    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book II)]
    [October 25, 2005]
    [Pages 1586-1595]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks at the Joint Armed Forces Officers' Wives Luncheon
    October 25, 2005

        Thank you all. Thanks for having me. Please be seated. Thank you for
    the kind introduction, Jonnie, and thanks for
    the warm welcome. I appreciate being invited to come. It's such an honor
    to be here to stand up with so many strong and caring women--and a few
    men--[laughter]--who are devoted to their husbands and their wives and
    to our country.
        I remember when Laura came over here to speak
    before; she had a heck of a good time. I bet you're probably wishing she
    was back. [Laughter] This is the 28th anniversary of this luncheon.
    Laura and I happen to have our 28th anniversary of our own coming up
    Saturday. You helped me remember. [Laughter] It's the best decision I
    ever made, was marrying Laura in Midland, Texas. Some question whether
    or not it was the best decision she ever made. [Laughter]
        Speaking about decisions, I've got another decision to make, and
    maybe after the lunch, you can help me, and that is, what do I get
    her on the 28th anniversary? [Laughter] Never
    mind. [Laughter] Never mind. [Laughter] Sorry I asked. [Laughter]
        Today America also honors the memory of one of the most inspiring
    women of the 20th century, Rosa Parks. Fifty
    years ago, in Montgomery, Alabama, this humble seamstress stood up to
    injustice by refusing a bus driver's order that she give up her seat for
    a white man. Her show of defiance was an act of personal courage that
    moved millions, including a young preacher named Martin Luther King.
    Rosa Parks's example helped touch off the civil rights movement and
    transformed America for the better. She will always have a special place
    in American history, and our Nation thinks of Rosa Parks and her loved
    ones today.
        I appreciate Lynne Pace, honorary chairman of
    the luncheon, and Cindy G. [Laughter] I
    tried it once--[laughter]--and I'm not trying it again. [Laughter] I
    want to thank Linda Odierno. It's good to see
    Joyce Rumsfeld, Meryl Chertoff, who is the wife of Mike Chertoff, Dotty England,
    Mary Harvey. And I appreciate all the other
    spouses that are here to--that give me a chance to come.
        I've got an important talk to you--I want to tell you some things.
    We meet at a critical time for our military and our Nation. At this
    hour, Americans in uniform are deployed around the world to defend our
    freedom and our security in the first war of the 21st century. They're
    carrying out dangerous missions with skill and courage and compassion. I
    hope you know this, but the entire Nation is proud of the men and women
    who wear our uniform. And so am I.
        Every sailor, soldier, airman, marine, and coastguardsman who wears
    the uniform volunteered for duty. And they have something else in
    common: They all rely on the love and support of their families--their
    moms, their dads, their husbands, and their wives. You are the ones who
    send the care packages and send the e-mails. You're the ones who provide
    the daily encouragement for our folks overseas.
        I know this is a trying time for our military spouses. Many of you
    have endured long separations from your husbands and wives. You miss
    them and worry about them and, all the while, keep things running at
    home. By standing behind those who serve, you're serving as well. The
    American people are grateful to the strength and sacrifice of our
    military spouses, and so am I.
        Our service members and families are sacrificing for our country,
    and you deserve full support in return. You deserve the best possible
    pay. I've gladly signed legislation increasing basic military pay by 21
    percent since 2001. You deserve extra compensation

    [[Page 1587]]

    when your loved ones put themselves in harmed [harm's]* way, so we've
    increased imminent danger pay by 50 percent, and we have more than
    doubled family separation pay.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        *White House correction.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        You deserve comfortable and affordable places to live, so we've
    improved housing for families living on base, and we've eliminated out-
    of-pocket housing expenses for most families living off base. You
    deserve generous and flexible benefits, so we've made it easier for
    military families to get health care. We've extended tax filing
    deadlines. We've increased payments for servicemembers wounded in
    action, and we've improved education benefits for the National Guard and
    Reserve.
        Every man and woman who volunteers to defend our Nation in battle
    also deserves something else: An unwavering commitment to the mission
    and a clear strategy for victory. On the morning of September the 11th,
    2001, we saw the destruction that terrorists intend for our Nation. We
    know that they want to strike again. And our Nation has made a clear
    choice: We will confront this mortal danger to all humanity. We will not
    rest or tire until the war on terror is won.
        In 4 years since September the 11th, the evil that reached our
    shores has reappeared on other days, in other places, in Mombasa and
    Casablanca and Riyadh and Jakarta and Istanbul and Madrid and Beslan and
    Taba, Netanya, Baghdad, and elsewhere. In the past few months, we've
    seen a new terror offensive with attacks in London, Sharm el-Sheikh, and
    a deadly bombing in Bali once again. All these separate images of
    destruction and suffering that we see on the news can seem like random
    and isolated acts of madness. Innocent men and women and children have
    died simply because they were in the wrong train or worked in the wrong
    building or checked into the wrong hotel. Yet, while the killers choose
    their victims indiscriminately, their attacks serve a clear and focused
    ideology, a set of beliefs and goals that are evil but not insane.
        Some call this evil Islamic radicalism; others, militant Jihadism;
    still others, Islamo-fascism. Whatever it is called, this ideology is
    very different from the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism
    exploits Islam to serve a violent, political vision, the establishment--
    by terrorism, subversion, and insurgency--of a totalitarian empire that
    denies all political and religious freedom. These extremists distort the
    idea of jihad into a call for terrorist murder against Christians and
    Hindus and Jews and also against Muslims who do not share their radical
    vision, whom they regard as heretics.
        Many militants are part of a--global, borderless terrorist
    organizations like Al Qaida, which spreads propaganda and provides
    financing and technical assistance to local extremists and conducts
    dramatic and brutal operations like the attacks of September the 11th.
    Other militants are found in regional groups, often associated with Al
    Qaida, paramilitary insurgencies and separatist movements in places like
    Somalia and the Philippines and Pakistan and Chechnya and Kashmir and
    Algeria. Still others spring up in local cells, inspired by Islamic
    radicalism but not centrally directed. Islamic radicalism is more like a
    loose network with many branches than an army under a single command.
    Yet these operatives, fighting on scattered battlefields, share a
    similar ideology and vision for our world. And we know the vision of the
    radicals because they've stated it openly in videos and audiotapes and
    letters and declarations and on web sites.
        First, these extremists want to end American and Western influence
    in the broader Middle East, because we stand for democracy and peace,
    and we stand in the way of their ambitions. Al Qaida's leader, Usama bin
    Laden, has called on Muslims to dedicate,
    and I quote, their ``resources, sons, and money to driving the infidels
    out

    [[Page 1588]]

    of our lands.'' The tactics of Al Qaida and other Islamic extremists
    have been consistent for a quarter-century: They hit us and expect us to
    run.
        Earlier this month, the world learned of a letter written by Al
    Qaida's number-two leader, a man named Zawahiri, a letter he wrote to his chief deputy in Iraq, the terrorist
    Zarqawi. In it, Zawahiri points to
    Vietnam as a model for Al Qaida. He writes, ``The aftermath of the
    collapse of American power in Vietnam and how they ran and left their
    agents, is noteworthy.'' The terrorists witnessed a similar response
    after the attacks of American troops in Beirut in 1983, Mogadishu in
    1993. They believe that America can be made to run again, only this time
    on a larger scale with greater consequences.
        Secondly, the militant network wants to use the vacuum created by an
    American retreat to gain control of a country, a base from which to
    launch attacks and conduct their war against nonradical Muslim
    governments. Over the past few decades, radicals have specifically
    targeted Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and Jordan for potential
    takeover. They've achieved their goal, for a time, in Afghanistan. And
    now they've set their sights on Iraq. In his recent letter,
    Zawahiri writes that Al Qaida views Iraq
    as, quote, ``the place for the greatest battle.'' The terrorists regard
    Iraq as the central front in their war against humanity. And we must
    recognize Iraq as the central front in our war on terror.
        Third, the militants believe that controlling one country will rally
    the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate governments
    in the region and establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from
    Spain to Indonesia. Zawahiri writes that
    the terrorists, quote, ``must not have their mission end with the
    expulsion of Americans from Iraq.'' He goes on to say, ``The jihad . . .
    requires several incremental goals . . . Expel the Americans from Iraq .
    . . Establish the Islamic authority over as much territory as you can to
    spread its power in Iraq . . . Extend the jihad wave to the secular
    countries neighboring Iraq,'' end quote.
        With the greater economic and military and political power they
    seek, the terrorists would be able to advance their stated agenda, to
    develop weapons of mass destruction, to destroy Israel, to intimidate
    Europe, to assault the American people, and to blackmail our Government
    into isolation.
        Some might be tempted to dismiss these goals as fanatical or
    extreme. Well, they are fanatical and extreme, and they should not be
    dismissed. Our enemy is utterly committed. As Zarqawi has vowed, ``We will either achieve victory over the human
    race, or we will pass to the eternal life.'' And the civilized world
    knows very well that other fanatics in history, from Hitler to Stalin to
    Pol Pot, consumed whole nations in war and genocide before leaving the
    stage of history. Evil men obsessed with ambition and unburdened by
    conscience must be taken very seriously, and we must stop them before
    their crimes can multiply.
        Defeating the militant network is difficult because it thrives, like
    a parasite, on the suffering and frustrations of others. The radicals
    exploit local conflicts to build a culture of victimization in which
    someone else is always to blame and violence is always the solution.
    They exploit resentful and disillusioned young men and women, recruiting
    them through radical mosques as the pawns of terror. And they exploit
    modern technology to multiply their destructive power. Instead of
    attending faraway training camps, recruits can now access online
    training libraries to learn how to build a roadside bomb or fire a
    rocket-propelled grenade, and this further spreads the threat of
    violence, even within peaceful democratic societies.
        The influence of Islamic radicalism is also magnified by helpers and
    enablers. They've been sheltered by authoritarian regimes, allies of
    convenience like Syria and Iran, that share the goal of hurting America
    and modern Muslim governments and use

    [[Page 1589]]

    terrorist propaganda to blame their own failures on the West, on
    America, and on the Jews.
        The radicals depend on ``front'' operations, such as corrupted
    charities which direct money to terrorist activity. They're strengthened
    by those who aggressively fund the spread of radical, intolerant
    versions of Islam in unstable parts of the world. The militants are
    aided as well by elements of the Arab news media that incite hatred and
    anti-Semitism, that feed conspiracy theories, and speak of a so-called
    American ``war on Islam,'' with seldom a word about American action to
    protect Muslims in Afghanistan, in Bosnia, in Somalia, and Kosovo and
    Kuwait and Iraq, with seldom a world about--word about the generous
    assistance to Muslims recovering from natural disasters in places like
    Indonesia and Pakistan.
        Some have argued that extremism has been strengthened by the actions
    of our coalition in Iraq, claiming that our presence in that country has
    somehow caused or triggered the rage of radicals. I would remind them
    that we were not in Iraq on September 11th, 2001, and Al Qaida attacked
    us anyway. The hatred of the radicals existed before Iraq was an issue,
    and it will exist after Iraq is no longer an excuse.
        The Government of Russia did not support Operation Iraqi Freedom,
    and yet the militants killed more than 150 Russian schoolchildren in
    Beslan. Over the years, these extremists have used a litany of excuses
    for violence, the Israeli presence on the West Bank or the U.S. military
    presence in Saudi Arabia or the defeat of the Taliban or the Crusades of
    a thousand years ago. In fact, we're not facing a set of grievances that
    can be soothed and addressed. We're facing a radical ideology with
    inalterable objectives, to enslave whole nations and intimidate the
    world.
        No acts of ours involve the rage of killers. And no concessions,
    bribe, or act of appeasement would change or limit their plans of
    murder. On the contrary, they target nations whose behavior they believe
    they can change through violence. Against such an enemy, there is only
    one effective response: We will never back down, never give in, and
    never accept anything less than complete victory.
        The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals is the great
    challenge of our new century. Yet, in many ways, this fight resembles
    the struggle against communism in the last century. Like the ideology of
    communism, Islamic radicalism is elitist, led by a self-appointed
    vanguard that presumes to speak for the Muslim masses. Bin Laden says his own role is to tell Muslims, and I
    quote, ``what is good for them and what is not.'' And what this man who
    grew up in wealth and privilege considers good for poor Muslims is that
    they become killers and suicide bombers. He assures them that this is
    the road to paradise, though he never offers to go along for the ride.
    [Laughter]
        Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy teaches that innocent
    individuals can be sacrificed to serve a political vision. And this
    explains their coldblooded contempt for human life. We've seen it in the
    murders of Daniel Pearl, Nicholas Berg, and Margaret Hassan, and many,
    many others. In a courtroom in the Netherlands, the killer of Theo van Gogh turned to the victim's grieving
    mother and said, ``I do not feel your pain
    because I believe you're an infidel.'' And in spite of this veneer of
    religious rhetoric, most of the victims claimed by the militants are
    fellow Muslims.
        When 25 Iraqi children are killed in a bombing or Iraqi teachers are
    executed at their school or hospital workers are killed caring for the
    wounded, this is murder, pure and simple, the total rejection of justice
    and honor and morality and religion. These militants are not just
    enemies of America or enemies of Iraq; they are the enemies of Islam and
    enemies of humanity.
        We have seen this kind of shameless cruelty before in the heartless
    zealotry that

    [[Page 1590]]

    led to the gulags, the Cultural Revolution, and the Killing Fields. Like
    the ideology of communism, our new enemy pursues totalitarian aims. Its
    leaders pretend to be an aggrieved party, representing the powerless
    against imperial enemies. In truth, they have endless ambitions of
    imperial domination. They wish to make everyone powerless except
    themselves. Under their rule, they have banned books and desecrated
    historical monuments and brutalized women. They seek to end dissent in
    every form, to control every aspect of life and to rule the soul itself.
    While promising a future of justice and holiness, the terrorists are
    preparing a future of oppression and misery.
        Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy is dismissive of free
    peoples, claiming that men and women who live in liberty are weak and
    decadent. Zarqawi has said that
    Americans are, quote, ``the most cowardly of God's creatures.'' But let
    us be clear: It is cowardice that seeks to kill children and the elderly
    with car bombs. It's cowardice that cuts the throat of a bound captive.
    It is cowardice that targets worshipers leaving a mosque. It is the
    courage that liberated more than 50 million people. It is courage that
    keeps an untiring vigil against the enemies of a rising democracy. It is
    courage in the cause of freedom that will once again destroy the enemies
    of freedom.
        And Islamic radicalism, like the ideology of communism, contains
    inherent contradictions that doom it to failure. By fearing freedom, by
    distrusting human creativity and punishing change and limiting the
    contributions of half the population, this ideology undermines the very
    qualities that make human progress possible and human societies
    successful. The only thing modern about the militants' vision is the
    weapons they want to use against us. The rest of their grim vision is
    defined by a warped image of the past, a declaration of war on the idea
    of progress itself. And whatever lies ahead in the war against this
    ideology, the outcome is not in doubt: Those who despise freedom and
    progress have condemned themselves to isolation, decline, and collapse.
    Because free peoples believe in the future, free peoples will own the
    future.
        We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering
    history's call with confidence and with a comprehensive strategy.
    Defeating a broad and adaptive network requires patience and constant
    pressure and strong partners in Europe, in the Middle East, in North
    Africa, and Asia and beyond. Working with these partners, we're
    disrupting militant conspiracies, destroying their ability to make war,
    and working to give millions in a troubled region of the world a hopeful
    alternative to resentment and violence.
        First, we're determined to prevent the attacks of terrorist networks
    before they occur. We're reorganizing the Government to give this Nation
    a broad and coordinated homeland defense. We're reforming our
    intelligence agencies for the incredibly difficult task of tracking
    enemy activity, based on information that often comes in small fragments
    from widely scattered sources, here and abroad. And as we're acting,
    along with governments from many countries, we're doing so to destroy
    the terrorist networks and incapacitate their leaders.
        Together with our coalition partners, we've disrupted a number of
    serious Al Qaida terrorist plots since September the 11th, including
    several Al Qaida plots to attack inside the United States. Our coalition
    against terror has killed or captured nearly all of those directly
    responsible for the September the 11th attacks, several of bin
    Laden's most senior deputies, Al Qaida
    managers and operatives in more than 24 countries, the mastermind of the
    USS Cole bombing, who
    was chief of Al Qaida operations in the Persian Gulf. We brought to
    justice the mastermind of the bombings in Jakarta and Bali, a senior Zarqawi terrorist planner, and many
    of Al Qaida's senior leaders in Saudi Arabia.

    [[Page 1591]]

        Because of this steady progress, the enemy is wounded, but the enemy
    is still capable of global operations. Our commitment is clear: We will
    not relent until the organized international terror networks are exposed
    and broken and their leaders are held to account for their murder.
        Second, we're determined to deny weapons of mass destruction to
    outlaw regimes and to the terrorist allies who would use them without
    hesitation. The United States, working with Great Britain, Pakistan, and
    other nations, has exposed and disrupted a major black-market operation
    in nuclear technology led by A.Q. Khan.
    Libya has abandoned its chemical and nuclear weapons programs as well as
    its long-range ballistic missiles. In the last year, America and our
    partners in the Proliferation Security Initiative have stopped more than
    a dozen shipments of suspected weapons technology, including equipment
    for Iran's ballistic missile program. This progress has reduced the
    danger of free nations, but it has not removed it. Evil men who want to
    use horrendous weapons against us are working in deadly earnest to gain
    them. And we're working urgently to keep weapons of mass murder out of
    the hands of those fanatics.
        Third, we're determined to deny radical groups the support and
    sanctuary of outlaw regimes. State sponsors like Syria and Iran have a
    long history of collaboration with terrorists, and they deserve no
    patience from the victims of terror. The United States makes no
    distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who
    support and harbor them, because they are equally guilty of murder. Any
    government that chooses to be an ally of terror has chosen to be an
    enemy of civilization, and the civilized world must hold those regimes
    to account.
        This week, the United Nations Security Council will hear a new
    report from an independent commission that points to Syrian involvement
    in the terrorist bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister
    Hariri and 22 others last February. Syria is destabilizing Lebanon,
    permitting terrorists to use its territory to reach Iraq, and giving
    safe harbor to Palestinian terrorist groups. The United Nations has
    passed strong resolutions against terror. Now the United Nations must
    act, and Syria and its leaders must be held accountable for their
    continuing support for terrorism, including any involvement in the
    murder of Prime Minister Hariri.
        Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants control of any
    nation, which they would use as a home base and launching pad for
    terror. This mission has brought new and urgent responsibilities to our
    Armed Forces, and because of that, it's brought urgent responsibilities
    to you all. American troops are fighting beside Afghan partners against
    remnants of the Taliban and their Al Qaida allies. We're working with
    President Musharraf to oppose and isolate
    the militants in Pakistan. We're fighting the regime remnants and
    terrorists in Iraq. The terrorists' goal is to overthrow a rising
    democracy, claim a strategic country as a haven for terror, destabilize
    the Middle East, and strike America and other free nations with ever-
    increasing violence. Our goal is to defeat the terrorists and their
    allies at the heart of their power, and so we will defeat the enemy in
    Iraq.
        Our coalition, along with our Iraqi allies, is moving forward with a
    comprehensive plan. As Secretary Rice
    explained last week, our strategy is to clear, hold, and build. We're
    working to clear areas from terrorist control, to hold those areas
    securely, and to build lasting, democratic Iraqi institutions. In recent
    weeks, American and Iraqi troops have conducted several major assaults
    to clear out enemy fighters in western Iraq and to help shut down
    terrorist entry routes from Syria. During one raid, our forces killed a
    top Zarqawi henchman named Abu
    Abdullah, who was responsible for attacks
    on American troops and on innocent Iraqis. Thousands of Iraqi forces
    have been participating in these operations,

    [[Page 1592]]

    and many have remained in cities along with coalition forces to hold
    onto our gains and prevent the enemy from returning. Iraqi forces are
    using their local expertise to maintain security and to make tangible
    improvements in the lives of their fellow Iraqis.
        At the same time, Iraqis are making inspiring progress toward
    building a democracy. Ten days ago, millions of Iraqis turned out to
    vote on a constitution that guarantees fundamental freedoms and lays the
    foundation for lasting democracy. And today the Iraqi elections
    commission certified the passage of the constitution. Many more Sunnis
    participated in this vote than in January's historic elections, and the
    level of violence was dramatically lower. With their courageous vote,
    the Iraqi people have once again proved their determination to build a
    democracy united against extremism and violence.
        An 85-year-old Iraqi woman cast a
    ballot in favor of the constitution after her son carried her on his
    back to the polls. Here's what she said. She said, ``I went out to vote
    for it because I want the future to be safe and peaceful for my sons and
    my grandchildren.''
        We got more work to do, and it involves great risk for Iraqis and
    for American and coalition forces. A time of war is a time for
    sacrifice, and the greatest burden falls on military families. We've
    lost some of our Nation's finest men and women in the war on terror.
    Each of these men and women left grieving families and left loved ones
    back home. Each of these patriots left a legacy that will allow
    generations of their fellow Americans to enjoy the blessings of liberty.
    Each loss of life is heartbreaking. And the best way to honor the
    sacrifice of our fallen troops is to complete the mission and lay the
    foundation of peace by spreading freedom.
        The sacrifices made by you and your loved ones in uniform are always
    on our minds and in our prayers. All of you also understand that
    sacrifice is essential to winning war, and this war will require more
    sacrifice, more time, and more resolve. The terrorists are as brutal an
    enemy as we have ever faced, unconstrained by any notion of common
    humanity and by the rules of warfare. No one should underestimate the
    difficulties ahead nor should they overlook the advantages we bring to
    this fight.
        Some observers look at the job ahead and adopt a self-defeating
    pessimism. It's not justified. With every random bombing and every
    funeral of a child, it becomes more clear that the extremists are not
    patriots or resistance fighters; they are murderers at war with the
    Iraqi people themselves. In contrast, the elected leaders of Iraq are
    proving to be strong and steadfast. By any standard or precedent of
    history, Iraq has made incredible political progress, from tyranny to
    liberation, to national elections, to the ratification of a constitution
    in the space of 2\1/2\ years.
        And with our help, the Iraqi military is gaining new capabilities
    and new confidence with every passing month. At the time of our Fallujah
    operations nearly a year ago, there were only a few Iraqi army
    battalions in combat. Today, there are nearly 90 Iraqi army battalions
    fighting the terrorists alongside our forces. General David
    Petraeus said, ``Iraqis are in the fight.
    They're fighting and dying for their country, and they're fighting
    increasingly well.'' The progress isn't easy, but it is steady. And no
    fair-minded person should ignore, deny, or dismiss the achievements of
    the Iraqi people.
        Some observers question the durability of democracy in Iraq. They
    underestimate the power and appeal of freedom. We've heard it suggested
    Iraq's democracy must be on shaky ground because Iraqis are arguing with
    each other. [Laughter] That's the essence of democracy. [Laughter] You
    make your case; you debate those who disagree with you; you build
    consensus by persuasion; and you answer to the will of the people.

    [[Page 1593]]

        We've heard it said that the Shi'a and Sunnis and Kurds of Iraq are
    too divided to form a lasting democracy. In fact, democratic federalism
    is the best hope for unifying a diverse population, because a federal
    constitutional system respects the rights and religious traditions of
    all citizens while giving all minorities, including the Sunnis, a stake
    and a voice in the future of their country.
        It's true that the seeds of freedom have only recently been planted
    in Iraq, but democracy, when it grows, is not a fragile flower. It's a
    healthy, sturdy tree. As Americans, we believe that people everywhere
    prefer freedom to slavery and that liberty, once chosen, improves the
    lives of all. And so we're confident, as our coalition and the Iraqi
    people each do their part, Iraqi democracy will succeed.
        Some observers also claim that America would be better off by
    cutting our losses and leaving Iraq now. This is a dangerous illusion,
    refuted by a simple question: Would the United States and other free
    nations be more safe or less safe with Zarqawi and bin Laden in control of
    Iraq, its people, and its resources? Having removed a dictator who hated free peoples, we will not stand by as a new
    set of killers, dedicated to the destruction of our country, seizes
    control of Iraq by violence.
        There's always a temptation in the middle of a long struggle to seek
    the quiet life, to escape the duties and problems of the world, to hope
    the enemy grows weary of fanaticism and tired of murder. That would be a
    pleasant world, but it isn't the world in which we live. The enemy is
    never tired, never sated, never content with yesterday's brutality. This
    enemy considers every retreat of the civilized world as an invitation to
    greater violence. In Iraq, there is no peace without victory, and we
    will keep our nerve, and we will win that victory.
        The fifth element of our strategy in the war on terror is to deny
    the militants of future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with
    democracy and hope across the broader Middle East. This is difficult,
    and it's a long-term project. Yet there's no alternative to it. Our
    future and the future of that region are linked. If the broader Middle
    East is left to grow in bitterness, if countries remain in misery while
    radicals stir the resentments of millions, then that part of the world
    will be a source of endless conflict and mounting danger in our own
    generation and in the next. If the peoples of that region are permitted
    to choose their own destiny and advance by their own energy and
    participation as free men and women, then the extremists will be
    marginalized, and the flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the
    world will slow and eventually end. By standing for the hope and freedom
    of others, we make our own freedom more secure.
        America is making this stand in practical ways. We are encouraging
    our friends in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to
    take the path of reform, to strengthen their own societies in the fight
    against terror by respecting the rights and choices of their own people.
    We're standing with dissidents and exiles against oppressive regimes,
    because we know that the dissidents of today will be the democratic
    leaders of tomorrow. We're making our case through public diplomacy,
    stating clearly and confidently our belief in self-determination and the
    rule of law and religious freedom and equal rights for women, beliefs
    that are right and true in every land and in every culture.
        And as we do our part to confront radicalism, we know that the most
    vital work will be done within the Islamic world itself. And this work
    has begun. Many Muslim scholars have publicly condemned terrorism, often
    citing Chapter 5, Verse 32 of the Koran, which states that killing an
    innocent human being is the killing of all humanity--is like killing all
    humanity, and saving the life of one person is like saving all of
    humanity.

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        After the attacks in London on July the 7th, an imam in the UAE
    declared, ``Whoever does such a thing is not a Muslim nor a religious
    person.'' The time has come for all responsible Islamic leaders to join
    in denouncing an ideology that exploits Islam for political ends and
    defiles a noble faith.
        Many people of the Muslim faith are proving their commitment at
    great personal risk. Everywhere we have engaged the fight against
    extremism, Muslim allies have stood up and joined the fight, becoming
    partners in a vital cause. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban
    remnants. Iraqi soldiers are sacrificing to defeat the Al Qaida in their
    own country. These brave citizens know the stakes, the survival of their
    own liberty, the future of their own region, the justice and humanity of
    their own tradition, and we are proud to stand beside them.
        With the rise of a deadly enemy and the unfolding of a global
    ideological struggle, our time in history will be remembered for new
    challenges and unprecedented dangers. And yet the fight we've joined is
    also the current expression of an ancient struggle between those who put
    their faith in dictators and those who put their faith in the people.
    Throughout history, tyrants and would-be tyrants have always claimed
    that murder is justified to serve their grand vision, and they end up
    alienating decent people across the globe. Tyrants and would-be tyrants
    have always claimed that regimented societies are strong and pure, until
    those societies collapse in corruption and decay. Tyrants and would-be
    tyrants have always claimed that free men and women are weak and
    decadent, until the day that free men and women defeat them.
        We don't know the course of--our own struggle will take or the
    sacrifices that might lie ahead. We do know, however, that the defense
    of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do know that the love of freedom
    is the mightiest force of history. We do know the strength and character
    that our troops and military families bring to the fight, and we do know
    that the cause of freedom will once again prevail.
        These are historic times. It's a vital time for our Nation and the
    world. And I want to thank you for your courage and thank you for your
    sacrifice. May God bless your loved ones. May God bless you, and may God
    continue to bless our country.

    Note: The President spoke at 11:33 a.m. at Bolling Air Force Base. In
    his remarks, he referred to Jonnie Nance, chairman, Joint Armed Forces
    Officers' Wives Luncheon; Lynne Pace, wife of Gen. Peter Pace, USMC,
    Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff; Cindy Giambastiani, wife of Adm. Edmund
    P. Giambastiani, USN, Vice Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff; Linda
    Odierno, wife of Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, USA, Assistant to the
    Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff; Joyce Rumsfeld, wife of Secretary of
    Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld; Meryl J. Chertoff, wife of Secretary of
    Homeland Secretary Michael Chertoff; Dorothy ``Dotty'' England, wife of
    Secretary of the Navy Gordon R. England; Mary Harvey, wife of Secretary
    of the Army Francis J. Harvey; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida
    terrorist organization; Ayman Al-Zawahiri, founder of the Egyptian
    Islamic Jihad and senior Al Qaida associate; senior Al Qaida associate
    Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; Mohammed Bouyeri, who was convicted of the
    Novmeber 2, 2004, murder of film director Theo van Gogh; Anneke van
    Gogh, mother of Theo van Gogh; Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, Al Qaida's chief
    of operations for the Persian Gulf; Nurjaman Riduan Isamuddin (also
    known as Hambali), Al Qaida's chief operational planner in Southeast
    Asia; A.Q. Khan, former head of Pakistan's nuclear program; President
    Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan; Lt. Gen. David H. Petraeus, USA, former
    commander, Multi-National Security Transition Command--Iraq; and former
    President Saddam Hussein of Iraq. The Office of the Press Secretary also
    released a Spanish language transcript of these remarks.

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