    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II)]
    [December 12, 2005]
    [Pages 1836-1849]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks to the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia and a Question-and-
    Answer Session in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
    December 12, 2005

        Thanks for the warm welcome. Thank you for the chance to come and
    speak to the Philadelphia World Affairs Council. This is an important
    organization that has, since 1949, has provided a forum for debate and
    discussion on important issues. I've come to discuss an issue that's
    really important, and that is victory in the war on terror.
        And that war started on September the 11th, 2001, when our Nation
    awoke to a sudden attack. Like generations before us, we have accepted
    new responsibilities. We're confronting dangers with new resolve. We're
    taking the fight to those who attacked us and to those who share their
    murderous vision for future attacks. We will fight this war without
    wavering, and we'll prevail.
        The war on terror will take many turns, and the enemy must be
    defeated on many--on every battlefield, from the streets of Western
    cities to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal regions of
    Pakistan, to the islands of Southeast Asia, and to the Horn of Africa.
    Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central front in
    their war against humanity, so we must recognize Iraq is the central
    front in the war on terror.

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        Last month, my administration released a document called the
    ``National Strategy for Victory in Iraq.'' And in recent weeks, I've
    been discussing our strategy with the American people. At the U.S. Naval
    Academy, I spoke about our efforts to defeat the terrorists and train
    Iraqi security forces so they can provide safety for their own citizens.
    Last week before the Council on Foreign Relations, I explained how we
    are working with Iraqi forces and Iraqi leaders to help Iraqis improve
    security and restore order, to rebuild cities taken from the enemy, and
    to help the National Government revitalize Iraq's infrastructure and
    economy.
        Today I'm going to speak in depth about another vital element of our
    strategy: our efforts to help the Iraqi people build a lasting democracy
    in the heart of the Middle East. I can think of no better place to
    discuss the rise of a free Iraq than in the heart of Philadelphia, the
    city where America's democracy was born.
        I want to thank the--Buntzie Churchill and Bill Sasso for letting me
    come. Thank you all for welcoming me. I got something to say--I'm
    looking forward to saying it here. I'm traveling with United States
    Senators; they're always quick to hop a ride on Air Force One--
    [laughter]--particularly when they don't have to reimburse the
    Government. [Laughter] But I'm proud to be a friend of Arlen
    Specter and Rick Santorum. They're fine, honorable Members of the United States
    Senate. Also pleased that Jim Gerlach and Mike
    Fitzpatrick and Joe Pitts of the United States Congress are with us. Thanks
    for serving; thanks for being here.
        A few blocks from here stands Independence Hall, where our
    Declaration of Independence was signed and our Constitution was debated.
    From the perspective of more than two centuries, the success of
    America's democratic experiment seems almost inevitable. At the time,
    however, that success didn't seem so obvious or assured.
        The 8 years from the end of the Revolutionary War to the election of
    a constitutional government were a time of disorder and upheaval. There
    were uprisings, with mobs attacking courthouses and government
    buildings. There was a planned military coup that was defused only by
    the personal intervention of George Washington. In 1783, Congress was
    chased from this city by angry veterans demanding backpay, and they
    stayed on the run for 6 months. There were tensions between the
    mercantile North and the agricultural South that threatened to break
    apart our young Republic. And there were British loyalists who were
    opposed to independence and had to be reconciled with America's new
    democracy.
        Our Founders faced many difficult challenges. They made mistakes.
    They learned from their experiences, and they adjusted their approach.
    Our Nation's first effort at governing--a governing charter, the
    Articles of Confederation, failed. It took years of debate and
    compromise before we ratified our Constitution and inaugurated our first
    President. It took a 4-year civil war and a century of struggle after
    that before the promise of our Declaration was extended to all
    Americans.
        It is important to keep this history in mind as we look at the
    progress of freedom and democracy in Iraq. No nation in history has made
    the transition to a free society without facing challenges, setbacks,
    and false starts. The past 2\1/2\ years have been a period of difficult
    struggle in Iraq, yet they've also been a time of great hope and
    achievement for the Iraqi people.
        Just over 2\1/2\ years ago, Iraq was in the grip of a cruel
    dictator who had invaded his neighbors,
    sponsored terrorists, pursued and used weapons of mass destruction,
    murdered his own people, and for more than a decade, defied the demands
    of the United Nations and the civilized world. Since then, the Iraqi
    people have assumed sovereignty over their country, held free

    [[Page 1838]]

    elections, drafted a democratic Constitution, and approved that
    Constitution in a nationwide referendum. Three days from now, they go to
    polls for the third time this year and choose a new Government under the
    new Constitution.
        It's a remarkable transformation for a country that has virtually no
    experience with democracy and which is struggling to overcome the legacy
    of one of the worst tyrannies the world has known. And Iraqis achieved
    all this while determined enemies use violence and destruction to stop
    the progress. There's still a lot of difficult work to be done in Iraq,
    but thanks to the courage of the Iraqi people, the year 2005 will be
    recorded as a turning point in the history of Iraq, the history of the
    Middle East, and the history of freedom.
        As the Iraqi people struggle to build their democracy, adversaries
    continue their war on a free Iraq. The enemy in Iraq is a combination of
    rejectionists and Saddamists and terrorists. The rejectionists are
    ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they
    had under the regime of Saddam Hussein. They
    reject an Iraq in which they're no longer the dominant group. We believe
    that over time, most of this group will be persuaded to support a
    democratic Iraq led by a Federal Government that is strong enough to
    protect minority rights, and we're encouraged that many Sunnis plan to
    actively participate in this week's election.
        The Saddamists are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of
    returning to power, and they're trying to foment antidemocratic
    sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. Yet they lack popular
    support, and over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by the
    people and security forces of a free Iraq.
        The terrorists affiliated with or inspired by Al Qaida are the
    smallest but most lethal group. Many are foreigners coming to fight
    freedom's progress in Iraq. They are led by a brutal terrorist named
    Zarqawi, Al Qaida's chief of operations
    in Iraq, who has stated his allegiance to Usama bin Laden. The terrorists' stated objective is to drive U.S. and
    coalition forces out of Iraq and gain control of that country and then
    use Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks against America,
    overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and establish a
    totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from Spain to Indonesia.
        The terrorists in Iraq share the ideology of the terrorists who
    struck the United States on September the 11th. They share the ideology
    with those who blew up commuters in London and Madrid, murdered tourists
    in Bali, and killed workers in Riyadh and slaughtered guests at a
    wedding in Amman, Jordan. This is an enemy without conscience, and they
    cannot be appeased. If we were not fighting and destroying this enemy in
    Iraq, they would not be leading quiet lives as good citizens. They would
    be plotting and killing our citizens across the world and here at home.
    By fighting the terrorists in Iraq, we are confronting a direct threat
    to the American people, and we will accept nothing less than complete
    victory.
        We are pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Our goal is
    victory, and victory will be achieved when the terrorists and Saddamists
    can no longer threaten Iraq's democracy, when the Iraqi security forces
    can provide for the safety of their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a
    safe haven for terrorists to plot new attacks against our Nation.
        Our strategy in Iraq has three elements: On the economic side, we're
    helping the Iraqis restore their infrastructure, reform their economy,
    and build the prosperity that will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and
    peaceful Iraq. On the security side, coalition and Iraqi forces are on
    the offense against the enemy. We're working together to clear out areas
    controlled by the terrorists and Saddam
    loyalists and leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the
    enemy. And as we help Iraqis fight these enemies, we are working to
    build capable

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    and effective Iraqi security forces so they can take the lead in the
    fight and eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of
    their citizens without major foreign assistance.
        We're making steady progress. The Iraqi forces are becoming more and
    more capable. They're taking more responsibility for more and more
    territory. We're transferring bases to their control so they can take
    the fight to the enemy. And that means American and coalition forces can
    concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down the high-value targets
    like the terrorist Zarqawi and his
    associates.
        Today I want to discuss the political element of our strategy, our
    efforts to help the Iraqis build inclusive democratic institutions that
    will protect the interests of all the Iraqi people. By helping Iraqis to
    build a democracy, we will win over those who doubted they had a place
    in a new Iraq and undermine the terrorists and Saddamists. By helping
    Iraqis to build a democracy, we will gain an ally in the war on terror.
    By helping Iraqis build a democracy, we will inspire reformers across
    the Middle East. And by helping Iraqis build a democracy, we will bring
    hope to a troubled region, and this will make the American people more
    secure.
        From the outset, the political element of our strategy in Iraq has
    been guided by a clear principle: Democracy takes different forms in
    different cultures. Yet, in all cultures, successful free societies are
    built on certain common foundations: rule of law, freedom of speech,
    freedom of assembly, a free economy, and freedom to worship. Respect for
    the belief of others is the only way to build a society where compassion
    and tolerance prevail. Societies that lay these foundations not only
    survive but thrive. Societies that do not lay these foundations risk
    backsliding into tyranny.
        When our coalition arrived in Iraq, we found a nation where almost
    none of these basic foundations existed. Decades of brutal rule by
    Saddam Hussein had destroyed the fabric of Iraqi civil society. Under
    Saddam, Iraq was a country where dissent was crushed. A centralized
    economy enriched a dictator instead of the
    people. Secret courts meted out repression instead of justice. And Shi'a
    Muslims and Kurds and other groups were brutally oppressed. And when
    Saddam Hussein's regime fled Baghdad, they left behind a country with
    few civic institutions in place to hold Iraq society together.
        To fill the vacuum after liberation, we established the Coalition
    Provisional Authority. The CPA was ably led by Ambassador Jerry
    Bremer, and many fine
    officials from our Government volunteered to serve in the EPA--CPA.
    While things did not always go as planned, these men and women did a
    good job under extremely difficult and dangerous circumstances, helping
    to restore basic services, making sure food was distributed, and
    reestablishing Government ministries.
        One of the CPA's most important tasks was bringing the Iraqi people
    into the decisionmaking process of their Government after decades of
    tyrannical rule. Three months after liberation, our coalition worked
    with the United Nations and Iraqi leaders to establish an Iraqi
    Governing Council. The Governing Council gave Iraqis a voice in their
    own affairs, but it was unelected. It was subordinate to the CPA, and
    therefore did not satisfy the hunger of Iraqis for self-government. Like
    free people everywhere, Iraqis wanted to be governed by leaders they had
    elected, not foreign officials.
        So in the summer of 2003, we proposed a plan to transfer sovereignty
    to the Iraqi people. Under this plan, the CPA would continue to govern
    Iraq while appointed Iraqi leaders drafted a constitution, put that
    constitution before the people, and then held elections to choose a new
    Government. Only when that elected Government took office would the
    Iraqis regain their sovereignty.

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        This plan met with the disapproval of the Iraqis. They made it clear
    that they wanted a constitution that was written by elected leaders of a
    free Iraq, and they wanted sovereignty placed in Iraqi hands sooner. We
    listened, and we adjusted our approach. In November of 2003, we
    negotiated a new plan with the Governing Council, with steps for an
    accelerated transition to Iraqi self-government. Under this new plan, a
    Transitional Administrative Law was written by the Governing Council and
    adopted in March of 2004. This law guaranteed personal freedoms
    unprecedented in the Arab world and set forth four major milestones to
    guide Iraq's transition to a constitutional democracy.
        The first milestone was the transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi
    Interim Government by the end of June 2004. The second was for Iraqis to
    hold free elections to choose a Transitional Government by January of
    2005. The third was for Iraqis to adopt a democratic constitution, which
    would be drafted no later than August 2005 and put before the Iraqi
    people in a nationwide referendum no later than October. And the fourth
    was for Iraqis to choose a Government under that democratic
    constitution, with elections held December of 2005.
        The first milestone was met when our coalition handed over
    sovereignty to the Iraqi leaders on June 28th, 2004, 2 days ahead of
    schedule. In January 2005, Iraqis met the second milestone when they
    went to the polls and chose their leaders in free elections. Almost 8\1/
    2\ million Iraqis defied the car bombers and assassins to cast their
    ballots, and the world watched in awe as jubilant Iraqis danced in the
    street and held ink-stained fingers and celebrated their freedom.
        The January elections were a watershed event for Iraq and the Middle
    East, yet they were not without flaws. One problem was the failure of
    the vast majority of Sunni Arabs to vote. When Sunnis saw a new 275-
    member Parliament taking power in which they had only 16 seats, many
    realized that their failure to participate in the democrat process had
    hurt their chances and hurt their groups--it hurt their constituencies.
    And Shi'a and Kurdish leaders who had won power at the polls saw that
    for a free and unified Iraq to succeed, they needed Sunni Arabs to be
    part of the Government. We encouraged Iraq's leaders to reach out to
    Sunni leaders and bring them into the governing process. When the
    Transitional Government was seated in the spring of this year, Sunni
    Arabs filled important posts, including a Vice President, a Minister of Defense, and the Speaker of the National Assembly.
        The new Government's main political challenge--next political
    challenge was to meet the third milestone, which was adopting a
    democratic constitution. Again, Iraq's leaders reached out to Sunni
    Arabs who had boycotted the elections and included them in the drafting
    process. Fifteen Sunni Arab negotiators and several Sunni Arab advisers
    joined the work of the constitutional drafting committee. After much
    tough debate, representatives of Iraq's diverse communities drafted a
    bold Constitution that guarantees the rule of law, freedom of assembly,
    property rights, freedom of speech and the press, women's rights, and
    the right to vote. As one Arab scholar put it, the Iraqi Constitution
    marks ``the dawn of a new age in Arab life.''
        The document that initially emerged from the committee did not unify
    Iraqis, and many Sunnis on the constitutional committee did not support
    the draft. Yet Iraq's leaders continued working to gain Sunni support.
    And thanks to last-minute changes--including a new procedure for
    considering amendments to the Constitution next year--a deal was struck
    4 days before the Iraqis went to the polls. The revised Constitution was
    endorsed by Iraq's largest Sunni party. It was approved in referendum
    that attracted over a million more voters than in the January elections.
    Many Sunnis voted against the Constitution, but Sunnis voted in large
    numbers for the first

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    time. They joined the political process, and by doing so, they reject
    the violence of the Saddamists and rejectionists. Through hard work and
    compromise, Iraqis adopted the most progressive democratic Constitution
    in the Arab world.
        On Thursday, Iraqis will meet their fourth milestone. And when they
    do go to the polls and choose a new Government under the new
    Constitution, it will be a remarkable event in the Arab world. Despite
    terrorist violence, the country is buzzing with signs and sounds of
    democracy in action. The streets of Baghdad and Najaf and Mosul and
    other cities are full of signs and posters. The television and radio
    airwaves are thick with political ads and commentary. Hundreds of
    parties and coalitions have registered for this week's elections, and
    they're campaigning vigorously. Candidates are holding rallies and
    laying out their agendas and asking for the vote.
        Our troops see this young democracy up close. First Lieutenant Frank
    Shriley of Rock Hall, Maryland, says, ``It's a
    cool thing riding around Baghdad and seeing the posters. It reminds me
    of being home during election time. After so many years of being told
    what to do, having a real vote is different.''
        Unlike the January elections, many Sunnis are campaigning vigorously
    for office this time around. Many Sunni parties that opposed the
    Constitution have registered to compete in this week's vote. Two major
    Sunni coalitions have formed, and other Sunni leaders have joined
    national coalitions that cross religious, ethnic, and sectarian
    boundaries. As one Sunni politician< put it, this election
    ``is a vote for Iraq. We want a national Iraq, not a sectarian
    one.''
        To encourage broader participation by all Iraqi communities, the
    National Assembly made important changes in Iraq's electoral laws that
    will increase Sunni representation in the new assembly. In the January
    elections, Iraq was one giant electoral district, so seats in the
    transitional assembly simply reflected turnout. Because few Sunnis
    voted, their communities were left with little representation. Now Iraq
    has a new electoral system, where seats in the new Council of
    Representatives will be allocated by Province and population--much like
    our own House of Representatives. This new system is encouraging more
    Sunnis to join in the democratic process because it ensures that Sunnis
    will be well represented, even if the terrorists and Saddamists try to
    intimidate voters in the Provinces where most Sunnis live.
        More Sunnis are involved because they see Iraqi democracy
    succeeding. They have learned a lesson of democracy: They must
    participate to have a voice in their nation's affairs. A leading
    Sunni who had boycotted the January vote put
    it this way: ``The Sunnis are now ready to participate.'' A Sunni
    sheik explains why Sunnis must join the
    process: ``In order not to be marginalized, we need power in the
    National Assembly.'' As more Sunnis join the political process, the
    Saddamists and remaining rejectionists will be marginalized. As more
    Sunnis join the political process, they will protect the interests of
    their community.
        Like the Shi'a and Kurds, who face daily attacks from the terrorists
    and Saddamists, many Sunnis who join the political process are being
    targeted by the enemies of a free Iraq. The Iraqi Islamic Party--a Sunni
    party that boycotted the January vote and now supports elections--has
    seen its offices bombed. And a party leader reports that at least 10
    members have been killed since the party announced it would field
    candidates in Thursday's elections. Recently, a top Sunni electoral
    official visited the Sunni stronghold
    of Ba'quba. He went to encourage local leaders to participate in the
    elections. During his visit, a roadside bomb went off. It rattled his
    convoy, but it didn't stop it. He says this about the attempt on his
    life: ``The bomb is nothing compared to what we're doing. What we're
    doing is bigger than the bomb.''

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        By pressing forward and meeting their milestones, the Iraqi people
    have built momentum for freedom and democracy. They've encouraged those
    outside the process to come in. At every stage, there was enormous
    pressure to let the deadlines slide, with skeptics and pessimists
    declaring that Iraqis were not ready for self-government. At every
    stage, Iraqis proved the skeptics and pessimists wrong. At every stage,
    Iraqis have exposed the errors of those in our country and across the
    world who question the universal appeal of liberty. By meeting their
    milestones, Iraqis are defeating a brutal enemy, rejecting a murderous
    ideology, and choosing freedom over terror.
        This week, elections won't be perfect, and a successful vote is not
    the end of the process. Iraqis still have more difficult work ahead, and
    our coalition and the new Iraqi Government will face many challenges,
    including in four critical errors--areas: ensuring Iraqi security,
    forming an inclusive Iraqi Government, encouraging Iraqi reconciliation,
    and maintaining Iraqi democracy in a tough neighborhood.
        The first key challenge is security. As democracy takes hold in
    Iraq, the terrorists and Saddamists will continue to use violence. They
    will try to break our will and intimidate the Iraqi people and their
    leaders. These enemies aren't going to give up because of a successful
    election. They understand what is at stake in Iraq. They know that as
    democracy takes root in that country, their hateful ideology will suffer
    a devastating blow, and the Middle East will have a clear example of
    freedom and prosperity and hope.
        So our coalition will continue to hunt down the terrorists and
    Saddamists. We'll continue training Iraqi security forces to take the
    lead in the fight and defend their new democracy. As the Iraqi security
    forces stand up, coalition forces can stand down. And when victory is
    achieved, our troops will then return home with the honor they have
    earned.
        The second key challenge is forming an inclusive government that
    protects the interests of all Iraqis and encourages more in the
    rejectionist camp to abandon violence and embrace politics. Early next
    year, Iraq's new Parliament will come to Baghdad and select a Prime
    Minister and a presidency council and a cabinet of ministers. Two-thirds
    of the new Parliament must agree on the top leadership posts, and this
    will demand negotiation and compromise. It will require patience by
    America and our coalition allies. This new government will face many
    tough decisions on issues such as security and reconstruction and
    economic reform. Iraqi leaders will also have to review and possibly
    amend the Constitution and ensure that this historic document earns the
    broad support of all Iraqi communities. By taking these steps, Iraqi
    leaders will build a strong and lasting democracy. This is an important
    step in helping to defeat the terrorists and the Saddamists.
        The third key challenge is establishing rule of law and the culture
    of reconciliation. Iraqis still have to overcome longstanding ethnic and
    religious tensions and the legacy of three decades of dictatorship.
    During the regime of Saddam Hussein, Shi'a,
    Kurds, and other groups were brutally oppressed, and for some, there is
    now a temptation to take justice into their own hands. Recently, U.S.
    and Iraqi troops have discovered prisons in Iraq where mostly Sunni men
    were held, some of whom have appeared to have been beaten and tortured.
    This conduct is unacceptable, and the Prime Minister and other Iraqi officials have condemned these abuses. An
    investigation has been launched, and we support these efforts. Those who
    committed these crimes must be held to account.
        We will continue helping Iraqis build an impartial system of justice
    that protects all of Iraq's citizens. Millions of Iraqis are seeing
    their independent judiciary in action, as their former dictator, Saddam
    Hussein, is put on trial in Baghdad. The man
    who

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    once struck fear in the hearts of Iraqis has heard his victims recount
    the acts of torture and murder that he ordered. One Iraqi watching the
    proceedings said: ``We all feel happiness about this fair trial.''
    Slowly but surely, with the help of our coalition, Iraqis are replacing
    the rule of a tyrant with the rule of law and ensuring equal justice for
    all their citizens.
        Oh, I know some fear the possibility that Iraq could break apart and
    fall into a civil war. I don't believe these fears are justified.
    They're not justified so long as we do not abandon the Iraqi people in
    their hour of need. Encouraging reconciliation and human rights in a
    society scarred by decades of arbitrary violence and sectarian division
    is not going to be easy, and it's not going to happen overnight. Yet the
    Iraqi Government has a process in place to resolve even the most
    difficult issues through negotiate, debate, and compromise. And the
    United States, along with the United Nations and the Arab League and
    other international partners, will support these efforts to help resolve
    these issues. And as Iraqis continue to develop the habits of liberty,
    they will gain confidence in the future and ensure that Iraqi
    nationalism trumps Iraqi sectarianism.
        A fourth key challenge is for the Iraqis to maintain their newfound
    freedoms in a tough neighborhood. Iraq's neighbor to the east, Iran, is
    actively working to undermine a free Iraq. Iran doesn't want democracy
    in Iraq to succeed, because a free Iraq threatens the legitimacy of
    Iran's oppressive theocracy. Iraq's neighbor to the west, Syria, is
    permitting terrorists to use that territory to cross into Iraq. The vast
    majority of Iraqis do not want to live under an Iranian-style theocracy,
    and they don't want Syria to allow the transit of bombers and killers
    into Iraq. And the United States of America will stand with the Iraqi
    people against the threats from these neighbors.
        We'll continue to encourage greater support from the Arab world and
    the broader international community. Many Arab States have kept the new
    Iraq at arm's distance. Yet as more Arab States are beginning to
    recognize that a free Iraq is here to stay, they're starting to give
    Iraq's new Government more support. Recently, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and
    Jordan have welcomed the Iraqi Prime Minister on official visits. Last month, the Arab League hosted a
    meeting in Cairo to promote national reconciliation among Iraqis, and
    another such meeting is planned for next year in Baghdad.
        These are important steps, and Iraq's neighbors need to do more.
    Arab leaders are beginning to recognize that the choice in Iraq is
    between democracy and terrorism, and there is no middle ground. The
    success of Iraqi democracy is in their vital interests because if the
    terrorists prevail in Iraq, they will then target other Arab nations.
        International support for Iraq's democracy is growing as well. Other
    nations have pledged more than $13 billion in assistance to Iraq, and we
    call on them, those who have pledged assistance, to make good on their
    commitments. The World Bank recently approved its first loan to Iraq in
    over 30 years, lending the Iraqi Government $100 million to improve the
    Iraqi school system. The United Nations is playing a vital role in Iraq.
    They assisted in last January's elections and the negotiations for the
    Constitution and in the recent constitutional referendum. And at the
    request of the Iraqi Government, the U.N. Security Council unanimously
    approved a resolution extending the mandate of the multinational force
    in Iraq through 2006. Earlier this year, the European Union cohosted a
    conference for more than 80 countries and international organizations,
    so they can better coordinate their efforts to help Iraqis rebuild their
    nation. Whatever differences there were over the decision to liberate
    Iraq, all free nations now share a common interest, building an Iraq
    that will fight terror and be a source of stability and freedom in a
    troubled region of the world.

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        The challenges ahead are complex and difficult, yet Iraqis are
    determined to overcome them and build a free nation. And they require
    our support. Millions of Iraqis will put their lives on the line this
    Thursday in the name of liberty and democracy. And 160,000 of America's
    finest are putting their lives on the line so Iraqis can succeed. The
    American and Iraqi people share the same interests and the same enemies,
    and by helping democracy succeed in Iraq, we bring greater security to
    our citizens here at home.
        The terrorists know that democracy is their enemy, and they will
    continue fighting freedom's progress with all the hateful determination
    they can muster. Yet the Iraqi people are stepping forward to claim
    their liberty, and they will have it. When the new Iraqi Government
    takes office next year, Iraqis will have the only constitutional
    democracy in the Arab world, and Americans will have a partner for peace
    and moderation in the Middle East.
        People across the broader Middle East are drawing and will continue
    to draw inspiration from Iraq's progress, and the terrorists' powerful
    myth is being destroyed. In a 1998 fatwa, Usama bin Laden argued that the suffering of the Iraqi people was
    justification for his declaration of war on America. Now bin Laden and
    Al Qaida are the direct cause of the Iraqi people's suffering. As more
    Muslims across the world see this, they're turning against the
    terrorists. As the hope of liberty spreads in the Middle East, the
    terrorists will lose their sponsors, lose their recruits, and lose the
    sanctuaries they need to plan new attacks.
        A free Iraq is not going to be a quiet Iraq. It will be a nation
    full of passionate debate and vigorous political activity. It will be a
    nation that continues to face some level of violence. Yet Iraqis are
    showing they have the patience and the courage to make democracy work,
    and Americans have the patience and courage to help them succeed.
        We've done this kind of work before. We must have confidence in our
    cause. In World War II, free nations defeated fascism and helped our
    former adversaries, Germany and Japan, build strong democracies, and
    today, these nations are allies in securing the peace. In the cold war,
    free nations defeated communism and helped our former Warsaw Pact
    adversaries become strong democracies, and today, nations of Central and
    Eastern Europe are allies in the war on terror.
        Today in the Middle East, freedom is once again contending with a
    totalitarian ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred and despair.
    And like fascism and communism before, the hateful ideologies that use
    terror will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom.
        And the advance of freedom in the Middle East requires freedom in
    Iraq. By helping Iraqis build a lasting democracy, we will spread the
    hope of liberty across a troubled region; we'll gain new allies in the
    cause of freedom. By helping Iraqis build a strong democracy, we're
    adding to our own security, and like a generation before us, we're
    laying the foundation of peace for generations to come.
        Not far from here, where we gather today, is a symbol of freedom
    familiar to all Americans, the Liberty Bell. When the Declaration of
    Independence was first read in public, the Liberty Bell was sounded in
    celebration, and a witness said, ``It rang as if it meant something.''
    Today, the call of liberty is being heard in Baghdad and Basra and other
    Iraqi cities, and its sound is echoing across the broader Middle East.
    From Damascus to Tehran, people hear it, and they know it means
    something. It means that the days of tyranny and terror are ending, and
    a new day of hope and freedom is dawning.
        Thank you for letting me come.
        I got a little extra time on my hands, so I thought I might answer
    some questions. [Laughter] Yes, ma'am.

    [[Page 1845]]

    Casualties in Iraq

        Q. Since the inception of the Iraqi war, I'd like to know the
    approximate total of Iraqis who have been killed, and by Iraqis I
    include civilians, military, police, insurgents, translators.
        The President. How many Iraqi citizens have died in this war? I
    would say 30,000, more or less, have died as a result of the initial
    incursion and the ongoing violence against Iraqis. We've lost about
    2,140 of our own troops in Iraq.
        Yes.

    Progress in Iraq/War on Terror

        Q. Mr. President, thank you--[inaudible]----
        The President. I'll repeat the question. If I don't like it, I'll
    make it up. [Laughter]
        Q. Thank you for coming to the city where liberty was born. Central
    to your policy in Iraq is the role of the Iraqis. We hear wildly
    different tales about how the Iraqis are doing in their own area of
    defense. Could you give us your perspective on how they're doing, how
    well their military training is going, what you feel their capability is
    to do the task that you want them to do, to clear up some of the wildly
    different impressions that we hear about?
        The President. No, I appreciate that. When we first began training--
    our strategy all along has been to train Iraqis so they can take the
    fight and succeed in what we're trying to do, which is a democracy, a
    democracy which will serve as an example for others, a democracy which
    will join us in the fight on terror, a democracy which will help us
    prevent other countries from becoming safe haven for terrorists who
    still want to kill us. That's--that was our objective. And all along we
    wanted the Iraqis to be able to do--take the fight.
        When we first got going, we said, ``We'll train an army that will be
    able to deal with external threats and a civil defense corps that will
    be able to deal with internal threats.'' And the problem with that
    strategy was that the internal threats were a heck of a lot more severe
    than the external threats, and the army--the civilian corps we trained
    was not properly trained and equipped.
        So we adjusted. We trained everybody for the army and--recognizing
    that the army is going to have to not only take the fight to the enemy--
    or the new army take the fight to the enemy, but when we clear enemies
    out of places like Mosul, that there has to be an Iraqi army presence to
    earn the confidence of the people.
        When the war first got going, we'd move into Mosul, clear out an
    enemy, leave, and the enemy would return. And so the Iraqi people had no
    confidence in the future. They were--they didn't dare, for example, tell
    coalition forces or Iraqi forces the names of those who were killing
    their citizens because they didn't have the confidence there would be a
    force to protect them. And so we began the process of clearing out and
    holding with more and more trained Iraqi forces. And now the Iraqi
    forces are helping to rebuild these cities. Democracy is only going to
    succeed if people say, ``My life is going to be better.'' I mean, no
    different a campaign here--you know, ``Vote for me; I want to help
    improve your life.''
        And that's what--and so the strategy has been to--let me say, we
    adjusted our strategy, and there's about 200,000-plus capable units.
    Now, not all of them are ready to take the fight to the enemy. In order
    to have a division or a battalion ready to fight, you've got to be able
    to communicate; you've got to be able to move; you've got to be able to
    have logistical supplies. But more and more of the Iraqis are in the
    lead in the fight, and more and more Iraqis are being trained so they
    can hold the positions once we clear.
        We are not completed--we haven't completed the job of training the
    Iraqis. But what is beginning to happen is, is that you're beginning to
    see our troops step back from the fight. I don't know if you realize, we
    had some 90 bases in Iraq, and

    [[Page 1846]]

    I think we've closed about 40--or turned over--closed or turned over 40
    of those bases to the Iraqis. In other words, our profile is beginning
    to move back as the Iraqis get trained up, so that we can continue
    working on training and also help them chase down Zarqawi and his buddies. They're--these guys are very tough,
    and they're coldblooded killers.
        The enemy has got one weapon. See, they can't defeat us militarily.
    What they can do is, they can and will kill innocent people in the hopes
    of trying to get the United States of America to leave the battlefield
    early. The only way we can lose is if we lose our nerve. And they know
    that, and they've stated that publicly.
        And--but the training is going much better than it was in the first
    year. The--and we've just got more to do, and we need to do it, because
    a free Iraq, again, will be an important ally in this war. This is a
    global struggle we're in. It's--this isn't an enemy that is isolated,
    kind of an angry group of people. These are people that have got a
    totalitarian vision. They've got designs and ambitions. They've laid out
    their strategy, and they explained their tactics. And we've got to
    listen to them and take them seriously. And part of their tactics is to
    create vacuums so that their hateful ideology flows in.
        They--listen, the attack of September the 11th was a part of a broad
    strategy to get us to retreat from the world. And that--people say,
    ``Well, he's making it up, that they want to establish a totalitarian
    empire that stretches from Spain to Indonesia.'' I'm telling you what
    they said, not me. This is what Zawahiri
    has said--the number-two man in Al Qaida. It seems like to me, we need
    to take it seriously when the enemy says something.
        Kind of getting off subject here, but--yes, sir.

    America's Influence Abroad

        Q. Mr. President, I'm a proud U.S. citizen, naturalized, and card-
    carrying Republican. I voted for you both times. I grew up in India, a
    Sunni. In fact, the President of the Republic of India is a Sunni. And I
    think it's a great testimony to this Nation that was--the vision of
    which was laid out within a few--half a mile of here, that somebody like
    me can be in a position of leadership and be successfully engaged in
    contributing to the current and future economic well-being of this
    Nation.
        Mr. President, I support your efforts in Iraq. But I'd like to know,
    what are we going to do in the broader battle in creating a favorable
    image and reaching out to people across the world, so that people like
    me all over the world can be passionate supporters of the United States?
        The President. Yes, I appreciate that. First of all, success will
    help the image of the United States. Look, I recognize we got an image
    issue, particularly when you got television stations, Arabic television
    stations that are constantly just pounding America, creating--saying,
    ``America is fighting Islam; Americans can't stand Muslims; this is a
    war against a religion.'' And we've got to, obviously, do a better job
    of reminding people that ours is not a nation that rejects religion;
    ours is a nation that accepts people of all faith and that the great
    strength of America is the capacity for people to worship freely.
        It's difficult. I mean, their propaganda machine is pretty darn
    intense. And so we're constantly sending out messages; we're constantly
    trying to reassure people, but we're also acting. And that's what's
    important for our citizens to realize. Our position in the world is such
    that I don't think we can retreat. I think we have a duty and an
    obligation to use our vast influence to help.
        I cite two examples of where I think it will make a big--of where
    American image in the Muslim world will be improved. One is the tsunami.
    The tsunamis hit; it was the United States military, through the USS
    Abraham Lincoln, that

    [[Page 1847]]

    provided the logistical organization necessary to get the--to save a lot
    of lives. We moved. A lot of people kind of sat around and discussed--
    not us. We saw a problem, and we moved.
        Same in Pakistan. The earthquake in Pakistan is devastating. The
    United States of America was first on the scene. We got a lot of kids
    flying choppers all around that country providing help and aid.
        And so I guess what I'm saying to you is, is that a proper use of
    influence that helps improve people's lives is the best way to affect--
    to change the image of our country and to defeat the propaganda. Having
    said all that, a lot of people want to come to America. The image may be
    bad, but give them a chance; all you who want to come to America, raise
    your hand--there's a lot wanting to come. That's another issue, which is
    immigration reform.
        But thank you for that. One thing America must never do is lose our
    capacity to take people from all walks of life and help them become an
    American first and foremost. That's what distinguishes us from other
    cultures and other nations. You can come from wherever you are, and I
    can come from Texas, and we both share the same deal--we're Americans
    first and foremost. I happen to be a Methodist. You're a Sunni.
    [Laughter]
        Yes, ma'am.

    Lessons of September 11, 2001

        Q. Mr. President, I would like to know why it is that you and others
    in your administration keep linking 9/11 to the invasion of Iraq when no
    respected journalist or Middle Eastern expert confirmed that such a link
    existed.
        The President. What did she--I missed the question. Sorry. I
    didn't--I beg your pardon; I didn't hear you--seriously.
        Q. I would like to know why you and others in your administration
    invoke 9/11 as justification for the invasion of Iraq----
        The President. Yes.
        Q. ----when no respected journalists or other Middle Eastern experts
    confirm that such a link existed.
        The President. I appreciate that. Nine/eleven changed my look on
    foreign policy. I mean, it said that oceans no longer protect us, that
    we can't take threats for granted, that if we see a threat, we've got to
    deal with it. It doesn't have to be militarily, necessarily, but we got
    to deal with it. We can't just hope for the best anymore.
        And so the first decision I made, as you know, was to deal with the
    Taliban in Afghanistan, because they were harboring terrorists. This is
    where the terrorists planned and plotted. And the second decision--which
    was a very difficult decision for me, by the way, and it's one that I
    didn't take lightly--was that Saddam Hussein
    was a threat. He is a declared enemy of the United States. He had used
    weapons of mass destruction. The entire world thought he had weapons of
    mass destruction. The United Nations had declared in more than 10--I
    can't remember the exact number of resolutions--that ``Disclose or
    disarm, or face serious consequences.'' I mean, there was a serious
    international effort to say to Saddam Hussein, ``You're a threat.'' And
    the 9/11 attacks extenuated that threat, as far as I was concerned.
        And so we gave Saddam Hussein the chance
    to disclose or disarm, and he refused. And I made a tough decision, and
    knowing what I know today, I'd make the decision again. Removing Saddam
    Hussein makes this world a better place and America a safer country.
        Last question. I've actually got something to do. [Laughter] You're
    paying me all this money; I'd better get back to work. [Laughter]
        Hold on a second. Got a guy here.

    Homeland Security/Spread of Democracy

        Q. Mr. President, I'm from the Phelps School. I'm a supporter of
    yours.
        The President. Oops, that kind of prejudices your question.
    [Laughter]

    [[Page 1848]]

        Q. Well, I have a question for you. Do you feel that since invading
    Iraq, the threat of terrorism on U.S. soil has been reduced
    significantly?
        The President. I think it's been reduced. I don't think we're safe.
    What will really give me confidence to say that we're safe is when I can
    tell the American people, ``We've got the capacity to know exactly where
    the enemy is moving.'' This is a different kind of war. These people
    hide. They're patient, and they're sophisticated. And that's why our
    intelligence gathering is really important.
        You know, occasionally they come out and want to fight like they're
    doing in Iraq. This guy Zarqawi has
    sworn his allegiance to bin Laden. He has--
    he's declared his intentions. But there's a lot of them who lurk and
    hide. And what we've really got to do is continue to hone our
    intelligence gathering to make sure that we can, as best as possible,
    understand their intents and watch their movements. And this requires
    international cooperation.
        I will tell you the international cooperation, when it comes to
    sharing intelligence, is good. It requires us being able to cut off
    their money. They move money around. They can't--it turns out, they
    can't launch attacks without money. And so we're doing the best we can
    to work with others to find out where their money is moving. And that
    way, it will be a--give us a chance to find out where they are.
        The long run in this war is going to require a change of governments
    in parts of the world. It's--and this is why it's very important for me
    to continue to remind the American people about what's taking place in
    history. One of my favorite stories is to tell people about--or go-bys--
    is to tell people about my relationship with Koizumi, Prime Minister
    Koizumi of Japan. He's an interesting guy.
    He likes Elvis, for example, which is--[laughter]--interesting--
    [laughter]. He's a friend. He's also a friend when it comes to peace.
    He's a reliable, steady ally when it comes to dealing with North Korea.
    North Korea is a country that has declared boldly they've got nuclear
    weapons, they counterfeit our money, and they're starving their people
    to death. And it's good to have an ally that understands human rights
    and the condition of the human being are vital for this world and world
    peace.
        And yet, 60 years ago, my dad fought
    against the Japanese--many of your relatives did as well. They were the
    sworn enemy of the United States. I find it amazing--I don't know if you
    find it amazing--I find it amazing that I sit down with this
    guy, strategizing about how to make the
    world a more peaceful place, when my dad and others fought him.
        And so what happened? Now, 60 years seems like a long time,
    particularly if you're 59 like me. [Laughter] But it's not all that long
    in history, when you think about it. And what happened was, a Japanese-
    style democracy emerged. Democracies yield the peace. That's what
    history has shown us. That's what I tried to say in my peroration in
    this speech. That's a long word. I'm doing it for the Senator,
    Specter, here. [Laughter] Just showing off,
    Senator, just trying to look good in front of the folks here at home.
    [Laughter] But it's an accurate portrayal of what has happened.
    Democracies yield the peace.
        So the fundamental question is, do we have the confidence and
    universal values to help change a troubled part of the world? If you're
    a supporter of Israel, I would strongly urge you to help other countries
    become democracies. Israel's long-term survival depends upon the spread
    of democracy in the Middle East. I recognize people have--I fully
    recognize that some say it's impossible, that maybe only a certain kind
    of people can be--can accept democracy. I just--I reject that. I don't
    agree with that. I believe democracy--the desire to be free is
    universal. That's what I believe. And if you believe that, then you've
    got to act on it. That doesn't mean

    [[Page 1849]]

    militarily. But that means using the influence of the United States to
    work with others to help freedom spread.
        And that's what you're seeing in Iraq. And it's hard. It's hard for
    a country that has come from dictatorship 2\1/2\ years ago to become a
    democracy. It is hard work. There's a lot of resentment and anger and
    bitterness. But I believe it's going to happen. And the only way it
    won't happen is if we leave, if we lose our nerve, if we allow the
    terrorists to achieve their objective. The only way we can lose this is
    for us to say to the terrorists, ``Maybe you aren't dangerous after
    all--you know, by leaving, maybe that you'll become hospitable, you
    know, decent citizens of the world.'' That's not reality. And my job as
    the President is to see the world the way it is, not the way we hope it
    is.
        I, again, want to thank you for giving me the chance to come and
    deliver this speech. I'm grateful for your interest. May God bless you
    all, and may God continue to bless America.

    Note: The President spoke at 11:16 a.m. at the Park Hyatt Philadelphia.
    In his remarks, he referred to Buntzie Churchill, president, and William
    R. Sasso, vice chairman, board of directors, World Affairs Council of
    Philadelphia; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist
    organization; Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jafari, Deputy President Ghazi
    al-Ujayl al-Yawr, Minister of Defense Sadun al-Dulaymi, and Speaker of
    the Transistional National Assembly Hajim al-Hassani of Iraq. The Office
    of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language transcript of
    these remarks.