    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II)]
    [October 28, 2005]
    [Pages 1614-1622]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks on the War on Terror in Norfolk, Virginia
    October 28, 2005

        The President. Thank you all. Thank you all very much. Please be
    seated. Thanks for the warm welcome. Thanks for the chance to get out of
    Washington. [Laughter]
        It is great to be here in the Commonwealth of Virginia. You had a
    lot of history in this part of the world. This part of the country was
    home to the first English-speaking colony on the continent, birthplace
    of representative government in America, and the site of George
    Washington's victory in the Revolutionary War. I call him the first
    George W. [Laughter]
        In the 21st century, the tradition of patriotism and freedom still
    runs strong here in the Hampton Roads. I know there's a lot of folks
    here in our military who live here, and I know there's a lot of veterans
    live here. So the first thing I want to say is to those who wear the
    uniform: This country is with you, and the Commander in Chief is
    incredibly proud of you. And to the veterans: Thanks for setting such a
    good example. I'm proud of your service.
        Dee, thanks for the
    introduction, and thanks for the invitation. I want to thank Jack
    Hornbeck as well. I appreciate so very
    much the Senator from the great State--or the Commonwealth of Virginia,
    is here, George Allen. Thanks for coming,
    George. And Congresswoman Thelma Drake is
    with us. Thanks for coming. I appreciate you being here, honored you're
    here.
        Mayor, thanks for coming. I appreciate Mayor Fraim. He's here from the city of Norfolk. He's a--the only thing
    I told him is--he didn't ask for my advice, but I gave it anyway--I
    said, ``Fill the potholes.'' [Laughter] Thanks for serving. I appreciate
    your serving, Mayor. Thanks for greeting me today. I want to thank all
    the local and State officials who've joined us.
        I want to thank the military commanders who are here: Lieutenant
    General Anthony Jones and Lieutenant
    General Mark Curran, Lieutenant
    General Bob Wagner, Major General Jim
    Soligan. Thank you all for being here. John
    McCarthy, Major General McCarthy of the
    Marine Corps, Rear Admiral John Acton, Rear
    Admiral Steve Turcotte, I'm honored you
    all took time to come.
        I appreciate the foreign officers here. I appreciate you being here.
    I appreciate the jointness that we're working on and the transformation
    they're working on together to make sure that we're able to keep the
    peace. This is an important mission. I want to thank Admiral Sir Mark
    Stanhope. He's the Deputy Supreme Allied
    Commander of Transformation, in the United Kingdom's Royal Navy. I
    appreciate Lieutenant General Michel Maisonneuve. She's [He's]* in the Canadian Air Force. She's [He's]*
    NATO Headquarters Supreme Allied Commander Transformation Chief of
    Staff.

    [[Page 1615]]

    Thank you all for being here. Thanks for being such strong allies in the
    cause of peace.
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        *White House correction.
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        I appreciate the vibrancy of the community in which you live. This
    is a good place to live. It's a good place to find work. It's a good
    place to realize your dreams. It's a place where people understand that
    in order to make sure that our society stays vibrant and people can
    realize their dreams, we got to face squarely the threats that our
    Nation deals with. People here, I think, understand this fact, that
    America is engaged in the first war of the 21st century and that the
    stakes could not be higher.
        On the morning of September the 11th, 2001, we saw the destruction
    that the terrorists intend for this Nation. We know they want to strike
    again. And our Nation has made a clear choice: We will confront this
    mortal danger to all humanity. And we will not tire, and we will not
    rest until the war on terror is won.
        In the 4 years since September the 11th, the evil that reached our
    shores has reappeared on other days, in other places--in Mombasa and
    Casablanca and Riyadh and Jakarta and Istanbul and Madrid, in Beslan and
    Taba and Netanya and Baghdad and elsewhere. In the past few months, we
    have seen a new terror offensive with attacks on London and Sharm el-
    Sheikh and a deadly bombing in Bali once again.
        Audience member. Mr. President, war is terror.
        Audience members. Boo-o-o!
        The President. All these separate images of destruction and
    suffering that we see on the news can seem like random and isolated acts
    of madness. Innocent men, women, and children have died simply because
    they boarded the wrong train or worked in the wrong building. They have
    died because they checked into the wrong hotel. Yet while the killers
    choose their victims indiscriminately, their attacks serve a clear and
    focused ideology, a set of beliefs and goals that are evil but not
    insane.
        Some call this evil Islamic radicalism; others, militant jihadism;
    and still others, Islamo-fascism. Whatever it's called, this ideology is
    very different from the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism
    exploits Islam to serve a violent and political vision, the
    establishment--by terrorism, subversion, and insurgency--of a
    totalitarian empire that denies all political and religious freedom.
    These extremists distort the idea of jihad into a call for terrorist
    murder against Christians and Hindus and Jews and also against Muslims
    who do not share their radical vision, whom they regard as heretics.
        Many militants are part of a global, borderless terrorist
    organizations like Al Qaida, which spreads propaganda and provides
    financing and technical assistance to local extremists and conducts
    dramatic and brutal operations like the attacks of September the 11th.
    Other militants are found in regional groups, often associated with Al
    Qaida, paramilitary insurgencies and separatist movements in places like
    Somalia, the Philippines, and Pakistan and Chechnya and Kashmir and
    Algeria. Still others spring up in local cells, inspired by Islamic
    radicalism but not centrally controlled or directed. Islamic radicalism
    is more like a loose network with military branches than an army under a
    single command. Yet these operatives, fighting on scattered
    battlefields, share a similar ideology and vision for our world.
        We know the vision of the radicals because they have openly stated
    it in videos, in audiotapes, and letters and declarations and web sites.
    First, these extremists want to end American and Western influence in
    the broader Middle East, because we stand for democracy and peace and we
    stand in the way of their ambitions. Al Qaida's leader, Usama bin
    Laden, has called on Muslims to dedicate,
    their ``resources, sons, and money to driving the infidels out of their
    lands.'' The tactics of Al Qaida and other Islamic extremists have been
    consistent for

    [[Page 1616]]

    a quarter-century: They hit us, and they expect us to run.
        Earlier this month, the world learned of a letter written by Al
    Qaida's number-two leader, a man named Zawahiri. He wrote this letter to his chief deputy in Iraq, the
    terrorist Zarqawi. In it, Zawahiri
    points to the Vietnam war as a model for Al Qaida. Zawahiri writes,
    ``The aftermath of the collapse of American power in Vietnam and how
    they ran and left their agents is noteworthy.'' The terrorists witnessed
    a similar response after the attacks on American troops in Beirut in
    1983 and Mogadishu in 1993. They believe that America can be made to run
    again, only this time on a larger scale with greater consequences.
        Second, the militant network wants to use the vacuum created by an
    American retreat to gain control of a country, a base from which to
    launch attacks and to conduct their war against nonradical Muslim
    governments. Over the past few decades, radicals have specifically
    targeted Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and Jordan for potential
    takeover. They achieved their goal, for a time, in Afghanistan, and now
    they have set their sights on Iraq. In his recent letter,
    Zawahiri writes that Al Qaida views Iraq
    as, ``the place for the greatest battle.'' The terrorists regard Iraq as
    the central front in their war against humanity, and we must recognize
    Iraq as the central front in our war against terror.
        Third, these militants believe that controlling one country will
    rally the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate
    governments in the region and establish a radical Islamic empire that
    spans from Spain to Indonesia. Zawahiri
    writes that the terrorists, quote, ``must not have their mission end
    with the expulsion of Americans from Iraq.'' He goes on to say, ``The
    jihad . . . requires several incremental goals . . . . Expel the
    Americans from Iraq . . . . Establish an Islamic authority over as much
    territory as you can to spread its power in Iraq . . . . Extend the
    jihad wave to the secular countries neighboring Iraq.'' With the greater
    economic, military, and political power they seek, the terrorists would
    be able to achieve their stated agenda, to develop weapons of mass
    destruction, to destroy Israel, to intimidate Europe, to assault the
    American people, and to blackmail our Government into isolation.
        Some might be tempted to dismiss these goals as fanatical or
    extreme. They are fanatical and extreme, but they should not be
    dismissed. Our enemy is utterly committed. As Zawahiri [Zarqawi]* has vowed,
    ``We will either achieve victory over the human race, or we will pass to
    the eternal life.'' And the civilized world knows very well that other
    fanatics in history, from Hitler to Stalin to Pol Pot, consumed whole
    nations in war and genocide before leaving the stage of history. Evil
    men, obsessed with ambition and unburdened by conscience, must be taken
    very seriously--and we must stop them before their crimes can multiply.
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        *White House correction.
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        Defeating the militant network is difficult, because it thrives like
    a parasite on the suffering and frustration of others. The radicals
    exploit local conflicts to build a culture of victimization in which
    someone else is always to blame and violence is always the solution.
    They exploit resentful and disillusioned young men and women, recruiting
    them through radical mosques as pawns of terror. And they exploit modern
    technology to multiply their destructive power. Instead of attending
    faraway training camps, recruits can now access online training
    libraries to learn how to build a roadside bomb or fire a rocket-
    propelled grenade, and this further spreads the threat of violence, even
    within peaceful democratic societies.
        The influence of Islamic radicalism is also magnified by helpers and
    enablers. They have been sheltered by authoritarian regimes, allies of
    convenience like Syria and Iran, that share the goal of hurting America

    [[Page 1617]]

    and modern Muslim governments and that use terrorist propaganda to blame
    their own failures on the West, on America, and on the Jews. The
    radicals depend on front operations, such as corrupted charities, which
    direct money to terrorist activity. They are strengthened by those who
    aggressively fund the spread of radical and intolerant versions of Islam
    in unstable parts of the world. The militants are aided as well by
    elements of the Arab news media that incite hatred and anti-Semitism,
    that feed conspiracy theories and speak of a so-called American ``war on
    Islam,'' with seldom a word about American action to protect Muslims in
    Afghanistan and Bosnia and Somalia and Kosovo and Kuwait and Iraq and
    with seldom a word about our generous assistance to Muslims recovering
    from natural disasters in places like Indonesia and Pakistan.
        Some have also argued that extremism has been strengthened by the
    actions of our coalition in Iraq, claiming that our presence in that
    country has somehow caused or triggered the rage of radicals. I would
    remind them that we were not in Iraq on September the 11th, 2001, and Al
    Qaida attacked us anyway. The hatred of the radicals existed before Iraq
    was an issue, and it will exist after Iraq is no longer an excuse. The
    Government of Russia did not support Operation Iraqi Freedom, and yet
    the militants killed more than 150 Russian schoolchildren in Beslan.
        Over the years, these extremists have used a litany of excuses for
    violence: The Israeli presence on the West Bank or the U.S. presence in
    Saudi Arabia or the defeat of the Taliban or the Crusades of a thousand
    years ago.
        In fact, we're not facing a set of grievances that can be soothed
    and addressed. We're facing a radical ideology with inalterable
    objectives, to enslave whole nations and intimidate the world. No act of
    ours invited the rage of killers, and no consequence, bribe, or act of
    appeasement would change or limit their plans of murder.
        On the contrary, they target nations whose behavior they believe
    they can change through violence. Against such an enemy, there is only
    one effective response. We will never back down; we will never give in;
    and we will never accept anything less than complete victory.
        The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals is the great
    challenge of our new century. Yet in many ways, this fight resembles the
    struggle against communism in the last century. Like the ideology of
    communism, Islamic radicalism is elitist, led by a self-appointed
    vanguard that presumes to speak for the Muslim masses. Bin Laden says his own role is to tell Muslims, ``what is
    good for them and what is not.'' And what this man who grew up in wealth
    and privilege considers good for poor Muslims is that they become
    killers and suicide bombers. He assures them that this is the road to
    paradise, though he never offers to go along for the ride. [Laughter]
        Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy teaches that innocent
    individuals can be sacrificed to serve a political vision. And this
    explains their coldblooded contempt for human life. We have seen it in
    the murders of Daniel Pearl, Nicholas Berg, and Margaret Hassan and many
    others. In a courtroom in the Netherlands, the killer of Theo van Gogh turned to the victim's grieving
    mother and said, ``I don't feel your pain,
    because I believe you are an infidel.'' And in spite of this veneer of
    religious rhetoric, most of the victims claimed by the militants are
    fellow Muslims.
        In an Al Qaida attack on two Baghdad hotels this week, the targets
    were journalists and innocent Iraqis. When unsuspecting hotel guests are
    blown up in their rooms or 25 Iraqi children are killed in a bombing or
    Iraqi teachers are executed at their school or hospital workers are
    killed caring for the wounded, this is murder,

    [[Page 1618]]

    pure and simple--the total rejection of justice and honor and morality
    and religion. These militants are not just the enemies of America or the
    enemies of Iraq; they are the enemies of Islam and the enemies of
    humanity. And we have seen this kind of shameless cruelty before in the
    heartless zealotry that led to the gulags, the Cultural Revolution, and
    the Killing Fields.
        Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy pursues totalitarian
    aims. Its leaders pretend to be an aggrieved party, representing the
    powerless against imperial enemies. In truth, they have endless
    ambitions of imperial domination, and they wish to make everyone
    powerless except themselves. Under their rule, they have banned books
    and desecrated historical monuments and brutalized women. They seek to
    end dissent in every form, to control every aspect of life, and to rule
    the soul itself. While promising a future of justice and holiness, the
    terrorists are preparing a future of oppression and misery.
        Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy is dismissive of free
    peoples, claiming that men and women who live in liberty are weak and
    decadent. Zarqawi has said that
    Americans are, and I quote, ``the most cowardly of God's creatures.''
    But let us be clear. It is cowardice that seeks to kill children and the
    elderly with car bombs and cuts the throat of a bound captive and
    targets worshipers leaving a mosque. It is courage that liberated more
    than 50 million people from tyranny. It is courage that keeps an
    untiring vigil against the enemies of a rising democracy. And it is
    courage in the cause of freedom that will once again destroy the enemies
    of freedom.
        And Islamic radicalism, like the ideology of communism, contains
    inherent contradictions that doom it to failure. By fearing freedom--by
    distrusting human creativity and punishing change and limiting the
    contributions of half of the population, this ideology undermines the
    very qualities that make human progress possible and human societies
    successful. The only thing modern about the militants' vision is the
    weapons they want to use against us. The rest of their grim vision is
    defined by a warped image of the past, a declaration of war on the idea
    of progress itself. And whatever lies ahead in the war against this
    ideology, the outcome is not in doubt: Those who despise freedom and
    progress have condemned themselves to isolation, decline, and collapse.
    Because free peoples believe in the future, free peoples will own the
    future.
        We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we are answering
    history's call with confidence and a comprehensive strategy. Defeating a
    broad and adaptive network requires patience and constant pressure and
    strong partners in Europe, in the Middle East, and North Africa and Asia
    and beyond. Working with these partners, we are disrupting militant
    conspiracies, destroying their ability to make war, and are working to
    give millions in a troubled region of the world a hopeful alternative to
    resentment and violence.
        First, we're determined to prevent the attacks of terrorist networks
    before they occur. We are reorganizing the Government to give this
    Nation a broad and coordinated homeland defense. We are reforming our
    intelligence agencies for the incredibly difficult task of tracking
    enemy activity, based on information that often comes in small fragments
    from widely scattered sources, both here and abroad. And we're acting,
    along with governments from many countries, to destroy the terrorist
    networks and incapacitate their leaders.
        Together with our coalition partners, we have disrupted a number of
    serious Al Qaida plots since September the 11th, including several Al
    Qaida plots to attack inside the United States. Our coalition against
    terror has killed or captured nearly all those directly responsible for
    the September the 11th attacks. We've killed or captured most of bin
    Laden's senior deputies: Al Qaida's managers
    and operatives in more than 24

    [[Page 1619]]

    countries; the mastermind of the USS Cole bombing, who was the chief Al Qaida operations--
    chief of Al Qaida operations in the Persian Gulf; we captured the
    mastermind of the bombings in Jakarta and Bali; a senior Zarqawi
    terrorist planner, who was planning
    attacks in Turkey; and many of Al Qaida's senior leaders in Saudi
    Arabia. Because of this steady progress, the enemy is wounded, but the
    enemy is still capable of global operations. Our commitment is clear: We
    will not relent until the organized international terror networks are
    exposed and broken and until their leaders are held to account for their
    murder.
        Secondly, we're determined to deny weapons of mass destruction to
    outlaw regimes and to their terrorist allies, who would use them without
    hesitation. The United States, working with Great Britain and Pakistan
    and other nations, has exposed and disrupted a major black-market
    operation in nuclear technology led by A.Q. Khan. Libya has abandoned its chemical and nuclear weapons
    programs as well as its long-range ballistic missiles. And in the last
    year, America and our partners in the Proliferation Security Initiative
    have stopped more than a dozen shipments of suspected weapons
    technology, including equipment for Iran's ballistic missile program.
    This progress has reduced the danger to free nations, but it has not
    removed it. Evil men who want to use horrendous weapons against us are
    working in deadly earnest to gain them. And we are working urgently to
    keep weapons of mass murder out of the hands of the fanatics.
        Third, we're determined to deny radical groups the support and
    sanctuary of outlaw regimes. State sponsors like Syria and Iran have a
    long history of collaboration with terrorists, and they deserve no
    patience from the victims of terror. The United States makes no
    distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who
    support and harbor them, because they are equally guilty of murder.
        Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants control of any nation
    which they would use as a home base and a launching pad for terror. This
    mission has brought new and urgent responsibilities to our Armed Forces
    and to all of you. American troops are fighting beside Afghan partners
    with remnants of the Taliban and their Al Qaida allies. We are working
    with President Musharraf to oppose and
    isolate the militants in Pakistan. We're fighting the regime remnants
    and terrorists in Iraq. The terrorist goal is to overthrow a rising
    democracy, claim a strategic country as a haven for terror, destabilize
    the Middle East, and strike America and free nations with ever-
    increasing violence. That's their goal. Our goal is to defeat the
    terrorists and their allies at the heart of their power, so we will
    defeat the enemy in Iraq.
        Our coalition, along with our Iraqi allies, is moving forward with a
    comprehensive plan. As Secretary Rice
    explained last week, our strategy is to clear, hold, and build. We are
    working to clear areas from terrorist control, to hold those areas
    securely, and to build lasting and democratic Iraqi institutions. In
    recent weeks, American and Iraqi troops have conducted several major
    assaults to clear out enemy fighters in western Iraq and to help shut
    down terrorist entry routes from Syria. During one raid, our forces
    killed a Zarqawi henchman named Abu
    Abdullah, who was responsible for attacks
    on American troops and innocent Iraqis. We also killed a terrorist named
    Abu Dua, who had been helping terrorists enter Iraq from Syria.
    Thousands of Iraqi forces have been participating in our operations, and
    many have remained in the cities along with coalition forces to hold
    onto our gains and prevent the enemy from returning. Iraqi forces are
    using their local expertise to maintain security and make tangible
    improvements in the lives of their fellow Iraqis.
        At the same time, Iraqis are making inspiring progress toward
    building a lasting democracy. Earlier this month, millions of

    [[Page 1620]]

    Iraqis turned out to vote on a constitution that guarantees fundamental
    freedoms and lays the foundation for lasting democracy. And this week,
    the Iraqi elections commission certified passage of that constitution.
    Many more Sunnis participated in this vote than in January's historic
    elections, and the level of violence was dramatically lower. With their
    courageous vote, the Iraqis have once again proved their determination
    to build a democracy united against extremism and violence. An 85-year-
    old Iraqi woman cast a ballot in favor
    of the constitution after her son carried her to the polls on his back.
    And here's what she said, ``I went out to vote for it because I want the
    future to be safe and peaceful for my sons and my grandchildren.''
        The work ahead involves great risk for Iraqis and for American and
    coalition forces. We have lost some of the Nation's finest men and women
    in the war on terror. Each of these men and women left grieving families
    and left loved ones back home. Each of these patriots left a legacy that
    will allow generations of their fellow Americans to enjoy the blessings
    of liberty. Each loss is heartbreaking. And the best way to honor the
    sacrifices of our fallen troops is to complete the mission and lay the
    foundation of peace by spreading freedom.
        Wars are not won without sacrifice, and this war will require more
    sacrifice, more time, and more resolve. The terrorists are as brutal an
    enemy as we have ever faced, unconstrained by any notion of common
    humanity or by the rules of warfare. No one should underestimate the
    difficulties ahead, nor should they overlook the advantages we bring to
    this fight.
        Some observers look at the job ahead and adopt a self-defeating
    pessimism. It is not justified. With every random bombing and with every
    funeral of a child, it becomes more clear that the extremists are not
    patriots or resistance fighters; they are murderers at war with the
    Iraqi people themselves. In contrast, the elected leaders of Iraq are
    proving to be strong and steadfast. By any standard or precedent of
    history, Iraq has made incredible political progress from tyranny to
    liberation, to national elections, to the ratification of a
    constitution--in the space of 2\1/2\ years. And with our help, the Iraqi
    military is gaining new capabilities and new confidence with every
    passing month. At the time of our Fallujah operations nearly a year ago,
    there were only a few Iraqi army battalions in combat. Today there are
    nearly 90 Iraqi army battalions fighting the terrorists alongside our
    forces. General David Petraeus says,
    ``Iraqis are in the fight. They are fighting and dying for their
    country, and they are fighting increasingly well,'' he says. The
    progress isn't easy, but it is steady. And no fair-minded person should
    ignore or deny or dismiss the achievements of the Iraqi people.
        Some observers question the durability of democracy in Iraq. They
    underestimate the power and appeal of freedom. We've heard it suggested
    that Iraq's democracy must be on shaky ground because Iraqis are arguing
    with each other. [Laughter] But that's the essence of democracy: You
    make your case; you debate with those you disagree with; you build a
    consensus by persuasion; and you answer to the will of the people. We've
    heard it said that the Shi'a, the Sunnis, and the Kurds of Iraq are too
    divided to form a lasting democracy. In fact, democratic federalism is
    the best hope for unifying a diverse population because a federal
    constitutional system respects the rights and religious traditions of
    all citizens, while giving all minorities, including the Sunnis, a stake
    and a voice in the future of their country. It is true that the seeds of
    freedom have only recently been planted in Iraq, but democracy, when it
    grows, is not a fragile flower. It's a healthy, sturdy tree. As
    Americans, we believe that people everywhere prefer freedom to slavery
    and that liberty, once chosen, improves the lives

    [[Page 1621]]

    of all. And so we're confident, as our coalition and the Iraqi people
    each do their part, Iraqi democracy will succeed.
        Some observers also claim that America would be better off by
    cutting our losses and leaving Iraq now. This is a dangerous illusion,
    refuted with a simple question: Would the United States and other free
    nations be more safe or less safe with Zarqawi and bin Laden in control of
    Iraq, its people, and its resources? Having removed a dictator who hated free peoples, we will not stand by as a new
    set of killers, dedicated to the destruction of our country, seizes
    control of Iraq by violence.
        There is always a temptation, in the middle of a long struggle, to
    seek the quiet life, to escape the duties and problems in the world, and
    to hope the enemy grows weary of fanaticism and tired of murder. That
    would be a pleasant world, but it's not the world we live in. The enemy
    is never tired, never sated, never content with yesterday's brutality.
    This enemy considers every retreat of the civilized world as an
    invitation to greater violence. In Iraq, there is no peace without
    victory, and so we will keep our nerve and win that victory.
        The fifth element of our strategy in the war on terror is to deny
    the militants future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with
    democracy and hope across the broader Middle East. This is a difficult
    and long-term project, yet there is no alternative to it. Our future and
    the future of that region are linked. If the broader Middle East is left
    to grow in bitterness, if countries remain in misery, while radicals
    stir the resentments of millions, then that part of the world will be a
    source of endless conflict and mounting danger, in our generation and
    for the next. If the peoples of that region are permitted to choose
    their own destiny and advance by their own energy and participation as
    free men and women, then the extremists will be marginalized, and the
    flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the world will slow and
    eventually end. By standing for the hope and freedom of others, we make
    our own freedom more secure.
        America is making this stand in practical ways. We are encouraging
    our friends in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to
    take the path of reform, to strengthen their own societies in the fight
    against terror by respecting the rights and choices of their people. We
    are standing with dissidents and exiles against oppressive regimes,
    because we know that the dissidents of today will be the democratic
    leaders of tomorrow. We are making our case through public diplomacy,
    stating clearly and confidently our belief in self-determination and the
    rule of law and religious freedom and equal rights for women, beliefs
    that are right and true in every land and in every culture.
        And as we do our part to confront radicalism, we know that the most
    vital work will be done within the Islamic world itself. And this work
    has begun. Many Muslim scholars have publicly condemned terrorism, often
    citing Chapter 5, Verse 32 of the Koran, which states that killing an
    innocent human being is like killing all of humanity, and saving the
    life of one person is like saving all of humanity. After the attacks in
    London on July the 7th, an imam in the United Arab Emirates declared,
    ``Whoever does such a thing is not a Muslim nor a religious person.''
    The time has come for all responsible Islamic leaders to join in
    denouncing an ideology that exploits Islam for political ends and
    defiles a noble faith.
        Many people of the Muslim faith are proving their commitment at
    great personal risk. Everywhere we have engaged the fight against
    extremism, Muslim allies have stood up and joined the fight, becoming
    partners in a vital cause. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban
    remnants. Iraqi soldiers are sacrificing to defeat Al Qaida in their own
    country. These brave citizens know the stakes: The survival of their own
    liberty, the future of their own region, the justice

    [[Page 1622]]

    and humanity of their own tradition, and we are proud to stand beside
    them.
        With the rise of a deadly enemy and the unfolding of a global
    ideological struggle, our time in history will be remembered for new
    challenges and unprecedented dangers. And yet the fight we have joined
    is also the current expression of an ancient struggle between those who
    put their faith in dictators and those who put their faith in the
    people. Throughout history, tyrants and would-be tyrants have always
    claimed that murder is justified to serve their grand vision, and they
    end up alienating decent people across the globe. Tyrants and would-be
    tyrants have always claimed that regimented societies are strong and
    pure, until those societies collapse in corruption and decay. And
    tyrants and would-be tyrants have always claimed that free men and women
    are weak and decadent, until the day that free men and women defeat
    them.
        We don't know the course of our own struggle, where it will take us,
    or the sacrifices that might lie ahead. But we do know, however, that
    the defense of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do know the love of
    freedom is the mightiest force of history. And we do know the cause of
    freedom will once again prevail.
        Thank you for having me. May God bless you all.

    Note: The President spoke at 10:07 a.m. at Chrysler Hall. In his
    remarks, he referred to D. R. ``Dee'' Carpenter III, chair, and John A.
    ``Jack'' Hornbeck, Jr., president and chief executive officer, Hampton
    Roads Chamber of Commerce; Mayor Paul D. Fraim of Norfolk, VA; Lt. Gen.
    Anthony R. Jones, USA, deputy commanding general and chief of staff, and
    Lt. Gen. John M. ``Mark'' Curran, USA, deputy commanding general,
    Futures, and director, Futures Center, United States Army Training and
    Doctrine Command; Lt. Gen. Robert W. Wagner, USA, acting commander, and
    Maj. Gen. James N. Soligan, USAF, chief of staff, United States Joint
    Forces Command; Maj. Gen. John J. McCarthy, USMC, deputy commander,
    Marine Forces Atlantic, Marine Forces South, and Marine Forces Europe;
    Rear Adm. John C. Acton, USCG, deputy area commander, Mobilization and
    Reserve Affairs, Atlantic Area; Rear Adm. Stephen A. Turcotte, USN,
    commander, Navy Region Mid-Atlantic; Lt. Gen. J.O. Michel Maisonneuve,
    Canadian Army, chief of staff to the Supreme Allied Commander,
    Transformation, North Atlantic Treaty Organization; Ayman Al-Zawahiri,
    founder of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and senior Al Qaida associate;
    senior Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; Mohammed Bouyeri, who
    was convicted of the November 2, 2004, murder of film director Theo van
    Gogh; Anneke van Gogh, mother of Theo van Gogh; Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri,
    Al Qaida's chief of operations for the Persian Gulf; Nurjaman Riduan
    Isamuddin (also known as Hambali), Al Qaida's chief operational planner
    in Southeast Asia; A.Q. Khan, former head of Pakistan's nuclear weapons
    program; President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan; Lt. Gen. David H.
    Petraeus, USA, former commander, Multi-National Security Transition
    Command--Iraq; and former President Saddam Hussein of Iraq.