, has suggested that impeachment is not out of the 
question. And on Sunday, the number-two Democrat in the Senate refused 
to rule that out, pending an investigation. What, sir, do you think the 
impact of the discussion of impeachment and censure does to you and this 
office and to the Nation during a time of war and in the context of the 
election?
    The President. I think during these difficult times--and they are 
difficult when we're at war--the American people expect there to be a 
honest and open debate without needless partisanship. And that's how I 
view it. I did notice that nobody from the Democrat Party has actually 
stood up and called for getting rid of the terrorist surveillance 
program. You know, if that's what they believe, if people in the party 
believe that, then they ought to stand up and say it. They ought to 
stand up and say, the tools we're using to protect the American people 
shouldn't be used. They ought to take their message to the people and 
say, ``Vote for me; I promise we're not going to have a terrorist 
surveillance program.'' That's what they ought to be doing. That's part 
of what is an open and honest debate.
    I did notice that, at one point in time, they didn't think the 
PATRIOT Act ought to be reauthorized--``they'' being at least the 
minority leader in the Senate. He openly said, as 
I understand--I don't want to misquote him--something along the lines 
that, ``We killed the PATRIOT Act.'' And if that's what the party 
believes, they ought to go around the country saying, ``We shouldn't 
give the people on the frontline of protecting us the tools necessary to 
do so.'' That's a debate I think the country ought to have.
    Yes, sir.

Progress in Iraq

    Q. You mentioned earlier that you were encouraged by some of the 
discussions going on over a unity government, over the last few days. Do 
you now have in mind a target date for forming the unity government 
and----
    The President. As soon as possible. Next question.

Public Opinion/Progress in Iraq

    Q. How much of a factor do you think that will be, if it's achieved, 
in turning around, or at least improving the situation in the public 
opinion?
    The President. Here in America?
    Q. Right.
    The President. That's a trick question, because you want to get me 
to talk about polls when I don't pay attention to polls.
    Q. That was one----
    The President. At least that's--after 5\1/2\ years, I was able to 
rout you out. [Laughter]
    First of all, I have no idea whether or not a--how Americans are 
going to react to a unity government. There will be a unity government 
formed; then there could be an attack the next day. And so it's hard for 
me to predict. I do know a unity government, though, is necessary for us 
to achieve our objective. I do know that the Iraqi people--11 million of 
them--voted in an election in December, which was, like, 4 months ago. 
And the message I received from--that is, I hope, the same message that 
those who have been in charge with forming a unity government receive, 
and that is the people have spoken, and they want democracy. That's what 
they said. Otherwise, they wouldn't have participated. They expect there 
to be a democracy in place that listens to their demands.

[[Page 534]]

    And so I'm--most importantly, I believe a unity government will 
begin to affect the attitudes of the Iraqis. And that's important for 
them to get confidence not only in a government but in a security force 
that will provide them security. It's--confidence amongst the Iraqis is 
what is going to be a vital part of achieving a victory, which will then 
enable the American people to understand that victory is possible. In 
other words, the American people will--their opinions, I suspect, will 
be affected by what they see on their TV screens. The unity government 
will affect, first and foremost, the Iraqi people, and that's a very 
important part of achieving success.
    We do have a plan for victory, and victory is clearly stated, and 
that is that Iraq is not a--becomes a safe haven. And that's important 
for the American people, that Iraq not be a safe haven for terrorists. 
Their stated objective is to turn Iraq into a safe haven from which they 
can launch attacks.
    Secondly, part of the plan for victory is for there to be security 
forces capable of defending and providing security to the Iraqi 
citizens. And thirdly, that democracy, the government take root to the 
extent that it can't be overturned by those who want to stop democracy 
from taking hold in Iraq. These are clear objectives, and they're 
achievable objectives.
    Okay. Mark [Mark Silva, Chicago Tribune].

Deficit Spending

    Q. Mr. President, in the upcoming elections, I think many 
Republicans would tell you one of the big things they're worried about 
is the national debt, which was $5.7 trillion when you took office and 
is now nearly $8.2 trillion, and Congress has just voted to raise it to 
$8.9 trillion. That would be a 58-percent increase. You've yet to veto a 
single bill, sir--I assume that means you're satisfied with this.

    The President. No, I'm not satisfied with the rise of mandatory 
spending. As you know, the President doesn't have the--doesn't veto 
mandatory spending increases. And mandatory spending increases are those 
increases in the budget caused by increases in spending on Medicare and 
Social Security. And that's why--back to this man's question right 
here--it's important for--``this man'' being Jim--[laughter]--sorry, 
Jim, I've got a lot on my mind these days. That's why it's important for 
us to modernize and strengthen Social Security and Medicare, in order to 
be able to deal with the increases in mandatory spending.
    Secondly, in terms of discretionary spending, that part of the 
budget over which Congress has got some control and over which the 
President can make suggestions, we have suggested that the Congress 
fully fund the troops in harm's way. And they have, and for that the 
American people should be grateful.
    Secondly, we suggested that Congress fund the reconstruction efforts 
for Katrina. They have spent now a little more than $100 billion, and I 
think that's money well-spent, a commitment that needed to be kept.
    Thirdly, we have said that other than security discretionary 
spending, that we ought to, last year, actually reduce the amount of 
discretionary spending and were able to do so. Ever since I've been the 
President, we have slowed the rate of growth of nonsecurity 
discretionary spending and actually cut discretionary spending--
nonsecurity discretionary spending.
    Last year, I submitted a budget to the United States Congress. I 
would hope they would meet the targets of the budget that I submitted, 
in order to continue to make a commitment to the American people. But in 
terms of the debt, mandatory spending increases is driving a lot of that 
debt. And that's why it's important to get the reforms done.

[[Page 535]]

National Economy/Line-Item Veto Legislation

    Q. Thank you, sir. For the first time in years, interest rates are 
rising in the U.S., Europe, and Japan at the same time. Is this a 
concern for you? And how much strain are higher interest rates placing 
on consumers and companies?
    The President. First of all, interest rates are set by an 
independent organization, which----
    Q. ----still, are you concerned about that?
    The President. Well, I'm not quite through with my answer yet.
    Q. I'm sorry.
    The President. I'm kind of stalling for time here. [Laughter] 
Interest rates are set by the independent organization. I can only tell 
you that the economy of the United States looks very strong. And the 
reason I say that is that projections for first-quarter growth of this 
year look pretty decent. That's just projections, that's a guess by some 
economists, and until the actual numbers come out, we won't know. But no 
question that the job market is strong. When you have 4.8 percent 
unemployment--4.8 percent nationwide unemployment, that indicates a 
strong job market, and that's very important.
    One of the measures as to whether or not this economy will remain 
strong is productivity. And our productivity of the American worker and 
productivity of the American business sector is rising. And that's 
positive, because productivity increases eventually yield--eventually 
yield higher standards of living. Homeownership is at an alltime high. 
And there has been all kinds of speculation about whether or not 
homeownership would--home building would remain strong, and it appears 
to be steady. And that's important.
    In other words--and so to answer your question, I feel--without 
getting into kind of the--kind of microeconomics, from my perch and my 
perspective, the economy appears to be strong and getting stronger. And 
the fundamental question that those of us in Washington have to answer 
is, what do we do to keep it that way? How do we make sure, one, we 
don't put bad policies in place that will hurt economic growth? A bad 
policy is to raise taxes--which some want to do. There are people in the 
United States Congress, primarily on the Democrat side, that would be 
anxious to let some of the tax relief expire. Some of them actually want 
to raise taxes now. I think raising taxes would be wrong. As a matter of 
fact, that's why--and I think it's important for us to have certainty in 
the Tax Code. That's why I'd like to see the tax relief made permanent.
    You know, it's a myth in Washington--for Washington people to go 
around the country saying, ``Well, we'll balance the budget; just let us 
raise taxes.'' That's not how Washington works. Washington works--raise 
in taxes, and they figure out new ways to spend. There is a huge 
appetite for spending here. One way to help cure that appetite is to 
give me the line-item veto. You mentioned vetoing of bills--one reason 
why I haven't vetoed any appropriation bills is because they met the 
benchmarks we've set. They have--on the discretionary spending, we've 
said, ``Here is the budget.'' We've agreed to a number, and they met 
those numbers.
    Now, sometimes I didn't--I like the size of the pie; sometimes I 
didn't particularly like the slices within the pie. And so one way to 
deal with the slices in the pie is to give the President the line-item 
veto. And I was heartened the other day when members of both parties 
came down in the Cabinet Room to talk about passage of a line-item veto. 
I was particularly pleased that my opponent in the 2004 campaign, 
Senator Kerry, graciously came down and lent his 
support to a line-item veto and also made very constructive suggestions 
about how to get one out of the United States Congress.

[[Page 536]]

    Let's see here. They've told me what to say. David [David Jackson, 
Dallas Morning News].

Spread of Democracy in the Middle East

    Q. Mr. President, you've spoken about Iraq as being a beacon for 
democracy throughout the Middle East. Yet we've had troubles in Iraq, 
and we've seen aggressiveness from Syria and Iran. Are you concerned 
that the Iraq experience is going to embolden authoritarian regimes in 
the Middle East and make it tougher to forge democracy there?
    The President. There's no question that if we were to prematurely 
withdraw and the march to democracy were to fail, the Al Qaida would be 
emboldened, terrorist groups would be emboldened, the Islamo-fascists 
would be emboldened. No question about that.
    There are a lot of reformers in the Middle East who would like to 
see Iraq succeed. And I think that if we were to lose our nerve and 
leave prematurely, those reformers would be let down. So failure in 
Iraq--which isn't going to happen--is--would send all kinds of terrible 
signals to an enemy that wants to hurt us and people who are desperate 
to change the conditions in the broader Middle East.
    The--it's an interesting debate, isn't it, about whether or not this 
country of ours ought to work to spread liberty. It's--I find it 
fascinating that--to listen to the voices from around the world as to 
whether or not it is a noble purpose to spread liberty around the world. 
And it is a--I think it's--at least, my position is affected by my 
belief that there is universality when it comes to liberty. This isn't 
American liberty; this isn't America's possession. Liberty is universal. 
People desire to be free. And history has proven that democracies don't 
war. And so part of the issue is to lay peace, is to give people a 
chance to live in a peaceful world where mothers can raise their 
children without fear of violence or women are free to be able to 
express themselves.
    Q. But how about the difficulty----
    The President. Excuse me a second, David. Excuse me for a second, 
please.
    The--that we ought to pursue liberty. We ought to not be worried 
about a foreign policy that encourages others to be free. That's why I 
said in my second Inauguration Address, ``The goal of this country ought 
to be to end tyranny in the 21st century.'' I meant it. For the sake 
of--I said that for the sake of peace.
    Now, what is your followup yell? [Laughter]
    Q. I was wondering, have the difficulties of the last 3 years made 
the job of those reformers more difficult?
    The President. Well, if the United States were to lose its nerve, it 
would certainly make the job of reformers more difficult. If people in 
Iran, for example, who desire to have a Iranian-style democracy, 
Iranian-style freedom, if they see us lose our nerve, it's likely to 
undermine their boldness and their desire.
    What we're doing is difficult work. And one--the interesting thing 
that's happening is, is that imagine an enemy that says, ``We will kill 
innocent people,'' because we're trying to encourage people to be free. 
What kind of mindset is it of people who say, ``We must stop 
democracy''? Democracy is based upon this kind of universal belief that 
people should be free. And yet there are people willing to kill innocent 
life to stop it. To me, that ought to be a warning signal to people all 
around the world that the enemy we face is an enemy that ascribes to a 
vision that is dark and one that doesn't agree with the universal rights 
of men and women.
    As a matter of fact, when given a chance to govern or to have their 
parasitical government represent their views, they suppressed women and 
children. There was no such thing as religious freedom. There was no 
such thing as being able to express yourself in the public square. There 
was no such thing as press conferences like this.

[[Page 537]]

    They were totalitarian in their view. And that would be--I'm 
referring to the Taliban, of course. And that's how they would like to 
run government. They rule by intimidation and fear, by death and 
destruction.
    And the United States of America must take this threat seriously and 
must not--must never forget the natural rights that formed our country. 
And for people to say, ``Well, the natural rights only exist for one 
group of people,'' I would call them--I would say that they're denying 
the basic rights to others.
    And it is hard work. And it's hard work, David, because we're 
fighting tradition. We're fighting people that have said, ``Well, wait a 
minute. The only way to have peace is for there to be tyranny.'' We're 
fighting intimidation. We're fighting the fact that people will be 
thrown in prison if they disagree.
    Yes.

Iraq/U.S. Armed Forces

    Q. Sir, you said earlier today that you believe there's a plan for 
success; if you did not, you would pull the troops out. And so my 
question is, one, is there a point at which having the American forces 
in Iraq becomes more a part of the problem than a part of the solution? 
Can you say that you will not keep American troops in there if they're 
caught in the crossfire in a civil war? And can you say to the American 
people, assure them that there will come a day when there will be no 
more American forces in Iraq?
    The President. Bob [Bob Deans, Cox Newspapers], the decisions about 
our troop levels will be made by General Casey and the commanders on the ground. They're the ones who 
can best judge whether or not the presence of coalition troops create 
more of a problem than a solution--than be a part of the solution.
    Secondly, I've answered the question on civil war. Our job is to 
make sure the civil war doesn't happen. But there will be--but if there 
is sectarian violence, it's the job of the Iraqi forces, with coalition 
help, to separate those sectarian forces.
    Third part of your question?
    Q. Will there come a day--and I'm not asking you when, not asking 
for a timetable--will there come a day when there will be no more 
American forces in Iraq?
    The President. That, of course, is an objective, and that will be 
decided by future Presidents and future governments of Iraq.
    Q. So it won't happen on your watch?
    The President. You mean a complete withdrawal? That's a timetable. I 
can only tell you that I will make decisions on force levels based upon 
what the commanders on the ground say.
    Cannon [Carl Cannon, National Journal].

Same-Sex Marriage

    Q. Mr. President----
    The President. No, you're not Ken. That Ken. You're Ken [Ken 
Bazinet, New York Daily News]. Sorry Cannon.
    Q. Thank you, sir.
    The President. Sorry, you're Ken, according to the chart. You 
thought I said Cannon----
    Q. I thought you said Ken.
    The President. Bazinet. [Laughter]
    Q. Mr. President, 2 years ago, Gavin Newsom, the mayor of San 
Francisco, heard your State of the Union Address, went back to 
California, and began authorizing the marriage of gay men and lesbians. 
Thousands of people got married. The California courts later ruled he 
had overstepped his bounds. But they were--we were left with these 
pictures of thousands of families getting married, and they had these 
children, thousands of children. Now, that might have changed the 
debate, but it didn't. In light of that, my question is, are you still 
confident that society's interest and the interest of those children in 
gay families are being met by government saying their parents can't 
marry?
    The President. I believe society's interest are met by saying--
defining marriage as

[[Page 538]]

between a man and a woman. That's what I believe.

Immigration

    Q. Mr. President, on immigration, yesterday you answered a question 
from a woman and said, the tough question here is what happens to 
somebody who has been here since 1987. Will you accept a bill that 
allows those who have been here a long time to remain in the country 
permanently?
    The President. I also said that--let me make sure, Stephen [Stephen 
Dinan, Washington Times], that you--first of all, I'm impressed that 
you're actually paying attention to it. The people I saw in the press 
pool weren't. They were--like, Elisabeth was half-asleep--[laughter]--
yes, you were. [Laughter]
    Q. No, I wasn't.
    The President. Okay. Well, the person next to you was. [Laughter] 
They were dozing off. I could see them watching their watches, kind of 
wondering how long he's going to blow on for. Let's get him out of here 
so we can go get lunch, is what they were thinking. [Laughter] So at 
least you paid attention. Thanks.
    I also went on to say that people who have been here need to get in 
line, like everybody else who is in line legally. My point is that if we 
were--first of all, whatever is passed should not say ``amnesty.'' In my 
judgment, amnesty would be the wrong course of action. We have a way 
toward legality, in terms of citizenship. In other words, there's a 
difference between someone who is here legally working and someone who 
is a citizen. And that's part of the--I maybe didn't make that 
distinction perfectly clear.
    This is going to be a--this could be a fractious debate, and I hope 
it's not. Immigration is a very difficult issue for a lot of Members, as 
you know. It's an emotional issue. And it's one that, if not conducted 
properly, will send signals that I don't think will befit the Nation's 
history and traditions.
    My view is, is that border security starts with a good, solid 
strategy along the border itself--in other words, Border Patrol agents, 
technology, the capacity to pass information quickly so that Border 
Patrol agents will be more likely to intercept somebody coming across 
the border illegally. There needs to be enforcement mechanisms that 
don't discourage the Border Patrol agents. They work hard; they get 
somebody coming in from country X; the person says, ``Check back in with 
us in 30 days''--they don't.
    In other words, they end up in society. That has created some 
despondency--not despondency--it's got to discourage people who are 
working hard to do their job down there and realize the fruits of their 
labor is being undermined by a policy that, on the one hand, releases 
people, kind of, into society, and on the other, doesn't have enough 
beds to hold people so that we can repatriate them back to their 
countries. Chertoff has announced the fact 
that we're getting rid of this catch-and-release program.
    Thirdly, there has to be enforcement--employer enforcement of rules 
and regulations. The problem there, of course, is that people are 
showing up with forged documents. I mentioned this onion picker that I met yesterday--onion grower--who is worried 
about having labor to pick his onions. But he's not--I don't think he's 
in a position to be able to determine whether or not what looks like a 
valid Social Security card, or whatever they show, is valid or not--
which leads to the fact there's a whole industry that has sprung up 
around moving laborers to jobs that Americans won't do.
    It's kind of--when you make something illegal that people want, 
there's a way around it, around the rules and regulations. And so you've 
got people, coyotes, stuffing people in the back of 18-wheelers or 
smuggling them across 105-degree desert heat. You've got forgers and 
tunnel-diggers. You've got a whole industry aimed at using

[[Page 539]]

people as a commodity. And it's wrong, and it needs to be--we need to do 
something about it. And the best way to do something about it is to say 
that if you're--if an American won't do a job and you can find somebody 
who will do the job, they ought to be allowed to do it legally, on a 
temporary basis.
    One of the issues I did talk about--the man asked me the question 
about--don't let people get ahead of the line. So I made that clear. But 
one of the issues is going to be to deal with somebody whose family has 
been here for a while, raised a family. And that will be an interesting 
debate. My answer is, that person shouldn't get automatic citizenship.
    Listen, thank you for your time. I've got lunch with the President 
of Liberia right now. I'm looking 
forward to greeting this--the first woman elected on the continent of 
Africa. Appreciate the opportunity to visit with you all. Look forward 
to future occasions.

Note: The President's news conference began at 10:01 a.m. in the James 
S. Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House. In his remarks, he 
referred to former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi of the Iraqi Interim 
Government; former President Jalal Talabani of the Iraqi Transitional 
Government; Gen. George W. Casey, Jr., USA, commanding general, Multi-
National Force--Iraq; senior Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; 
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraqi Shiite leader; and President Ellen 
Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia.