[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II)]
[November 30, 2005]
[Pages 1782-1790]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
Remarks on the War on Terror in Annapolis, Maryland
November 30, 2005
Thank you. Please be seated. Please be seated. Thanks for the warm
welcome. It's good to be back at the Naval Academy. I'm pleased to
provide a convenient excuse for you to miss class.
This is the first year that every class of Midshipmen at this
Academy arrived after the attacks of September the 11th, 2001. Each of
you has volunteered to wear our Nation's uniform in a time of war,
knowing all the risks and dangers that accompany military service. Our
citizens are grateful for your devotion of duty, and America is proud of
the men and women at the U.S. Naval Academy.
I thank Admiral Rempt for his invitation
to come and give this speech. I appreciate Admiral Mike Mullen. I'm traveling today with a man who's done a fine
job as the Secretary of Defense, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld--Navy Aviator Don Rumsfeld. I'm proud that
the Governor of the great State of Maryland, Bob Ehrlich, and his wife, Kendel, is with us. Thanks for being here, Governor.
So appreciate that Members of the United States Congress have joined
us, starting with the chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee,
Senator John Warner of the State of Virginia--
former Secretary of the United States Navy, I might add. Chairman of the
House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, Congressman Pete
Hoekstra, from the State of Arizona,
Congressman John Shadegg, and from the State
of Indiana, Congressman Mike Pence, I'm honored
you all came. Thanks for being here.
Appreciate the mayor of the city of Annapolis, Mayor Ellen
Moyer, joining us. I want to thank all the
State and local officials. I want to thank the faculty members here.
Thank you all for letting me come by.
Six months ago, I came here to address the graduating class of 2005.
I spoke to them about the importance of their service in the first war
of the 21st century, the global war on terror. I told the class of 2005
that 4 years at this Academy had prepared them morally, mentally, and
physically for the challenges ahead. And now they're meeting those
challenges as officers of the United States Navy and Marine Corps.
Some of your former classmates are training with Navy SEAL teams
that will storm terrorist safe houses in lightning raids. Others are
preparing to lead Marine rifle platoons that will hunt the enemy in the
mountains of Afghanistan and the streets of Iraqi cities. Others are
training as naval aviators who will fly combat missions over the skies
of Afghanistan and Iraq and elsewhere. Still others are training as
sailors and submariners who will deliver the combat power of the United
States to the farthest regions of the world and deliver compassionate
assistance to those suffering from natural disasters. Whatever their
chosen mission, every graduate of the class of 2005 is bringing honor to
the uniform and helping us bring victory in the war on terror.
In the years ahead, you'll join them in the fight. Your service is
needed because our Nation is engaged in a war that is being fought on
many fronts, from the streets of Western cities to the mountains of
Afghanistan, the islands of Southeast Asia, and the Horn of Africa. This
war is going to take many turns, and the enemy must be defeated on every
battlefield. Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the
central front in their war against humanity, and so we must recognize
Iraq as the central front in the war on terror.
As we fight the enemy in Iraq, every man and woman who volunteers to
defend
[[Page 1783]]
our Nation deserves an unwavering commitment to the mission and a clear
strategy for victory. A clear strategy begins with a clear understanding
of the enemy we face. The enemy in Iraq is a combination of
rejectionists, Saddamists, and terrorists. The rejectionists are by far
the largest group. These are ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs, who
miss the privileged status they had under the regime of Saddam
Hussein, and they reject an Iraq in which
they're no longer the dominant group.
Not all Sunnis fall into the rejectionist camp. Of those that do,
most are not actively fighting us, but some give aid and comfort to the
enemy. Many Sunnis boycotted the January elections, yet as democracy
takes hold in Iraq, they are recognizing that opting out of the
democratic process has hurt their interests. And today, those who
advocate violent opposition are being increasingly isolated by Sunnis
who choose peaceful participation in the democratic process. Sunnis
voted in the recent constitutional referendum in large numbers, and
Sunni coalitions have formed to compete in next month's elections--or
this month's elections. We believe that over time, most rejectionists
will be persuaded to support a democratic Iraq led by a Federal
Government that is a strong enough Government to protect minority
rights.
The second group that makes up the enemy in Iraq is smaller but more
determined. It contains former regime loyalists who held positions of
power under Saddam Hussein, people who still
harbor dreams of returning to power. These hardcore Saddamists are
trying to foment antidemocratic sentiment amongst the larger Sunni
community. They lack popular support and therefore cannot stop Iraq's
democratic progress. And over time, they can be marginalized and
defeated by the Iraqi people and the security forces of a free Iraq.
The third group is the smallest but the most lethal, the terrorists
affiliated with or inspired by Al Qaida. Many are foreigners who are
coming to fight freedom's progress in Iraq. This group includes
terrorists from Saudi Arabia and Syria and Iran and Egypt and Sudan and
Yemen and Libya and other countries. Our commanders believe they're
responsible for most of the suicide bombings and the beheadings and the
other atrocities we see on our television.
They're led by a brutal terrorist named Zarqawi, Al Qaida's chief of operations in Iraq, who has pledged
his allegiance to Usama bin Laden. Their
objective is to drive the United States and coalition forces out of
Iraq, and to use the vacuum that would be created by an American retreat
to gain control of the country. They would then use Iraq as a base from
which to launch attacks against America and overthrow moderate
governments in the Middle East and try to establish a totalitarian
Islamic empire that reaches from Indonesia to Spain. That's their stated
objective. That's what their leadership has said.
These terrorists have nothing to offer the Iraqi people. All they
have is the capacity and the willingness to kill the innocent and create
chaos for the cameras. They are trying to shake our will to achieve
their stated objectives. They will fail. America's will is strong, and
they will fail because the power--because the will to power is no match
for the universal desire to live in liberty.
The terrorists in Iraq share the same ideology as the terrorists who
struck the United States on September the 11th. Those terrorists share
the same ideology with those who blew up commuters in London and Madrid,
murdered tourists in Bali, workers in Riyadh, and guests at a wedding in
Amman, Jordan. Just last week, they massacred Iraqi children and their
parents at a toy giveaway outside an Iraqi hospital.
This is an enemy without conscience, and they cannot be appeased. If
we're not fighting and destroying this enemy in Iraq, they would not be
idle. They would be plotting and killing Americans across the world and
within our own borders. By fighting these terrorists in Iraq, Americans
in uniform are
[[Page 1784]]
defeating a direct threat to the American people. Against this
adversary, there is only one effective response: We will never back
down; we will never give in; and we will never accept anything less than
complete victory.
To achieve victory over such enemies, we are pursuing a
comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Americans should have a clear
understanding of this strategy--how we look at the war, how we see the
enemy, how we define victory, and what we're doing to achieve it. So
today we're releasing a document called the ``National Strategy for
Victory in Iraq.'' This is an unclassified version of the strategy we've
been pursuing in Iraq, and it is posted on the White House web site,
whitehouse.gov. I urge all Americans to read it.
Our strategy in Iraq has three elements. On the political side, we
know that free societies are peaceful societies, so we're helping the
Iraqis build a free society with inclusive democratic institutions that
will protect the interests of all Iraqis. We're working with the Iraqis
to help them engage those who can be persuaded to join the new Iraq and
to marginalize those who never will. On the security side, coalition and
Iraqi security forces are on the offensive against the enemy, cleaning
out areas controlled by the terrorists and Saddam loyalists, leaving
Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the enemy, and following up
with targeted reconstruction to help Iraqis rebuild their lives.
As we fight the terrorists, we're working to build capable and
effective Iraqi security forces so they can take the lead in the fight
and eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of their
citizens without major foreign assistance.
And on the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis rebuild their
infrastructure, reform their economy, and build the prosperity that will
give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. In doing all this,
we've involved the United Nations, other international organizations,
our coalition partners, and supportive regional states in helping Iraqis
build their future.
In the days ahead, I'll be discussing the various pillars of our
strategy in Iraq. Today I want to speak in depth about one aspect of
this strategy that will be critical to the victory in Iraq, and that's
the training of Iraqi security forces. To defeat the terrorists and
marginalize the Saddamists and rejectionists, Iraqis need strong
military and police forces. Iraqi troops bring knowledge and
capabilities to the fight that coalition forces cannot.
Iraqis know their people. They know their language, and they know
their culture, and they know who the terrorists are. Iraqi forces are
earning the trust of their countrymen, who are willing to help them in
the fight against the enemy. As the Iraqi forces grow in number, they're
helping to keep a better hold on the cities taken from the enemy. And as
the Iraqi forces grow more capable, they are increasingly taking the
lead in the fight against the terrorists. Our goal is to train enough
Iraqi forces so they can carry the fight, and this will take time and
patience. And it's worth the time, and it's worth the effort because
Iraqis and Americans share a common enemy, and when that enemy is
defeated in Iraq, Americans will be safer here at home.
The training of the Iraqi security forces is an enormous task, and
it always hasn't gone smoothly. We all remember the reports of some
Iraqi security forces running from the fight more than a year ago. Yet
in the past year, Iraqi forces have made real progress.
At this time last year, there were only a handful of Iraqi
battalions ready for combat. Now there are over 120 Iraqi army and
police combat battalions in the fight against the terrorists, typically
comprised of between 350 and 800 Iraqi forces. Of these, about 80 Iraqi
battalions are fighting side by side with coalition forces, and about 40
others are taking the lead in the fight. Most of these 40 battalions are
controlling their
[[Page 1785]]
own battle space and conducting their own operations against the
terrorists with some coalition support, and they're helping to turn the
tide of this struggle in freedom's favor. America and our troops are
proud to stand side by side with these brave Iraqi fighters.
The progress of the Iraqi forces is especially clear when the recent
antiterrorist operations in Tall `Afar are compared with last year's
assault in Fallujah. In Fallujah, the assault was led by nine coalition
battalions made up primarily of United States Marines and Army, with six
Iraqi battalions supporting them. The Iraqis fought and sustained
casualties. Yet in most situations, the Iraqi role was limited to
protecting the flanks of coalition forces and securing ground that had
already been cleared out by our troops. This year in Tall `Afar, it was
a very different story.
The assault was primarily led by Iraqi security forces, 11 Iraqi
battalions, backed by 5 coalition battalions providing support. Many
Iraqi units conducted their own antiterrorist operations and controlled
their own battle space, hunting for enemy fighters and securing
neighborhoods block by block. To consolidate their military success,
Iraqi units stayed behind to help maintain law and order, and
reconstruction projects have been started to improve infrastructure and
create jobs and provide hope.
One of the Iraqi soldiers who fought in Tall `Afar was a private
named Tarek Hazem. This brave Iraqi fighter
says, quote, ``We're not afraid. We're here to protect our country. All
we feel is motivated to kill the terrorists,'' end quote. Iraqi forces
not only cleared the city; they held it. And because of the skill and
courage of the Iraqi forces, the citizens of Tall `Afar were able to
vote in October's constitutional referendum.
As Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead in the fight against the
terrorists, they're also taking control of more and more Iraqi
territory. At this moment, over 30 Iraqi army battalions have assumed
primary control of their own areas of responsibility. In Baghdad, Iraqi
battalions have taken over major sectors of the capital, including some
of the city's toughest neighborhoods. Last year, the area around
Baghdad's Haifa Street was so thick with terrorists that it earned the
nickname ``Purple Heart Boulevard.'' Then Iraqi forces took
responsibility for this dangerous neighborhood, and attacks are now
down.
Our coalition has handed over roughly 90 square miles of Baghdad
Province to Iraqi security forces. Iraqi battalions have taken over
responsibility for areas in south-central Iraq, sectors of southeast
Iraq, sectors of western Iraq, and sectors of north-central Iraq. As
Iraqi forces take responsibility for more of their own territory,
coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down
high-value targets, like the terrorist Zarqawi and his associates.
We're also transferring forward operating bases to Iraqi control.
Over a dozen bases in Iraq have been handed over to the Iraqi
Government, including Saddam Hussein's former
palace in Tikrit, which has served as the coalition headquarters in one
of Iraq's most dangerous regions. From many of these bases, the Iraqi
security forces are planning and executing operations against the
terrorists and bringing security and pride to the Iraqi people.
Progress by the Iraqi security forces has come, in part, because we
learned from our earlier experiences and made changes in the way we help
train Iraqi troops. When our coalition first arrived, we began the
process of creating an Iraqi army to defend the country from external
threats and an Iraqi civil defense corps to help provide the security
within Iraq's borders. The civil defense forces did not have sufficient
firepower or training. They proved to be no match for an enemy armed
with machine guns, rocket-propelled grenades, and mortars, so the
approach was adjusted. Working with Iraq's leaders, we moved the civil
defense forces into the Iraqi army. We changed the way they're trained
and
[[Page 1786]]
equipped, and we focused the army's mission on defeating those fighting
against a free Iraq, whether internal or external.
Now, all Iraqi army recruits receive about the same length of basic
training as new recruits in the U.S. Army, a 5-week core course,
followed by an additional 3 to 7 weeks of specialized training. With
coalition help, Iraqis have established schools for the Iraqi military
services, an Iraqi military academy, a noncommissioned officer academy,
a military police school, a bomb disposal school, and NATO has
established an Iraqi Joint Staff College. There's also an increased
focus on leadership training, with professional development courses for
Iraqi squad leaders and platoon sergeants and warrant officers and
sergeants major. A new generation of Iraqi officers is being trained,
leaders who will lead their forces with skill so they can defeat the
terrorists and secure their own freedom.
Similar changes have taken place in the training of the Iraqi
police. When our coalition first arrived, Iraqi police recruits spent
too much time of their training in classroom lectures, and they received
limited training in the use of small arms. This did not adequately
prepare them for the fight they would face. And so we changed the way
the Iraqi police are trained. Now, police recruits spend more of their
time outside the classroom with intensive hands-on training in
antiterrorism operations and real-world survival skills.
Iraq has now six basic police academies and one in Jordan that
together produce over 3,500 new police officers every 10 weeks. The
Baghdad police academy has simulation models where Iraqis train to stop
IED attacks and operate roadblocks. And because Iraqi police are not
just facing common criminals, they are getting live-fire training with
AK-47s.
As more and more skilled Iraqi security forces have come on line,
there's been another important change in the way new Iraqi recruits are
trained. When the training effort began, nearly all the trainers came
from coalition countries. Today, the vast majority of Iraqi police and
army recruits are being taught by Iraqi instructors. By training the
trainers, we're helping Iraqis create an institutional capability that
will allow the Iraqi forces to continue to develop and grow, long after
coalition forces have left Iraq.
As the training has improved, so has the quality of the recruits
being trained. Even though the terrorists are targeting Iraqi police and
army recruits, there is no shortage of Iraqis who are willing to risk
their lives to secure the future of a free Iraq.
The efforts to include more Sunnis in the future of Iraq were given
a significant boost earlier this year. More than 60 influential Sunni
clerics issued a fatwa calling on young Sunnis to join the Iraqi
security forces, quote, ``for the sake of preserving the souls,
property, and honor'' of the Iraqi people. These religious leaders are
helping to make the Iraqi security forces a truly national institution,
one that is able to serve, protect, and defend all the Iraqi people.
Some critics dismiss this progress and point to the fact that only
one Iraqi battalion has achieved complete independence from the
coalition. To achieve complete independence, an Iraqi battalion must do
more than fight the enemy on its own; it must also have the ability to
provide its own support elements, including logistics, airlift,
intelligence, and command and control through their ministries.
Not every Iraqi unit has to meet this level of capability in order
for the Iraqi security forces to take the lead in the fight against the
enemy. As a matter of fact, there are some battalions from NATO
militaries that would not be able to meet this standard. The facts are
that Iraqi units are growing more independent and more capable. They are
defending their new democracy with courage and determination. They're in
the fight today, and they will be in the fight for freedom tomorrow.
[[Page 1787]]
We're also helping Iraqis build the institutions they need to
support their own forces. For example, a national depot has been
established north of Baghdad that is responsible for supplying the
logistical needs of the ten divisions of the Iraqi army. Regional
support units and base support units have been created across the
country with the mission of supplying their own war fighters. Iraqis now
have a small air force, that recently conducted its first combat airlift
operations, bringing Iraqi troops to the front in Tall `Afar. The new
Iraqi navy is now helping to protect the vital ports of Basra and Umm
Qasr. An Iraqi military intelligence school has been established to
produce skilled Iraqi intelligence analysts and collectors. By taking
all these steps, we're helping the Iraqi security forces become self-
supporting so they can take the fight to the enemy and so they can
sustain themselves in the fight.
Over the past 2\1/2\ years, we've faced some setbacks in standing up
a capable Iraqi security force, and their performance is still uneven in
some areas. Yet many of those forces have made real gains over the past
year, and Iraqi soldiers take pride in their progress. An Iraqi first
lieutenant named Shoqutt describes the
transformation of his unit this way: ``I really think we've turned the
corner here. At first, the whole country didn't take us seriously. Now
things are different. Our guys are hungry to demonstrate their skill and
to show the world.''
Our troops in Iraq see the gains that Iraqis are making. Lieutenant
Colonel Todd Wood of Richmond Hill, Georgia, is
training Iraqi forces in Saddam Hussein's
hometown of Tikrit. He says this about Iraqi units he's working with:
``They're pretty much ready to go it on their own. What they're doing
now would have been impossible a year ago. These guys are patriots,
willing to go out knowing the insurgents would like nothing better than
to kill them and their families. They're getting better, and they'll
keep getting better.''
Our commanders on the ground see the gains the Iraqis are making.
General Marty Dempsey is the commander of
the Multinational Security Transition Command. Here's what he says about
the transformation of the Iraqi security forces: ``It's beyond
description. They are far better equipped, far better trained'' than
they once were. The Iraqis, General Dempsey says, are ``increasingly in
control of their future and their own security--the Iraqi security
forces are regaining control of the country.''
As the Iraqi security forces stand up, their confidence is growing,
and they're taking on tougher and more important missions on their own.
As the Iraqi security forces stand up, the confidence of the Iraqi
people is growing, and Iraqis are providing the vital intelligence
needed to track down the terrorists. And as the Iraqi security forces
stand up, coalition forces can stand down, and when our mission of
defeating the terrorists in Iraq is complete, our troops will return
home to a proud nation.
This is a goal our Iraqi allies share. An Iraqi army sergeant named
Abbass Abdul Jabar puts it this way: ``We
have to help the coalition forces as much as we can to give them a
chance to go home. These guys have been helping us. Now we have to
protect our own families.'' America will help the Iraqis so they can
protect their families and secure their free nation. We will stay as
long as necessary to complete the mission. If our military leaders tell
me we need more troops, I will send them.
For example, we've increased our force levels in Iraq to 160,000, up
from 137,000, in preparation for the December elections. My commanders
tell me that as Iraqi forces become more capable, the mission of our
forces in Iraq will continue to change. We will continue to shift from
providing security and conducting operations against the enemy
nationwide to conducting more specialized operations targeted at the
most dangerous terrorists. We will increasingly move out of Iraqi
cities, reduce the number
[[Page 1788]]
of bases from which we operate, and conduct fewer patrols and convoys.
As the Iraqi forces gain experience and the political process
advances, we will be able to decrease our troop levels in Iraq without
losing our capability to defeat the terrorists. These decisions about
troop levels will be driven by the conditions on the ground in Iraq and
the good judgment of our commanders, not by artificial timetables set by
politicians in Washington.
Some are calling for a deadline for withdrawal. Many advocating an
artificial timetable for withdrawing our troops are sincere, but I
believe they're sincerely wrong. Pulling our troops out before they've
achieved their purpose is not a plan for victory. As Democratic Senator
Joe Lieberman said recently, setting an
artificial timetable would ``discourage our troops because it seems to
be heading for the door. It will encourage the terrorists. It will
confuse the Iraqi people.''
Senator Lieberman is right. Setting
an artificial deadline to withdraw would send a message across the world
that America is weak and an unreliable ally. Setting an artificial
deadline to withdraw would send a signal to our enemies that if they
wait long enough, America will cut and run and abandon its friends. And
setting an artificial deadline to withdraw would vindicate the
terrorists' tactics of beheadings and suicide bombings and mass murder
and invite new attacks on America. To all who wear the uniform, I make
you this pledge: America will not run in the face of car bombers and
assassins so long as I am your Commander in Chief.
As we train Iraqis to take more responsibility in the battle with
the terrorists, we're also helping them build a democracy that is worthy
of their sacrifice. And in just over 2\1/2\ years, the Iraqi people have
made incredible progress on the road to lasting freedom. Iraqis have
gone from living under the boot of a brutal tyrant to liberation, free
elections, and a democratic constitution. And in 15 days, they will go
to the polls to elect a fully constitutional government that will lead
them for the next 4 years.
With each ballot cast, the Iraqi people have sent a clear message to
the terrorists: Iraqis will not be intimidated. The Iraqi people will
determine the destiny of their country. The future of Iraq belongs to
freedom. Despite the costs, the pain, and the danger, Iraqis are showing
courage and are moving forward to build a free society and a lasting
democracy in the heart of the Middle East, and the United States of
America will help them succeed.
Some critics continue to assert that we have no plan in Iraq except
to, quote, ``stay the course.'' If by ``stay the course,'' they mean we
will not allow the terrorists to break our will, they're right. If by
``stay the course,'' they mean we will not permit Al Qaida to turn Iraq
into what Afghanistan was under the Taliban, a safe haven for terrorism
and a launching pad for attacks on America, they're right as well. If by
``stay the course'' they mean that we're not learning from our
experiences or adjusting our tactics to meet the challenges on the
ground, then they're flat wrong. As our top commander in Iraq, General
Casey, has said, ``Our commanders on
the ground are continuously adapting and adjusting, not only to what the
enemy does but also to try to out-think the enemy and get ahead of
him.'' Our strategy in Iraq is clear; our tactics are flexible and
dynamic. We have changed them as conditions required, and they are
bringing us victory against a brutal enemy.
Victory in Iraq will demand the continued determination and resolve
of the American people. It will also demand the strength and personal
courage of the men and women who wear our Nation's uniform. And as the
future officers of the United States Navy and Marine Corps, you're
preparing to join this fight. You do so at a time when there is a
vigorous debate about the war in Iraq. I know that for our men and women
in uniform, this
[[Page 1789]]
debate can be unsettling. When you're risking your life to accomplish a
mission, the last thing you want to hear is that mission being
questioned in our Nation's Capital. I want you to know that while there
may be a lot of heated rhetoric in Washington, DC, one thing is not in
dispute: The American people stand behind you.
And we should not fear the debate in Washington. It's one of the
great strengths of our democracy that we can discuss our differences
openly and honestly, even at times of war. Your service makes that
freedom possible. And today, because of the men and women in our
military, people are expressing their opinions freely in the streets of
Baghdad as well.
Most Americans want two things in Iraq: They want to see our troops
win, and they want to see our troops come home as soon as possible. And
those are my goals as well. I will settle for nothing less than complete
victory. In World War II, victory came when the Empire of Japan
surrendered on the deck of the USS Missouri. In Iraq, there will not be
a signing ceremony on the deck of a battleship. Victory will come when
the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's democracy,
when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of their own
citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to plot new
attacks on our Nation.
As we make progress toward victory, Iraqis will take more
responsibility for their security, and fewer U.S. forces will be needed
to complete the mission. America will not abandon Iraq. We will not turn
that country over to the terrorists and put the American people at risk.
Iraq will be a free nation and a strong ally in the Middle East, and
this will add to the security of the American people.
In the short run, we're going to bring justice to our enemies. In
the long run, the best way to ensure the security of our own citizens is
to spread the hope of freedom across the broader Middle East. We've seen
freedom conquer evil and secure the peace before. In World War II, free
nations came together to fight the ideology of fascism, and freedom
prevailed. And today, Germany and Japan are democracies, and they are
allies in securing the peace. In the cold war, freedom defeated the
ideology of communism and led to a democratic movement that freed the
nations of Eastern and Central Europe from Soviet domination, and today,
these nations are allies in the war on terror.
Today in the Middle East, freedom is once again contending with an
ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred and despair. And like
fascism and communism before, the hateful ideologies that use terror
will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom. And as democracy
spreads in the Middle East, these countries will become allies in the
cause of peace.
Advancing the cause of freedom and democracy in the Middle East
begins with ensuring the success of a free Iraq. Freedom's victory in
that country will inspire democratic reformers from Damascus to Tehran
and spread hope across a troubled region and lift a terrible threat from
the lives of our citizens. By strengthening Iraqi democracy, we will
gain a partner in the cause of peace and moderation in the Muslim world
and an ally in the worldwide struggle against the terrorists.
Advancing the ideal of democracy and self-government is the mission
that created our Nation, and now it is the calling of a new generation
of Americans. We will meet the challenge of our time. We will answer
history's call with confidence because we know that freedom is the
destiny of every man, woman, and child on this Earth.
Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished, there will be tough days
ahead. A time of war is a time of sacrifice, and we've lost some very
fine men and women in this war on terror. Many of you know comrades and
classmates who left our shores to defend freedom and who did not live to
make the journey home. We pray
[[Page 1790]]
for the military families who mourn the loss of loved ones. We hold them
in our hearts, and we honor their memory of every fallen soldier,
sailor, airman, coastguardsman, and marine.
One of those fallen heroes is a marine corporal named Jeff Starr,
who was killed fighting the terrorists in Ramadi earlier this year.
After he died, a letter was found on his laptop computer. Here's what he
wrote, he said, ``If you're reading this, then I've died in Iraq. I
don't regret going. Everybody dies, but few get to do it for something
as important as freedom. It may seem confusing why we are in Iraq. It's
not to me. I'm here helping these people, so they can live the way we
live, not to have to worry about tyrants or vicious dictators. Others
have died for my freedom, now this is my mark.''
There is only one way to honor the sacrifice of Corporal Starr and
his fallen comrades, and that is to take up their mantle, carry on the
fight, and complete their mission.
We will take the fight to the terrorists. We will help the Iraqi
people lay the foundations of a strong democracy that can govern itself,
sustain itself, and defend itself. And by laying the foundations of
freedom in Iraq, we will lay the foundation of peace for generations to
come.
You all are the ones who will help accomplish all this. Our freedom
and our way of life are in your hands, and they're in the best of hands.
I want to thank you for your service to the cause of freedom. I want to
thank you for wearing the uniform. May God bless you all, and may God
continue to bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 9:45 a.m. in Alumni Hall at the U.S. Naval
Academy. In his remarks, he referred to Vice Adm. Rodney P. Rempt, USN,
superintendent, U.S. Naval Academy; Adm. Michael G. Mullen, USN, Chief
of Naval Operations; former President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; senior Al
Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al
Qaida terrorist organization; Lt. Col. Todd Wood, USA, commander, 2d
Battalion, 7th Infantry Regiment, Task Force Liberty; and Gen. George W.
Casey, Jr., USA, commanding general, Multi-National Force--Iraq. The
Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language
transcript of these remarks.