    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II)]
    [December 7, 2005]
    [Pages 1820-1828]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks to the Council on Foreign Relations
    December 7, 2005

        Thank you all. Richard, thanks for the
    invitation. Thanks for letting me come by and address the Council on
    Foreign Relations. The Council is one of America's oldest and most
    admired foreign policy organizations, and I appreciate the chance to
    come and talk about foreign policy.
        Richard is a good man, and he's doing a
    fine job as the President of the Council on Foreign Relations. And I
    appreciate your service to the country. I want to thank Nancy
    Roman. I want to thank the board members of
    the Council. And I want to thank you all for being here today.

    [[Page 1821]]

        Today we mark the anniversary of a fateful day in American history.
    On December the 7th, 1941, our peaceful Nation awoke to an attack
    plotted in secret and executed without mercy. The strike on Pearl Harbor
    was the start of a long war for America--a massive struggle against
    those who attacked us and those who shared their destructive ambitions.
    Fortunately for all of us, a great generation of Americans was more than
    equal to the challenge. Our Nation pulled together, and despite setbacks
    and battlefield defeats, we did not waver in freedom's cause. With
    courage and determination, we won a war on two fronts. We liberated
    millions. We aided the rise of democracy in Europe and Asia. We watched
    enemies become allies, and we laid the foundation of peace for
    generations.
        On September the 11th, 2001, our Nation awoke to another sudden
    attack. In the space of just 102 minutes, more Americans were killed
    than we lost at Pearl Harbor. Like generations before us, we accepted
    new responsibilities, and we confronted new dangers with firm resolve.
    Like generations before us, we're taking the fight to those who attacked
    us--and those who share their murderous vision for future attacks. Like
    generations before us, we've faced setbacks on the path to victory, yet
    we will fight this war without wavering. And like the generations before
    us, we will prevail.
        Like earlier struggles for freedom, this war will take many turns,
    and the enemy must be defeated on every battlefront, from the streets of
    Western cities to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal regions of
    Pakistan, to the islands of Southeast Asia, and the Horn of Africa. Yet
    the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central front in
    their war against humanity. So we must recognize Iraq as the central
    front in the war on terror.
        Last week at the Naval Academy, I gave the first in a series of
    speeches outlining our strategy for victory in Iraq. I explained that
    our strategy begins with a clear understanding of the enemy we face. The
    enemy in Iraq is a combination of rejectionists and Saddamists and
    terrorists. The rejectionists are ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs,
    who miss the privileged status they had under the regime of Saddam
    Hussein. They reject an Iraq in which they
    are no longer the dominant group. We believe that, over time, most of
    this group will be persuaded to support a democratic Iraq led by a
    Federal Government that is strong enough to protect minority rights.
        The Saddamists are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of
    returning to power, and they're trying to foment antidemocratic
    sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. Yet they lack popular
    support, and over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by
    security forces of a free Iraq.
        The terrorists affiliated with or inspired by Al Qaida are the
    smallest but most lethal group. Many are foreigners coming to fight
    freedom's progress in Iraq. They are led by a brutal terrorist named
    Zarqawi, Al Qaida's chief of operations
    in Iraq, who has pledged his allegiance to Usama bin Laden. The terrorists' stated objective is to drive the United
    States and coalition forces out of Iraq and to gain control of the
    country. They would then use Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks
    against America, overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and
    try to establish a totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from
    Indonesia to Spain.
        The terrorists in Iraq share the same ideology as the terrorists who
    struck the United States on September the 11th, blew up commuters in
    London and Madrid, murdered tourists in Bali, killed workers in Riyadh,
    and slaughtered guests at a wedding in Amman, Jordan. This is an enemy
    without conscience; they cannot be appeased. If we're not fighting and
    destroying the enemy in Iraq, they would not be leading the quiet lives
    of good citizens. They would be plotting and killing our citizens

    [[Page 1822]]

    across the world and within our own borders. By fighting the terrorists
    in Iraq, we are confronting a direct threat to the American people, and
    we will accept nothing less than complete victory.
        We're pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Last week, my
    administration released a document called the ``National Strategy for
    Victory in Iraq.'' Our goal is victory, and victory will be achieved
    when the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's
    democracy, when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of
    their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to
    plot new attacks against our Nation.
        Our strategy to achieve that victory has three elements. On the
    political side, we're helping the Iraqis build inclusive democratic
    institutions that will protect the interests of all Iraqis. We're
    working with the Iraqis to help them engage those who can be persuaded
    to join the new Iraq and to marginalize those who never will. In 2\1/2\
    years, the Iraqi people have made amazing progress. They've gone from
    living under the boot of a brutal tyrant to
    liberation to free elections to a democratic constitution. A week from
    tomorrow, they will go to the polls to elect a fully constitutional
    government that will lead them for the next 4 years. By helping Iraqis
    continue to build their democracy, we will gain an ally in the war on
    terror. By helping them build a democracy, we will inspire reformers
    from Damascus to Tehran. And by helping them build a democracy, we'll
    make the American people more secure.
        On the security side, coalition and Iraqi security forces are on the
    offense against the enemy. We're clearing out areas controlled by the
    terrorists and Saddam loyalists, leaving
    Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the enemy, and following up
    with targeted reconstruction to help Iraqis rebuild their lives. And as
    we fight the terrorists, we're working to build capable and effective
    Iraqi security forces, so they can take the lead in the fight and
    eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of their
    citizens without major foreign assistance.
        As Iraqi forces become more capable, they're taking responsibility
    for more and more Iraqi territory. We're transferring bases for their
    control, to take the fight to the enemy. That means American and
    coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down
    high-value targets like Zarqawi.
        On the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis rebuild their
    infrastructure and reform their economy and build the prosperity that
    will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. In doing this,
    we have involved the United Nations, other international organizations,
    our coalition partners, and supportive regional states.
        A week ago at the Naval Academy, I spoke about our efforts to train
    the Iraqi security forces. I described the changes we've made in the way
    these forces are trained and the resulting gains the Iraqi forces have
    made in the past year. Today I'm going to talk about how we're working
    with those Iraqi forces and Iraq's leaders to improve security and
    restore order, to help Iraqis rebuild their cities, and to help the
    National Government in Baghdad revitalize Iraq's infrastructure and
    economy.
        Over the course of this war, we have learned that winning the battle
    for Iraqi cities is only the first step. We also have to win the battle
    after the battle by helping Iraqis consolidate their gains and keep the
    terrorists from returning. Used to be that after American troops cleared
    the terrorists out of a city and moved onto the next mission, there
    weren't enough forces, Iraqi forces, to hold the area. We found that
    after we left, the terrorists would reenter the city, intimidate local
    leaders and police, and eventually retake control. This undermined the
    gains of our military. It thwarted our efforts to help Iraqis rebuild
    and led local residents to lose confidence in the process and in their
    leaders.

    [[Page 1823]]

        So we adjusted our approach. As improvements in training produced
    more capable Iraqi security forces, those forces have been able to
    better hold onto the cities we cleared out together. With help from our
    military and civilian personnel, the Iraqi Government can then work with
    local leaders and residents to begin reconstruction, with Iraqis leading
    the building efforts and our coalition in a supporting role.
        This approach is working. And today I want to describe our actions
    in two cities where we have seen encouraging progress, Najaf and Mosul.
        The city of Najaf is located about 90 miles south of Baghdad, and
    it's the home to one of Shi'a Islam's holiest places, the Imam Ali
    Shrine. As a predominantly Shi'a city, Najaf suffered greatly during
    Saddam's rule. Virtually every element of
    infrastructure and basic services had been crippled by years of
    insufficient maintenance. In 1991, thousands of Najaf residents were
    killed during a brutal crackdown by the dictator. Our troops liberated
    Najaf in 2003, yet about a year later, the city fell under the sway of a
    radical and violent militia. Fighting in the streets damaged homes and
    businesses, and the local economy collapsed as visitors and pilgrims
    stopped coming to the shrine out of fear for their lives.
        In the summer of 2004, we discussed the growing problem in Najaf
    with Iraq's political leaders, and the coalition and Iraqi Government
    decided to retake control of the city. And we did. Together, coalition
    and Iraqi forces routed out the militia in tough, urban fighting. It was
    an intense battle. Our guys performed great, and so did the Iraqi
    forces. Together with the Iraqi Government and the Shi'a clerical
    community, we forced the militia to abandon the shrine and return it to
    legitimate Iraqi authority. The militia forces agreed to disarm and
    leave Najaf.
        As soon as the fighting in Najaf ended, targeted reconstruction
    moved forward. The Iraqi Government played an active role and so did our
    military commanders and diplomats and workers from the U.S. Agency for
    International Development. Together, they worked with Najaf's Governor
    and other local officials to rebuild the local police force, repair
    residents' homes, refurbish schools, restore water and other essential
    services, reopen a soccer stadium, complete with new lights and fresh
    sod. Fifteen months later, new businesses and markets have opened in
    some of Najaf's poorest areas, religious pilgrims are visiting the city
    again, construction jobs are putting local residents back to work. One
    of the largest projects was the rebuilding of the Najaf Teaching
    Hospital, which had been looted and turned into a military fortress by
    the militia. Thanks to the efforts by Iraqi doctors and local leaders,
    and with the help of American personnel, the hospital is now open and
    capable of serving hundreds of patients each day.
        Najaf is now in the hands of elected government officials. An
    elected provincial council is at work drafting plans to bring more
    tourism and commerce to the city. Political life has returned, and
    campaigns for the upcoming elections have begun, with different parties
    competing for the vote. The Iraqi police are now responsible for day-to-
    day security in Najaf. An Iraqi battalion has consumed [assumed]*
    control of the former American military base, and our forces are now
    about 40 minutes outside the city.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        *White House correction.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        A U.S. Army sergeant explains our role this way: ``We go down there
    if they call us, and that doesn't happen very often. Usually, we just
    stay out of their way.'' Residents of Najaf are also seeing visible
    progress, and they have no intention of returning to the days of tyranny
    and terror. One man from Najaf put it this way: ``Three years ago, we
    were in ruins. One year ago, we were fighting in the streets.

    [[Page 1824]]

    Now look at the people, shopping and eating and not in fear.''
        There is still plenty of work left to be done in Najaf. Like most of
    Iraq, the reconstruction in Najaf has proceeded with fits and starts
    since liberation. It's been uneven. Sustaining electric power remains a
    major challenge, and construction has begun on three new substations to
    help boost capacity. Because there is a shortage of clean water, new
    water treatment and sewage units are now being installed. Security in
    Najaf has improved substantially, but threats remain. There are still
    kidnapings, and militias and armed gangs are exerting more influence
    than they should in a free society. Local leaders and Iraqi security
    forces are confronting these problems, and we're helping them.
        Another area that has seen tremendous gains is the ancient city of
    Mosul. Mosul is one of Iraq's largest cities, and it's the home of a
    diverse population of Sunni Arabs, Kurds, and other ethnic groups. Mosul
    is also the city where our troops brought justice to Saddam's sons in the summer of 2003. In the months after
    liberation, Mosul was relatively quiet, and so we began to redeploy our
    forces elsewhere in the country. And when the terrorists and Saddamists
    infiltrated the city, the Iraqi police were not up to the task of
    stopping them. These thugs intimidated residents, and they overwhelmed
    the police.
        By late last year, terrorists and Saddamists had gained control of
    much of Mosul, and they launched a series of car bombings and ambushes,
    including an attack on a coalition mess tent that killed 14 American
    servicemembers. The terrorists and Saddamists killed innocent Iraqi
    civilians, and they left them in the streets with notes pinned to their
    bodies threatening others. American and Iraqi forces responded with a
    series of coordinated strikes on the most dangerous parts of the city.
    Together we killed, captured, and cleared out many of the terrorists and
    Saddamists, and we helped the Iraqi police and legitimate political
    leaders regain control of the city. As the Iraqis have grown in strength
    and ability, they have taken more responsibility for Mosul's security.
    Coalition forces have moved into a supporting role.
        As security in Mosul improved, we began working with local leaders
    to accelerate reconstruction. Iraqis upgraded key roads and bridges over
    the Tigris River, rebuilt schools and hospitals, and started
    refurbishing the Mosul Airport. Police stations and firehouses were
    rebuilt, and Iraqis have made major improvements in the city's water and
    sewage network.
        Mosul still faces challenges. Like Najaf, Mosul's infrastructure was
    devastated during Saddam's reign. The city is
    still not receiving enough electricity, so Iraqis have a major new
    project underway to expand the Mosul power substation. Terrorist
    intimidation is still a concern. This past week, people hanging election
    posters were attacked and killed. Yet freedom is taking hold in Mosul,
    and residents are making their voices heard. Turnout in the--for the
    October referendum was over 50 percent in the Province where Mosul is
    located. That's more than triple the turnout in the January election.
    And there's heavy campaigning going on in Mosul for next week's
    election.
        In places like Mosul and Najaf, residents are seeing tangible
    progress in their lives. They're gaining a personal stake in a peaceful
    future, and their confidence in Iraq's democracy is growing. The
    progress of these cities is being replicated across much of Iraq, and
    more of Iraq's people are seeing the real benefits that a democratic
    society can bring.
        Throughout Iraq, we're also seeing challenges common to young
    democracies. Corruption is a problem at both the national and local
    levels of the Iraqi government. We will not tolerate fraud, so our
    Embassy in Baghdad is helping to demand transparency and accountability
    for the money being invested in reconstruction. We've

    [[Page 1825]]

    helped the Iraqi people establish institutions like a Commission on
    Public Integrity and a stronger Supreme Board of Audit to improve
    oversight of the rebuilding process. Listen, the Iraqi people expect
    money to be spent openly and honestly, and so do the American people.
        Another problem is the infiltration of militia groups into some
    Iraqi security forces, especially the Iraqi police. We're helping Iraqis
    deal with this problem by embedding coalition transition teams in Iraqi
    units to mentor police and soldiers. We're also working with Iraq
    leaders at all levels of government to establish high standards for
    police recruiting. In a free Iraq, former militia members must shift
    their loyalty to the National Government and learn to operate under the
    rule of law.
        As we help Iraq's leaders confront these challenges, we're also
    helping them rebuild a sound economy that will grow and deliver a better
    life for their people. Iraq is a nation with the potential for
    tremendous prosperity. The country has a young and educated workforce;
    they've got abundant land and water; and they have among the largest oil
    resources in the world. Yet for decades, Saddam Hussein used Iraq's wealth to enrich himself and a privileged
    few. As he built palaces, Saddam neglected the country's infrastructure.
    He ruined the economy, and he squandered the most valuable resource in
    Iraq, the talent and the energy of the Iraqi people.
        So we're helping the new Iraq Government reverse decades of economic
    destruction, reinvigorate its economy, and make responsible reforms.
    We're helping Iraqis to rebuild their infrastructure and establish the
    institutions of a market economy. The entrepreneurial spirit is strong
    in Iraq. Our policies are aimed at unleashing the creativity of the
    Iraqi people.
        Like our approach to training Iraqi security forces, our approach to
    helping Iraqis rebuild has changed and improved. When we started the
    reconstruction progress in the spring of 2003, our focus was on
    repairing and building large-scale infrastructure, such as electrical
    plants and large water treatment facilities. We moved forward with some
    of those large projects, yet we found our approach was not meeting the
    priorities of the Iraqi people. In many places, especially those
    targeted by the terrorists and Saddamists, the most urgent needs were
    smaller, localized projects, such as sewer lines and city roads.
    Delivering visible progress to the Iraqi people required us to focus on
    projects that could be completed rapidly.
        And so in consultation with the Iraqi Government, we started using
    more resources to fund smaller, local projects that could deliver rapid,
    noticeable improvements and offer an alternative to the destructive
    vision of the terrorists. We increased the amount of money our military
    commanders had at their disposal for flexible use. We worked with Iraqi
    leaders to provide more contracts directly to Iraqi firms. And by
    adapting our reconstruction efforts to meet needs on the ground, we're
    helping Iraqi leaders serve their people, and Iraqis are beginning to
    see that a free life will be a better life.
        Reconstruction has not always gone as well as we had hoped,
    primarily because of the security challenges on the ground. Rebuilding a
    nation devastated by a dictator is a large
    undertaking. It's even harder when terrorists are trying to blow up that
    which the Iraqis are trying to build. The terrorists and Saddamists have
    been able to slow progress, but they haven't been able to stop it.
        In the space of 2\1/2\ years, we have helped Iraqis conduct nearly
    3,000 renovation projects at schools, train more than 30,000 teachers,
    distribute more than 8 million textbooks, rebuild irrigation
    infrastructure to help more than 400,000 rural Iraqis, and improve
    drinking water for more than 3 million people.
        Our coalition has helped Iraqis introduce a new currency, reopen
    their stock exchange, extend $21 million in microcredit

    [[Page 1826]]

    and small-business loans to Iraqi entrepreneurs. As a result of these
    efforts and Iraq's newfound freedom, more than 30,000 new Iraqi
    businesses have registered since liberation. And according to a recent
    survey, more than three-quarters of Iraqi businessowners anticipate
    growth in the national economy over the next 2 years.
        This economic development and growth will be really important to
    addressing the high unemployment rate across parts of that country.
    Iraq's market-based reforms are gradually returning the proud country to
    the global economy. Iraqis have negotiated significant debt relief. And
    for the first time in 25 years, Iraq has completed an economic report
    card with the International Monetary Fund, a signal to the world
    financial community that Iraqis are serious about reform and determined
    to take their rightful place in the world economy.
        With all these improvements, we're helping the Iraqi Government
    deliver meaningful change for the Iraqi people. This is another
    important blow against the Saddamists and the terrorists. Iraqis who
    were disillusioned with their situation are beginning to see a hopeful
    future for their country. Many who once questioned democracy are coming
    off the fence; they're choosing the side of freedom. This is quiet,
    steady progress. It doesn't always make the headlines in the evening
    news. But it's real, and it's important, and it is unmistakable to those
    who see it close up.
        One of those who has seen that progress is Democratic Senator Joe
    Lieberman. Senator Lieberman has
    traveled to Iraq 4 times in the past 17 months, and the article he wrote
    when he returned from his most recent trip provides a clear description
    of the situation on the ground. Here's what Senator Lieberman wrote
    about the Iraq he saw: ``Progress is visible and practical. There are
    many more cars on the streets, satellite television dishes on the roofs,
    and literally millions more cell phones in Iraq hands than before.'' He
    describes an Iraqi poll showing that, ``two-thirds of Iraqis say they
    are better off than they were under Saddam
    Hussein.''
        Senator Lieberman goes on, ``Does
    America have a good plan for doing this, a strategy for victory in Iraq?
    Yes, we do. And it's important to make clear to the American people that
    the plan has not remained stubbornly still, but has changed over the
    years.'' The Senator says that mistakes have been made, but he goes on
    to say that he is worried about a bigger mistake. He writes, ``What a
    colossal mistake it would be for America's bipartisan political
    leadership to choose this moment in history to lose its will and, in the
    famous phrase, to seize defeat from the jaws of the coming victory.''
    Senator Lieberman is right.
        There is an important debate going on in our Nation's Capital about
    Iraq, and the fact that we can debate these issues openly in the midst
    of a dangerous war brings credit to our democracy. In this debate, some
    are calling for us to withdraw from Iraq on a fixed timetable, without
    regard to conditions on the ground. Recently, one Democratic leader came
    out in support of an artificial deadline for withdrawal and said an
    immediate withdrawal of our troops would ``make the American people
    safer, our military stronger, and bring some stability to the region.''
    That's the wrong policy for our Government. Withdrawing on an artificial
    deadline would endanger the American people, would harm our military,
    and make the Middle East less stable. It would give the terrorists
    exactly what they want.
        In a letter to the terrorist leader Zarqawi, the Al Qaida leader Zawahiri has outlined his goals in Iraq with these steps: ``Expel the
    Americans from Iraq; establish an Islamic authority over as much
    territory as you can, to spread its power in Iraq; extend the jihad
    wave.'' The terrorists hope America will withdraw before the job is
    done, so they can take over the country and turn it into a base for
    future attacks. Zawahiri

    [[Page 1827]]

    called the Vietnam war as a reason to believe the terrorists can
    prevail. He wrote, quote, ``The aftermath of the collapse of American
    power in Vietnam and how they ran and left their agents is noteworthy.''
    In the past, Al Qaida has said that American pullouts from Lebanon and
    Somalia showed them that America was weak and could be made to run. And
    now the terrorists think they can make America run in Iraq, and that is
    not going to happen so long as I'm the Commander in Chief.
        We are not going to yield the future of Iraq to men like
    Zarqawi, and we're not going to yield
    the future of the Middle East to men like bin Laden. We will complete our mission in Iraq and leave behind a
    democracy that can govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself. Our
    military will continue to hunt down the terrorists in Iraq and to
    prepare the Iraqi security forces to take over more of the fight and
    control more of the territory on their own. We will continue to help the
    Iraqis rebuild their cities and their lives so they can enjoy the
    prosperity that freedom brings. We will continue to stand with the Iraqi
    people as they move forward on the path of democracy. And when victory
    is achieved, our troops will then come home with the honor they've
    earned.
        Next week, I'll discuss the political element of our strategy in
    greater detail, how we're helping Iraqis build a democracy that will be
    a strong ally in this global war against the terrorists. One of the
    great lessons of history is that free societies are peaceful societies,
    and free nations give their citizens a path to resolve their differences
    peacefully through the democratic process.
        Democracy can be difficult and complicated and even chaotic. It can
    take years of hard work to build a healthy civil society. Iraqis have to
    overcome many challenges, including longstanding ethnic and religious
    tensions and the legacy of brutal repression. But they're learning that
    democracy is the only way to build a just and peaceful society, because
    it's the only system that gives every citizen a voice in determining its
    future.
        Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished, there will be tough days
    ahead. Victory in Iraq will require continued sacrifice by our men and
    women in uniform and the continued determination of our citizens. There
    will be good days, and there will be bad days in this war. I reject the
    pessimists in Washington who say, ``We can't win this war.'' Yet every
    day, we can be confident of the outcome, because we know that freedom
    has got the power to overcome terror and tyranny. We can be confident
    about the outcome, because we know the character and strength of the men
    and women in the fight. Their courage makes all Americans proud.
        This generation of Americans in uniform is every bit as brave and
    determined as the generation that went to war after the attack on our
    Nation 64 years ago today. Like those who came before, they are
    defeating a dangerous enemy, bringing freedom to millions, and
    transforming a troubled part of the world. And like those who came
    before, they will always have the gratitude of the American people.
        Our Nation will uphold the cause for which our men and women in
    uniform are risking their lives. We will continue to hunt down the
    terrorists wherever they hide. We will help the Iraqi people so they can
    build a free society in the heart of a troubled region. And by laying
    the foundations of freedom in Iraq and across the broader Middle East,
    we will lay the foundation of peace for generations to come.
        Thanks for giving me a chance to come and speak to you today. May
    God continue to bless our country.

    Note: The President spoke at 10:44 a.m. at the Omni Shoreham Hotel. In
    his remarks, he referred to Richard N. Haass, president, and Nancy E.
    Roman, vice president and director, Council on Foreign Relations; former
    President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Usama

    [[Page 1828]]

    bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist organization; Gov. Asaad Abu
    Gelal of Najaf Province, Iraq; senior Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al
    Zarqawi; and Ayman Al-Zawahiri, founder of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad
    and senior Al Qaida associate. The Office of the Press Secretary also
    released a Spanish language transcript of these remarks.