[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II)]
[December 12, 2005]
[Pages 1836-1849]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks to the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia and a Question-and-
Answer Session in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
December 12, 2005

    Thanks for the warm welcome. Thank you for the chance to come and 
speak to the Philadelphia World Affairs Council. This is an important 
organization that has, since 1949, has provided a forum for debate and 
discussion on important issues. I've come to discuss an issue that's 
really important, and that is victory in the war on terror.
    And that war started on September the 11th, 2001, when our Nation 
awoke to a sudden attack. Like generations before us, we have accepted 
new responsibilities. We're confronting dangers with new resolve. We're 
taking the fight to those who attacked us and to those who share their 
murderous vision for future attacks. We will fight this war without 
wavering, and we'll prevail.
    The war on terror will take many turns, and the enemy must be 
defeated on many--on every battlefield, from the streets of Western 
cities to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal regions of 
Pakistan, to the islands of Southeast Asia, and to the Horn of Africa. 
Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central front in 
their war against humanity, so we must recognize Iraq is the central 
front in the war on terror.

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    Last month, my administration released a document called the 
``National Strategy for Victory in Iraq.'' And in recent weeks, I've 
been discussing our strategy with the American people. At the U.S. Naval 
Academy, I spoke about our efforts to defeat the terrorists and train 
Iraqi security forces so they can provide safety for their own citizens. 
Last week before the Council on Foreign Relations, I explained how we 
are working with Iraqi forces and Iraqi leaders to help Iraqis improve 
security and restore order, to rebuild cities taken from the enemy, and 
to help the National Government revitalize Iraq's infrastructure and 
economy.
    Today I'm going to speak in depth about another vital element of our 
strategy: our efforts to help the Iraqi people build a lasting democracy 
in the heart of the Middle East. I can think of no better place to 
discuss the rise of a free Iraq than in the heart of Philadelphia, the 
city where America's democracy was born.
    I want to thank the--Buntzie Churchill and Bill Sasso for letting me 
come. Thank you all for welcoming me. I got something to say--I'm 
looking forward to saying it here. I'm traveling with United States 
Senators; they're always quick to hop a ride on Air Force One--
[laughter]--particularly when they don't have to reimburse the 
Government. [Laughter] But I'm proud to be a friend of Arlen 
Specter and Rick Santorum. They're fine, honorable Members of the United States 
Senate. Also pleased that Jim Gerlach and Mike 
Fitzpatrick and Joe Pitts of the United States Congress are with us. Thanks 
for serving; thanks for being here.
    A few blocks from here stands Independence Hall, where our 
Declaration of Independence was signed and our Constitution was debated. 
From the perspective of more than two centuries, the success of 
America's democratic experiment seems almost inevitable. At the time, 
however, that success didn't seem so obvious or assured.
    The 8 years from the end of the Revolutionary War to the election of 
a constitutional government were a time of disorder and upheaval. There 
were uprisings, with mobs attacking courthouses and government 
buildings. There was a planned military coup that was defused only by 
the personal intervention of George Washington. In 1783, Congress was 
chased from this city by angry veterans demanding backpay, and they 
stayed on the run for 6 months. There were tensions between the 
mercantile North and the agricultural South that threatened to break 
apart our young Republic. And there were British loyalists who were 
opposed to independence and had to be reconciled with America's new 
democracy.
    Our Founders faced many difficult challenges. They made mistakes. 
They learned from their experiences, and they adjusted their approach. 
Our Nation's first effort at governing--a governing charter, the 
Articles of Confederation, failed. It took years of debate and 
compromise before we ratified our Constitution and inaugurated our first 
President. It took a 4-year civil war and a century of struggle after 
that before the promise of our Declaration was extended to all 
Americans.
    It is important to keep this history in mind as we look at the 
progress of freedom and democracy in Iraq. No nation in history has made 
the transition to a free society without facing challenges, setbacks, 
and false starts. The past 2\1/2\ years have been a period of difficult 
struggle in Iraq, yet they've also been a time of great hope and 
achievement for the Iraqi people.
    Just over 2\1/2\ years ago, Iraq was in the grip of a cruel 
dictator who had invaded his neighbors, 
sponsored terrorists, pursued and used weapons of mass destruction, 
murdered his own people, and for more than a decade, defied the demands 
of the United Nations and the civilized world. Since then, the Iraqi 
people have assumed sovereignty over their country, held free

[[Page 1838]]

elections, drafted a democratic Constitution, and approved that 
Constitution in a nationwide referendum. Three days from now, they go to 
polls for the third time this year and choose a new Government under the 
new Constitution.
    It's a remarkable transformation for a country that has virtually no 
experience with democracy and which is struggling to overcome the legacy 
of one of the worst tyrannies the world has known. And Iraqis achieved 
all this while determined enemies use violence and destruction to stop 
the progress. There's still a lot of difficult work to be done in Iraq, 
but thanks to the courage of the Iraqi people, the year 2005 will be 
recorded as a turning point in the history of Iraq, the history of the 
Middle East, and the history of freedom.
    As the Iraqi people struggle to build their democracy, adversaries 
continue their war on a free Iraq. The enemy in Iraq is a combination of 
rejectionists and Saddamists and terrorists. The rejectionists are 
ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they 
had under the regime of Saddam Hussein. They 
reject an Iraq in which they're no longer the dominant group. We believe 
that over time, most of this group will be persuaded to support a 
democratic Iraq led by a Federal Government that is strong enough to 
protect minority rights, and we're encouraged that many Sunnis plan to 
actively participate in this week's election.
    The Saddamists are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of 
returning to power, and they're trying to foment antidemocratic 
sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. Yet they lack popular 
support, and over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by the 
people and security forces of a free Iraq.
    The terrorists affiliated with or inspired by Al Qaida are the 
smallest but most lethal group. Many are foreigners coming to fight 
freedom's progress in Iraq. They are led by a brutal terrorist named 
Zarqawi, Al Qaida's chief of operations 
in Iraq, who has stated his allegiance to Usama bin Laden. The terrorists' stated objective is to drive U.S. and 
coalition forces out of Iraq and gain control of that country and then 
use Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks against America, 
overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and establish a 
totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from Spain to Indonesia.
    The terrorists in Iraq share the ideology of the terrorists who 
struck the United States on September the 11th. They share the ideology 
with those who blew up commuters in London and Madrid, murdered tourists 
in Bali, and killed workers in Riyadh and slaughtered guests at a 
wedding in Amman, Jordan. This is an enemy without conscience, and they 
cannot be appeased. If we were not fighting and destroying this enemy in 
Iraq, they would not be leading quiet lives as good citizens. They would 
be plotting and killing our citizens across the world and here at home. 
By fighting the terrorists in Iraq, we are confronting a direct threat 
to the American people, and we will accept nothing less than complete 
victory.
    We are pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Our goal is 
victory, and victory will be achieved when the terrorists and Saddamists 
can no longer threaten Iraq's democracy, when the Iraqi security forces 
can provide for the safety of their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a 
safe haven for terrorists to plot new attacks against our Nation.
    Our strategy in Iraq has three elements: On the economic side, we're 
helping the Iraqis restore their infrastructure, reform their economy, 
and build the prosperity that will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and 
peaceful Iraq. On the security side, coalition and Iraqi forces are on 
the offense against the enemy. We're working together to clear out areas 
controlled by the terrorists and Saddam 
loyalists and leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the 
enemy. And as we help Iraqis fight these enemies, we are working to 
build capable

[[Page 1839]]

and effective Iraqi security forces so they can take the lead in the 
fight and eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of 
their citizens without major foreign assistance.
    We're making steady progress. The Iraqi forces are becoming more and 
more capable. They're taking more responsibility for more and more 
territory. We're transferring bases to their control so they can take 
the fight to the enemy. And that means American and coalition forces can 
concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down the high-value targets 
like the terrorist Zarqawi and his 
associates.
    Today I want to discuss the political element of our strategy, our 
efforts to help the Iraqis build inclusive democratic institutions that 
will protect the interests of all the Iraqi people. By helping Iraqis to 
build a democracy, we will win over those who doubted they had a place 
in a new Iraq and undermine the terrorists and Saddamists. By helping 
Iraqis to build a democracy, we will gain an ally in the war on terror. 
By helping Iraqis build a democracy, we will inspire reformers across 
the Middle East. And by helping Iraqis build a democracy, we will bring 
hope to a troubled region, and this will make the American people more 
secure.
    From the outset, the political element of our strategy in Iraq has 
been guided by a clear principle: Democracy takes different forms in 
different cultures. Yet, in all cultures, successful free societies are 
built on certain common foundations: rule of law, freedom of speech, 
freedom of assembly, a free economy, and freedom to worship. Respect for 
the belief of others is the only way to build a society where compassion 
and tolerance prevail. Societies that lay these foundations not only 
survive but thrive. Societies that do not lay these foundations risk 
backsliding into tyranny.
    When our coalition arrived in Iraq, we found a nation where almost 
none of these basic foundations existed. Decades of brutal rule by 
Saddam Hussein had destroyed the fabric of Iraqi civil society. Under 
Saddam, Iraq was a country where dissent was crushed. A centralized 
economy enriched a dictator instead of the 
people. Secret courts meted out repression instead of justice. And Shi'a 
Muslims and Kurds and other groups were brutally oppressed. And when 
Saddam Hussein's regime fled Baghdad, they left behind a country with 
few civic institutions in place to hold Iraq society together.
    To fill the vacuum after liberation, we established the Coalition 
Provisional Authority. The CPA was ably led by Ambassador Jerry 
Bremer, and many fine 
officials from our Government volunteered to serve in the EPA--CPA. 
While things did not always go as planned, these men and women did a 
good job under extremely difficult and dangerous circumstances, helping 
to restore basic services, making sure food was distributed, and 
reestablishing Government ministries.
    One of the CPA's most important tasks was bringing the Iraqi people 
into the decisionmaking process of their Government after decades of 
tyrannical rule. Three months after liberation, our coalition worked 
with the United Nations and Iraqi leaders to establish an Iraqi 
Governing Council. The Governing Council gave Iraqis a voice in their 
own affairs, but it was unelected. It was subordinate to the CPA, and 
therefore did not satisfy the hunger of Iraqis for self-government. Like 
free people everywhere, Iraqis wanted to be governed by leaders they had 
elected, not foreign officials.
    So in the summer of 2003, we proposed a plan to transfer sovereignty 
to the Iraqi people. Under this plan, the CPA would continue to govern 
Iraq while appointed Iraqi leaders drafted a constitution, put that 
constitution before the people, and then held elections to choose a new 
Government. Only when that elected Government took office would the 
Iraqis regain their sovereignty.

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    This plan met with the disapproval of the Iraqis. They made it clear 
that they wanted a constitution that was written by elected leaders of a 
free Iraq, and they wanted sovereignty placed in Iraqi hands sooner. We 
listened, and we adjusted our approach. In November of 2003, we 
negotiated a new plan with the Governing Council, with steps for an 
accelerated transition to Iraqi self-government. Under this new plan, a 
Transitional Administrative Law was written by the Governing Council and 
adopted in March of 2004. This law guaranteed personal freedoms 
unprecedented in the Arab world and set forth four major milestones to 
guide Iraq's transition to a constitutional democracy.
    The first milestone was the transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi 
Interim Government by the end of June 2004. The second was for Iraqis to 
hold free elections to choose a Transitional Government by January of 
2005. The third was for Iraqis to adopt a democratic constitution, which 
would be drafted no later than August 2005 and put before the Iraqi 
people in a nationwide referendum no later than October. And the fourth 
was for Iraqis to choose a Government under that democratic 
constitution, with elections held December of 2005.
    The first milestone was met when our coalition handed over 
sovereignty to the Iraqi leaders on June 28th, 2004, 2 days ahead of 
schedule. In January 2005, Iraqis met the second milestone when they 
went to the polls and chose their leaders in free elections. Almost 8\1/
2\ million Iraqis defied the car bombers and assassins to cast their 
ballots, and the world watched in awe as jubilant Iraqis danced in the 
street and held ink-stained fingers and celebrated their freedom.
    The January elections were a watershed event for Iraq and the Middle 
East, yet they were not without flaws. One problem was the failure of 
the vast majority of Sunni Arabs to vote. When Sunnis saw a new 275-
member Parliament taking power in which they had only 16 seats, many 
realized that their failure to participate in the democrat process had 
hurt their chances and hurt their groups--it hurt their constituencies. 
And Shi'a and Kurdish leaders who had won power at the polls saw that 
for a free and unified Iraq to succeed, they needed Sunni Arabs to be 
part of the Government. We encouraged Iraq's leaders to reach out to 
Sunni leaders and bring them into the governing process. When the 
Transitional Government was seated in the spring of this year, Sunni 
Arabs filled important posts, including a Vice President, a Minister of Defense, and the Speaker of the National Assembly.
    The new Government's main political challenge--next political 
challenge was to meet the third milestone, which was adopting a 
democratic constitution. Again, Iraq's leaders reached out to Sunni 
Arabs who had boycotted the elections and included them in the drafting 
process. Fifteen Sunni Arab negotiators and several Sunni Arab advisers 
joined the work of the constitutional drafting committee. After much 
tough debate, representatives of Iraq's diverse communities drafted a 
bold Constitution that guarantees the rule of law, freedom of assembly, 
property rights, freedom of speech and the press, women's rights, and 
the right to vote. As one Arab scholar put it, the Iraqi Constitution 
marks ``the dawn of a new age in Arab life.''
    The document that initially emerged from the committee did not unify 
Iraqis, and many Sunnis on the constitutional committee did not support 
the draft. Yet Iraq's leaders continued working to gain Sunni support. 
And thanks to last-minute changes--including a new procedure for 
considering amendments to the Constitution next year--a deal was struck 
4 days before the Iraqis went to the polls. The revised Constitution was 
endorsed by Iraq's largest Sunni party. It was approved in referendum 
that attracted over a million more voters than in the January elections. 
Many Sunnis voted against the Constitution, but Sunnis voted in large 
numbers for the first

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time. They joined the political process, and by doing so, they reject 
the violence of the Saddamists and rejectionists. Through hard work and 
compromise, Iraqis adopted the most progressive democratic Constitution 
in the Arab world.
    On Thursday, Iraqis will meet their fourth milestone. And when they 
do go to the polls and choose a new Government under the new 
Constitution, it will be a remarkable event in the Arab world. Despite 
terrorist violence, the country is buzzing with signs and sounds of 
democracy in action. The streets of Baghdad and Najaf and Mosul and 
other cities are full of signs and posters. The television and radio 
airwaves are thick with political ads and commentary. Hundreds of 
parties and coalitions have registered for this week's elections, and 
they're campaigning vigorously. Candidates are holding rallies and 
laying out their agendas and asking for the vote.
    Our troops see this young democracy up close. First Lieutenant Frank 
Shriley of Rock Hall, Maryland, says, ``It's a 
cool thing riding around Baghdad and seeing the posters. It reminds me 
of being home during election time. After so many years of being told 
what to do, having a real vote is different.''
    Unlike the January elections, many Sunnis are campaigning vigorously 
for office this time around. Many Sunni parties that opposed the 
Constitution have registered to compete in this week's vote. Two major 
Sunni coalitions have formed, and other Sunni leaders have joined 
national coalitions that cross religious, ethnic, and sectarian 
boundaries. As one Sunni politician< put it, this election 
``is a vote for Iraq. We want a national Iraq, not a sectarian 
one.''
    To encourage broader participation by all Iraqi communities, the 
National Assembly made important changes in Iraq's electoral laws that 
will increase Sunni representation in the new assembly. In the January 
elections, Iraq was one giant electoral district, so seats in the 
transitional assembly simply reflected turnout. Because few Sunnis 
voted, their communities were left with little representation. Now Iraq 
has a new electoral system, where seats in the new Council of 
Representatives will be allocated by Province and population--much like 
our own House of Representatives. This new system is encouraging more 
Sunnis to join in the democratic process because it ensures that Sunnis 
will be well represented, even if the terrorists and Saddamists try to 
intimidate voters in the Provinces where most Sunnis live.
    More Sunnis are involved because they see Iraqi democracy 
succeeding. They have learned a lesson of democracy: They must 
participate to have a voice in their nation's affairs. A leading 
Sunni who had boycotted the January vote put 
it this way: ``The Sunnis are now ready to participate.'' A Sunni 
sheik explains why Sunnis must join the 
process: ``In order not to be marginalized, we need power in the 
National Assembly.'' As more Sunnis join the political process, the 
Saddamists and remaining rejectionists will be marginalized. As more 
Sunnis join the political process, they will protect the interests of 
their community.
    Like the Shi'a and Kurds, who face daily attacks from the terrorists 
and Saddamists, many Sunnis who join the political process are being 
targeted by the enemies of a free Iraq. The Iraqi Islamic Party--a Sunni 
party that boycotted the January vote and now supports elections--has 
seen its offices bombed. And a party leader reports that at least 10 
members have been killed since the party announced it would field 
candidates in Thursday's elections. Recently, a top Sunni electoral 
official visited the Sunni stronghold 
of Ba'quba. He went to encourage local leaders to participate in the 
elections. During his visit, a roadside bomb went off. It rattled his 
convoy, but it didn't stop it. He says this about the attempt on his 
life: ``The bomb is nothing compared to what we're doing. What we're 
doing is bigger than the bomb.''

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    By pressing forward and meeting their milestones, the Iraqi people 
have built momentum for freedom and democracy. They've encouraged those 
outside the process to come in. At every stage, there was enormous 
pressure to let the deadlines slide, with skeptics and pessimists 
declaring that Iraqis were not ready for self-government. At every 
stage, Iraqis proved the skeptics and pessimists wrong. At every stage, 
Iraqis have exposed the errors of those in our country and across the 
world who question the universal appeal of liberty. By meeting their 
milestones, Iraqis are defeating a brutal enemy, rejecting a murderous 
ideology, and choosing freedom over terror.
    This week, elections won't be perfect, and a successful vote is not 
the end of the process. Iraqis still have more difficult work ahead, and 
our coalition and the new Iraqi Government will face many challenges, 
including in four critical errors--areas: ensuring Iraqi security, 
forming an inclusive Iraqi Government, encouraging Iraqi reconciliation, 
and maintaining Iraqi democracy in a tough neighborhood.
    The first key challenge is security. As democracy takes hold in 
Iraq, the terrorists and Saddamists will continue to use violence. They 
will try to break our will and intimidate the Iraqi people and their 
leaders. These enemies aren't going to give up because of a successful 
election. They understand what is at stake in Iraq. They know that as 
democracy takes root in that country, their hateful ideology will suffer 
a devastating blow, and the Middle East will have a clear example of 
freedom and prosperity and hope.
    So our coalition will continue to hunt down the terrorists and 
Saddamists. We'll continue training Iraqi security forces to take the 
lead in the fight and defend their new democracy. As the Iraqi security 
forces stand up, coalition forces can stand down. And when victory is 
achieved, our troops will then return home with the honor they have 
earned.
    The second key challenge is forming an inclusive government that 
protects the interests of all Iraqis and encourages more in the 
rejectionist camp to abandon violence and embrace politics. Early next 
year, Iraq's new Parliament will come to Baghdad and select a Prime 
Minister and a presidency council and a cabinet of ministers. Two-thirds 
of the new Parliament must agree on the top leadership posts, and this 
will demand negotiation and compromise. It will require patience by 
America and our coalition allies. This new government will face many 
tough decisions on issues such as security and reconstruction and 
economic reform. Iraqi leaders will also have to review and possibly 
amend the Constitution and ensure that this historic document earns the 
broad support of all Iraqi communities. By taking these steps, Iraqi 
leaders will build a strong and lasting democracy. This is an important 
step in helping to defeat the terrorists and the Saddamists.
    The third key challenge is establishing rule of law and the culture 
of reconciliation. Iraqis still have to overcome longstanding ethnic and 
religious tensions and the legacy of three decades of dictatorship. 
During the regime of Saddam Hussein, Shi'a, 
Kurds, and other groups were brutally oppressed, and for some, there is 
now a temptation to take justice into their own hands. Recently, U.S. 
and Iraqi troops have discovered prisons in Iraq where mostly Sunni men 
were held, some of whom have appeared to have been beaten and tortured. 
This conduct is unacceptable, and the Prime Minister and other Iraqi officials have condemned these abuses. An 
investigation has been launched, and we support these efforts. Those who 
committed these crimes must be held to account.
    We will continue helping Iraqis build an impartial system of justice 
that protects all of Iraq's citizens. Millions of Iraqis are seeing 
their independent judiciary in action, as their former dictator, Saddam 
Hussein, is put on trial in Baghdad. The man 
who

[[Page 1843]]

once struck fear in the hearts of Iraqis has heard his victims recount 
the acts of torture and murder that he ordered. One Iraqi watching the 
proceedings said: ``We all feel happiness about this fair trial.'' 
Slowly but surely, with the help of our coalition, Iraqis are replacing 
the rule of a tyrant with the rule of law and ensuring equal justice for 
all their citizens.
    Oh, I know some fear the possibility that Iraq could break apart and 
fall into a civil war. I don't believe these fears are justified. 
They're not justified so long as we do not abandon the Iraqi people in 
their hour of need. Encouraging reconciliation and human rights in a 
society scarred by decades of arbitrary violence and sectarian division 
is not going to be easy, and it's not going to happen overnight. Yet the 
Iraqi Government has a process in place to resolve even the most 
difficult issues through negotiate, debate, and compromise. And the 
United States, along with the United Nations and the Arab League and 
other international partners, will support these efforts to help resolve 
these issues. And as Iraqis continue to develop the habits of liberty, 
they will gain confidence in the future and ensure that Iraqi 
nationalism trumps Iraqi sectarianism.
    A fourth key challenge is for the Iraqis to maintain their newfound 
freedoms in a tough neighborhood. Iraq's neighbor to the east, Iran, is 
actively working to undermine a free Iraq. Iran doesn't want democracy 
in Iraq to succeed, because a free Iraq threatens the legitimacy of 
Iran's oppressive theocracy. Iraq's neighbor to the west, Syria, is 
permitting terrorists to use that territory to cross into Iraq. The vast 
majority of Iraqis do not want to live under an Iranian-style theocracy, 
and they don't want Syria to allow the transit of bombers and killers 
into Iraq. And the United States of America will stand with the Iraqi 
people against the threats from these neighbors.
    We'll continue to encourage greater support from the Arab world and 
the broader international community. Many Arab States have kept the new 
Iraq at arm's distance. Yet as more Arab States are beginning to 
recognize that a free Iraq is here to stay, they're starting to give 
Iraq's new Government more support. Recently, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and 
Jordan have welcomed the Iraqi Prime Minister on official visits. Last month, the Arab League hosted a 
meeting in Cairo to promote national reconciliation among Iraqis, and 
another such meeting is planned for next year in Baghdad.
    These are important steps, and Iraq's neighbors need to do more. 
Arab leaders are beginning to recognize that the choice in Iraq is 
between democracy and terrorism, and there is no middle ground. The 
success of Iraqi democracy is in their vital interests because if the 
terrorists prevail in Iraq, they will then target other Arab nations.
    International support for Iraq's democracy is growing as well. Other 
nations have pledged more than $13 billion in assistance to Iraq, and we 
call on them, those who have pledged assistance, to make good on their 
commitments. The World Bank recently approved its first loan to Iraq in 
over 30 years, lending the Iraqi Government $100 million to improve the 
Iraqi school system. The United Nations is playing a vital role in Iraq. 
They assisted in last January's elections and the negotiations for the 
Constitution and in the recent constitutional referendum. And at the 
request of the Iraqi Government, the U.N. Security Council unanimously 
approved a resolution extending the mandate of the multinational force 
in Iraq through 2006. Earlier this year, the European Union cohosted a 
conference for more than 80 countries and international organizations, 
so they can better coordinate their efforts to help Iraqis rebuild their 
nation. Whatever differences there were over the decision to liberate 
Iraq, all free nations now share a common interest, building an Iraq 
that will fight terror and be a source of stability and freedom in a 
troubled region of the world.

[[Page 1844]]

    The challenges ahead are complex and difficult, yet Iraqis are 
determined to overcome them and build a free nation. And they require 
our support. Millions of Iraqis will put their lives on the line this 
Thursday in the name of liberty and democracy. And 160,000 of America's 
finest are putting their lives on the line so Iraqis can succeed. The 
American and Iraqi people share the same interests and the same enemies, 
and by helping democracy succeed in Iraq, we bring greater security to 
our citizens here at home.
    The terrorists know that democracy is their enemy, and they will 
continue fighting freedom's progress with all the hateful determination 
they can muster. Yet the Iraqi people are stepping forward to claim 
their liberty, and they will have it. When the new Iraqi Government 
takes office next year, Iraqis will have the only constitutional 
democracy in the Arab world, and Americans will have a partner for peace 
and moderation in the Middle East.
    People across the broader Middle East are drawing and will continue 
to draw inspiration from Iraq's progress, and the terrorists' powerful 
myth is being destroyed. In a 1998 fatwa, Usama bin Laden argued that the suffering of the Iraqi people was 
justification for his declaration of war on America. Now bin Laden and 
Al Qaida are the direct cause of the Iraqi people's suffering. As more 
Muslims across the world see this, they're turning against the 
terrorists. As the hope of liberty spreads in the Middle East, the 
terrorists will lose their sponsors, lose their recruits, and lose the 
sanctuaries they need to plan new attacks.
    A free Iraq is not going to be a quiet Iraq. It will be a nation 
full of passionate debate and vigorous political activity. It will be a 
nation that continues to face some level of violence. Yet Iraqis are 
showing they have the patience and the courage to make democracy work, 
and Americans have the patience and courage to help them succeed.
    We've done this kind of work before. We must have confidence in our 
cause. In World War II, free nations defeated fascism and helped our 
former adversaries, Germany and Japan, build strong democracies, and 
today, these nations are allies in securing the peace. In the cold war, 
free nations defeated communism and helped our former Warsaw Pact 
adversaries become strong democracies, and today, nations of Central and 
Eastern Europe are allies in the war on terror.
    Today in the Middle East, freedom is once again contending with a 
totalitarian ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred and despair. 
And like fascism and communism before, the hateful ideologies that use 
terror will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom.
    And the advance of freedom in the Middle East requires freedom in 
Iraq. By helping Iraqis build a lasting democracy, we will spread the 
hope of liberty across a troubled region; we'll gain new allies in the 
cause of freedom. By helping Iraqis build a strong democracy, we're 
adding to our own security, and like a generation before us, we're 
laying the foundation of peace for generations to come.
    Not far from here, where we gather today, is a symbol of freedom 
familiar to all Americans, the Liberty Bell. When the Declaration of 
Independence was first read in public, the Liberty Bell was sounded in 
celebration, and a witness said, ``It rang as if it meant something.'' 
Today, the call of liberty is being heard in Baghdad and Basra and other 
Iraqi cities, and its sound is echoing across the broader Middle East. 
From Damascus to Tehran, people hear it, and they know it means 
something. It means that the days of tyranny and terror are ending, and 
a new day of hope and freedom is dawning.
    Thank you for letting me come.
    I got a little extra time on my hands, so I thought I might answer 
some questions. [Laughter] Yes, ma'am.

[[Page 1845]]

Casualties in Iraq

    Q. Since the inception of the Iraqi war, I'd like to know the 
approximate total of Iraqis who have been killed, and by Iraqis I 
include civilians, military, police, insurgents, translators.
    The President. How many Iraqi citizens have died in this war? I 
would say 30,000, more or less, have died as a result of the initial 
incursion and the ongoing violence against Iraqis. We've lost about 
2,140 of our own troops in Iraq.
    Yes.

Progress in Iraq/War on Terror

    Q. Mr. President, thank you--[inaudible]----
    The President. I'll repeat the question. If I don't like it, I'll 
make it up. [Laughter]
    Q. Thank you for coming to the city where liberty was born. Central 
to your policy in Iraq is the role of the Iraqis. We hear wildly 
different tales about how the Iraqis are doing in their own area of 
defense. Could you give us your perspective on how they're doing, how 
well their military training is going, what you feel their capability is 
to do the task that you want them to do, to clear up some of the wildly 
different impressions that we hear about?
    The President. No, I appreciate that. When we first began training--
our strategy all along has been to train Iraqis so they can take the 
fight and succeed in what we're trying to do, which is a democracy, a 
democracy which will serve as an example for others, a democracy which 
will join us in the fight on terror, a democracy which will help us 
prevent other countries from becoming safe haven for terrorists who 
still want to kill us. That's--that was our objective. And all along we 
wanted the Iraqis to be able to do--take the fight.
    When we first got going, we said, ``We'll train an army that will be 
able to deal with external threats and a civil defense corps that will 
be able to deal with internal threats.'' And the problem with that 
strategy was that the internal threats were a heck of a lot more severe 
than the external threats, and the army--the civilian corps we trained 
was not properly trained and equipped.
    So we adjusted. We trained everybody for the army and--recognizing 
that the army is going to have to not only take the fight to the enemy--
or the new army take the fight to the enemy, but when we clear enemies 
out of places like Mosul, that there has to be an Iraqi army presence to 
earn the confidence of the people.
    When the war first got going, we'd move into Mosul, clear out an 
enemy, leave, and the enemy would return. And so the Iraqi people had no 
confidence in the future. They were--they didn't dare, for example, tell 
coalition forces or Iraqi forces the names of those who were killing 
their citizens because they didn't have the confidence there would be a 
force to protect them. And so we began the process of clearing out and 
holding with more and more trained Iraqi forces. And now the Iraqi 
forces are helping to rebuild these cities. Democracy is only going to 
succeed if people say, ``My life is going to be better.'' I mean, no 
different a campaign here--you know, ``Vote for me; I want to help 
improve your life.''
    And that's what--and so the strategy has been to--let me say, we 
adjusted our strategy, and there's about 200,000-plus capable units. 
Now, not all of them are ready to take the fight to the enemy. In order 
to have a division or a battalion ready to fight, you've got to be able 
to communicate; you've got to be able to move; you've got to be able to 
have logistical supplies. But more and more of the Iraqis are in the 
lead in the fight, and more and more Iraqis are being trained so they 
can hold the positions once we clear.
    We are not completed--we haven't completed the job of training the 
Iraqis. But what is beginning to happen is, is that you're beginning to 
see our troops step back from the fight. I don't know if you realize, we 
had some 90 bases in Iraq, and

[[Page 1846]]

I think we've closed about 40--or turned over--closed or turned over 40 
of those bases to the Iraqis. In other words, our profile is beginning 
to move back as the Iraqis get trained up, so that we can continue 
working on training and also help them chase down Zarqawi and his buddies. They're--these guys are very tough, 
and they're coldblooded killers.
    The enemy has got one weapon. See, they can't defeat us militarily. 
What they can do is, they can and will kill innocent people in the hopes 
of trying to get the United States of America to leave the battlefield 
early. The only way we can lose is if we lose our nerve. And they know 
that, and they've stated that publicly.
    And--but the training is going much better than it was in the first 
year. The--and we've just got more to do, and we need to do it, because 
a free Iraq, again, will be an important ally in this war. This is a 
global struggle we're in. It's--this isn't an enemy that is isolated, 
kind of an angry group of people. These are people that have got a 
totalitarian vision. They've got designs and ambitions. They've laid out 
their strategy, and they explained their tactics. And we've got to 
listen to them and take them seriously. And part of their tactics is to 
create vacuums so that their hateful ideology flows in.
    They--listen, the attack of September the 11th was a part of a broad 
strategy to get us to retreat from the world. And that--people say, 
``Well, he's making it up, that they want to establish a totalitarian 
empire that stretches from Spain to Indonesia.'' I'm telling you what 
they said, not me. This is what Zawahiri 
has said--the number-two man in Al Qaida. It seems like to me, we need 
to take it seriously when the enemy says something.
    Kind of getting off subject here, but--yes, sir.

America's Influence Abroad

    Q. Mr. President, I'm a proud U.S. citizen, naturalized, and card-
carrying Republican. I voted for you both times. I grew up in India, a 
Sunni. In fact, the President of the Republic of India is a Sunni. And I 
think it's a great testimony to this Nation that was--the vision of 
which was laid out within a few--half a mile of here, that somebody like 
me can be in a position of leadership and be successfully engaged in 
contributing to the current and future economic well-being of this 
Nation.
    Mr. President, I support your efforts in Iraq. But I'd like to know, 
what are we going to do in the broader battle in creating a favorable 
image and reaching out to people across the world, so that people like 
me all over the world can be passionate supporters of the United States?
    The President. Yes, I appreciate that. First of all, success will 
help the image of the United States. Look, I recognize we got an image 
issue, particularly when you got television stations, Arabic television 
stations that are constantly just pounding America, creating--saying, 
``America is fighting Islam; Americans can't stand Muslims; this is a 
war against a religion.'' And we've got to, obviously, do a better job 
of reminding people that ours is not a nation that rejects religion; 
ours is a nation that accepts people of all faith and that the great 
strength of America is the capacity for people to worship freely.
    It's difficult. I mean, their propaganda machine is pretty darn 
intense. And so we're constantly sending out messages; we're constantly 
trying to reassure people, but we're also acting. And that's what's 
important for our citizens to realize. Our position in the world is such 
that I don't think we can retreat. I think we have a duty and an 
obligation to use our vast influence to help.
    I cite two examples of where I think it will make a big--of where 
American image in the Muslim world will be improved. One is the tsunami. 
The tsunamis hit; it was the United States military, through the USS 
Abraham Lincoln, that

[[Page 1847]]

provided the logistical organization necessary to get the--to save a lot 
of lives. We moved. A lot of people kind of sat around and discussed--
not us. We saw a problem, and we moved.
    Same in Pakistan. The earthquake in Pakistan is devastating. The 
United States of America was first on the scene. We got a lot of kids 
flying choppers all around that country providing help and aid.
    And so I guess what I'm saying to you is, is that a proper use of 
influence that helps improve people's lives is the best way to affect--
to change the image of our country and to defeat the propaganda. Having 
said all that, a lot of people want to come to America. The image may be 
bad, but give them a chance; all you who want to come to America, raise 
your hand--there's a lot wanting to come. That's another issue, which is 
immigration reform.
    But thank you for that. One thing America must never do is lose our 
capacity to take people from all walks of life and help them become an 
American first and foremost. That's what distinguishes us from other 
cultures and other nations. You can come from wherever you are, and I 
can come from Texas, and we both share the same deal--we're Americans 
first and foremost. I happen to be a Methodist. You're a Sunni. 
[Laughter]
    Yes, ma'am.

Lessons of September 11, 2001

    Q. Mr. President, I would like to know why it is that you and others 
in your administration keep linking 9/11 to the invasion of Iraq when no 
respected journalist or Middle Eastern expert confirmed that such a link 
existed.
    The President. What did she--I missed the question. Sorry. I 
didn't--I beg your pardon; I didn't hear you--seriously.
    Q. I would like to know why you and others in your administration 
invoke 9/11 as justification for the invasion of Iraq----
    The President. Yes.
    Q. ----when no respected journalists or other Middle Eastern experts 
confirm that such a link existed.
    The President. I appreciate that. Nine/eleven changed my look on 
foreign policy. I mean, it said that oceans no longer protect us, that 
we can't take threats for granted, that if we see a threat, we've got to 
deal with it. It doesn't have to be militarily, necessarily, but we got 
to deal with it. We can't just hope for the best anymore.
    And so the first decision I made, as you know, was to deal with the 
Taliban in Afghanistan, because they were harboring terrorists. This is 
where the terrorists planned and plotted. And the second decision--which 
was a very difficult decision for me, by the way, and it's one that I 
didn't take lightly--was that Saddam Hussein 
was a threat. He is a declared enemy of the United States. He had used 
weapons of mass destruction. The entire world thought he had weapons of 
mass destruction. The United Nations had declared in more than 10--I 
can't remember the exact number of resolutions--that ``Disclose or 
disarm, or face serious consequences.'' I mean, there was a serious 
international effort to say to Saddam Hussein, ``You're a threat.'' And 
the 9/11 attacks extenuated that threat, as far as I was concerned.
    And so we gave Saddam Hussein the chance 
to disclose or disarm, and he refused. And I made a tough decision, and 
knowing what I know today, I'd make the decision again. Removing Saddam 
Hussein makes this world a better place and America a safer country.
    Last question. I've actually got something to do. [Laughter] You're 
paying me all this money; I'd better get back to work. [Laughter]
    Hold on a second. Got a guy here.

Homeland Security/Spread of Democracy

    Q. Mr. President, I'm from the Phelps School. I'm a supporter of 
yours.
    The President. Oops, that kind of prejudices your question. 
[Laughter]

[[Page 1848]]

    Q. Well, I have a question for you. Do you feel that since invading 
Iraq, the threat of terrorism on U.S. soil has been reduced 
significantly?
    The President. I think it's been reduced. I don't think we're safe. 
What will really give me confidence to say that we're safe is when I can 
tell the American people, ``We've got the capacity to know exactly where 
the enemy is moving.'' This is a different kind of war. These people 
hide. They're patient, and they're sophisticated. And that's why our 
intelligence gathering is really important.
    You know, occasionally they come out and want to fight like they're 
doing in Iraq. This guy Zarqawi has 
sworn his allegiance to bin Laden. He has--
he's declared his intentions. But there's a lot of them who lurk and 
hide. And what we've really got to do is continue to hone our 
intelligence gathering to make sure that we can, as best as possible, 
understand their intents and watch their movements. And this requires 
international cooperation.
    I will tell you the international cooperation, when it comes to 
sharing intelligence, is good. It requires us being able to cut off 
their money. They move money around. They can't--it turns out, they 
can't launch attacks without money. And so we're doing the best we can 
to work with others to find out where their money is moving. And that 
way, it will be a--give us a chance to find out where they are.
    The long run in this war is going to require a change of governments 
in parts of the world. It's--and this is why it's very important for me 
to continue to remind the American people about what's taking place in 
history. One of my favorite stories is to tell people about--or go-bys--
is to tell people about my relationship with Koizumi, Prime Minister 
Koizumi of Japan. He's an interesting guy. 
He likes Elvis, for example, which is--[laughter]--interesting--
[laughter]. He's a friend. He's also a friend when it comes to peace. 
He's a reliable, steady ally when it comes to dealing with North Korea. 
North Korea is a country that has declared boldly they've got nuclear 
weapons, they counterfeit our money, and they're starving their people 
to death. And it's good to have an ally that understands human rights 
and the condition of the human being are vital for this world and world 
peace.
    And yet, 60 years ago, my dad fought 
against the Japanese--many of your relatives did as well. They were the 
sworn enemy of the United States. I find it amazing--I don't know if you 
find it amazing--I find it amazing that I sit down with this 
guy, strategizing about how to make the 
world a more peaceful place, when my dad and others fought him.
    And so what happened? Now, 60 years seems like a long time, 
particularly if you're 59 like me. [Laughter] But it's not all that long 
in history, when you think about it. And what happened was, a Japanese-
style democracy emerged. Democracies yield the peace. That's what 
history has shown us. That's what I tried to say in my peroration in 
this speech. That's a long word. I'm doing it for the Senator, 
Specter, here. [Laughter] Just showing off, 
Senator, just trying to look good in front of the folks here at home. 
[Laughter] But it's an accurate portrayal of what has happened. 
Democracies yield the peace.
    So the fundamental question is, do we have the confidence and 
universal values to help change a troubled part of the world? If you're 
a supporter of Israel, I would strongly urge you to help other countries 
become democracies. Israel's long-term survival depends upon the spread 
of democracy in the Middle East. I recognize people have--I fully 
recognize that some say it's impossible, that maybe only a certain kind 
of people can be--can accept democracy. I just--I reject that. I don't 
agree with that. I believe democracy--the desire to be free is 
universal. That's what I believe. And if you believe that, then you've 
got to act on it. That doesn't mean

[[Page 1849]]

militarily. But that means using the influence of the United States to 
work with others to help freedom spread.
    And that's what you're seeing in Iraq. And it's hard. It's hard for 
a country that has come from dictatorship 2\1/2\ years ago to become a 
democracy. It is hard work. There's a lot of resentment and anger and 
bitterness. But I believe it's going to happen. And the only way it 
won't happen is if we leave, if we lose our nerve, if we allow the 
terrorists to achieve their objective. The only way we can lose this is 
for us to say to the terrorists, ``Maybe you aren't dangerous after 
all--you know, by leaving, maybe that you'll become hospitable, you 
know, decent citizens of the world.'' That's not reality. And my job as 
the President is to see the world the way it is, not the way we hope it 
is.
    I, again, want to thank you for giving me the chance to come and 
deliver this speech. I'm grateful for your interest. May God bless you 
all, and may God continue to bless America.

Note: The President spoke at 11:16 a.m. at the Park Hyatt Philadelphia. 
In his remarks, he referred to Buntzie Churchill, president, and William 
R. Sasso, vice chairman, board of directors, World Affairs Council of 
Philadelphia; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist 
organization; Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jafari, Deputy President Ghazi 
al-Ujayl al-Yawr, Minister of Defense Sadun al-Dulaymi, and Speaker of 
the Transistional National Assembly Hajim al-Hassani of Iraq. The Office 
of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language transcript of 
these remarks.