    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2005, Book I)]
    [May 5, 2005]
    [Pages 742-751]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Interview With European Print Journalists
    May 5, 2005

        The President. I'm looking forward to this trip, second trip to
    Europe since my second Inauguration, second time to the Baltics since
    I've been President. I've been to Russia a lot of times, first time to
    Georgia in my life and first time to the Netherlands in my life. And I'm
    looking forward to the experience.
        I'm going to celebrate with others the end of World War II. It's a
    chance to give thanks to those who sacrificed. It is a moment to
    understand that with each generation comes responsibilities to work to
    achieve peace. It will be a solemn occasion in the graveyard, but one in
    which I will be able to express our appreciation to the Dutch for her
    friendship and remind the world that we still have great duties. And one
    of the greatest duties of all is to spread freedom to achieve the peace.
        I look forward to going to the Baltics again. When the Baltics first
    got into NATO, I remember commenting to somebody sitting close to me, I
    said, ``This is going to be a fantastic addition to NATO, because
    countries that have been--that really appreciate freedom are now amidst
    a great Alliance, reinvigorating the concept of why we exist in the
    first place, to defend freedom.''

        And I look forward to seeing the leaders from the free countries. I
    look forward to my speech in Latvia, which talks about democracy and the
    spread of democracy. But also with democracy has got certain
    obligations, rule of law, transparency, and the protection of minority
    rights--protection of minorities, upholding minority rights.

        I'm looking forward to going to Russia. I'll have a private dinner
    with President Putin. It will be a part of an
    ongoing dialog I have with him as we learn to continue

    [[Page 743]]

    to respect each other and have a frank dialog about our countries'
    ambitions, decisionmaking.
        When you get close to a leader, as I have done with a lot of leaders
    around the world, it enables one to be able to really understand, learn
    to understand how a person makes decisions and why a person makes
    decisions, the philosophy on which a person makes decisions, the
    justification for decisions. And I look forward to continuing that
    dialog with President Putin. He'll want to
    know why I'm making decisions, and I want to know why he's making
    decisions.
        And then we'll, of course, talk about areas of common concern.
    Russia is playing a very important role around the world, starting with
    Iran, for example. Russia is playing a very constructive role in helping
    to bring peace. Russia is a part of the Quartet. As we all work to
    achieve peace in the Middle East, Russia has an important role to play.
    Vladimir is going to want to know from me
    what's happening in Iraq, from my perspective, and I'll be glad to share
    it with him. And we'll, of course, discuss North Korea. After all,
    Russia and the United States are part of the six-party talks.
        And then I'll be going to Georgia. I was asked why I picked Georgia,
    and I can remember the enthusiasm President Saakashvili had when he invited me to come. It was contagious. In
    other words, a verbal invitation, it was just incredibly contagious. He
    is enthusiastic about your country, and I look forward to going and
    witnessing the enthusiasm of a new democracy firsthand.
        And so it's a chance to go back to Europe and talk about common
    values, common goals, and the need for us to continue to work together.
        And with that, we'll start. Is there any order, or should we just
    start----
        Q. Yes, there is.
        The President. You're the first guy?
        Q. I'm from Latvia, so we----
        The President. We'll just go like this; we'll be even more orderly
    than that. [Laughter]
        Kaarel.

    Democracy in Belarus

        Q. Okay. Sir, about 9th of May in Moscow, how you would feel in
    standing in the wrong line with, let's say, Aleksandr Lukashenko and
    General Jaruzelski and maybe----
        The President. Well, I think those
    people know how I feel about tyrants and
    dictatorship; I've made my position very clear. And I view this as a
    celebration to end tyranny. Although, I fully recognize the Baltics
    ended up with a form of government they weren't happy with. It's a
    moment to remind people that when the world works together, we can end
    tyranny. And it will be an interesting observation to remind people
    tyrants still exist.
        I look forward to Belarus working with the Baltics and other
    countries to insist that democracy prevail there. As you know, Condi
    Rice came to your neighborhood and spoke
    very clearly about the need for democracy to exist. When I was in
    Slovakia, I met with freedom fighters, freedom lovers from different
    countries, and a group were there from Belarus. I reminded them that we
    believe you should be free, and there is ways to achieve that, and we
    can work together to achieve that. But seeing these people will just
    redouble my efforts, if they're there.
        Yes, sir.

    President's Upcoming Visit to Latvia

        Q. Mr. President, as you've said, this will be the second visit by a
    President of the United States to Latvia, since we regained our
    independence.
        The President. To the Baltics. Oh, you're saying President--I beg
    your pardon, yes. Yes.
        Q. Second to Latvia.
        The President. Yes, okay.

    [[Page 744]]

        Q. So why did you decide to go to Latvia? And how would you
    characterize the relations between our countries, both historically and
    at present?
        The President. Historically, no question the United States never
    recognized the form of government imposed upon Latvia, Lithuania, and
    Estonia. As a matter of fact, you might recall the history of the
    Embassies that were here, that were treated as independent Embassies
    with the flags of the free countries flying above those Embassies. In
    other words, we never recognized what took place. That's because we
    believed in your freedom.
        And that hasn't changed. I was proud to represent my country the day
    the three Baltic countries entered NATO. I remember the leaders walking in. It was a very profound moment. And I remember
    going to Lithuania to give a speech in the town square there, heralding
    the mission into NATO and reminding people that that meant that the
    United States and other nations would make sure that the sovereignty of
    the three nations remained.
        Our relations are good, very good, with Latvia. And as I'm sure the
    press has reported--and accurately so--I'm fond of the President. I think she is a remarkable woman. She is
    courageous. She is forthright. She speaks her mind, which I appreciate.
    Some people accuse me of speaking my mind, and I do. And I appreciate
    her speaking hers, because I think it's the way you deal with people
    respectfully. You understand there is difference of opinion, but I
    appreciate somebody who shares--has an openness in the relationship, a
    frank relationship. And that's our relationship, and I'm really looking
    forward--I appreciate the invitation, and I'm looking forward to going.
        Q. Thank you.
        The President. Stasys--is that how you pronounce it?
        Q. Stasys, yes. Stasys.
        The President. Stasys?
        Q. Yes.
        The President. What does Stasys mean in English?
        Q. Just a name. [Laughter]
        The President. Stasys means Stasys.
        Q. Yes.
        The President. You're the first person I've met named Stasys.
        Q. Not the first person I've met who didn't like joke, yes.
    [Laughter]
        The President. How about George W.?

    Lithuania's Role in Afghanistan

        Q. First one. [Laughter] Okay.
        Mr. President, one of the greatest challenges for Lithuania as a
    member of NATO--a NATO member for a year now, it's taking a lead in
    restoration of one of Afghanistan's province. Isn't this mission too
    hard for this small country? And will the United States help us
    politically, technically, and financially?
        The President. Yes to the latter, to the extent that Congress is
    willing to appropriate money. We make requests for reimbursements to
    allies in various theaters. A country would not have--first of all,
    you're a free country, and you make decisions based upon what you think
    your country can handle. And the fact that Lithuania has agreed to lead
    one of the reconstruction teams, I think is a statement of progress and
    a statement of principle; progress in that Government feels like it's
    plenty capable of handling the responsibility; statement of principle
    that free countries have an obligation to work together to promote
    freedom for the good of mankind.
        And after all, the lesson of Europe--60 years ago, leaders were
    sitting around, I don't think they were spending a lot of time wondering
    whether or not peace--Europe could be whole, free, and at peace. Imagine
    the trauma. But there were visionaries, visionaries in Europe,
    visionaries around in America and around the world that said, ``If we
    work for freedom, we'll leave the world a more peaceful place.''
        And Europe is a much-changed place. Sixty years is a long time for
    some, but

    [[Page 745]]

    in the scheme of things, it's not that long. And yet, 60 years after
    trauma and sacrifice that we'll be honoring in a graveyard in Holland,
    Europe is at peace, remarkably at peace. And times are changing. And
    Lithuania and other countries recognize that by working together today
    in places like Afghanistan and Iraq, we'll be able to look back at free
    societies and say, ``Those free societies left behind a more peaceful
    world.''
        And so I'm proud of your country and proud of the decisions made.
    And of course, there will be help. The idea of putting out a country
    without the support is just not part of the coalition strategy.
        Yes, ma'am.

    Democracy in Georgia

        Q. Mr. President, your visit to Georgia is really a historical
    moment for all Georgians, and I'm sure a lot of people will meet you at
    Freedom Square. And these people think that your visit shows America's
    growing interest and support--supports Georgia in its pursuit of
    democracy. How does the America's rising interest in this country, and
    what must be done by the Georgian Government, itself, to make this
    interest and support sustainable?
        The President. Great question. American interest was obviously
    piqued with the success of the Rose Revolution. Interestingly enough,
    the Rose Revolution led to other revolutions--the Orange Revolution. The
    desire for people to be free is universal, and sometimes the decision by
    people to take peaceful actions to insist upon democracy sparks interest
    elsewhere, kind of lights a wildfire.
        And so that's why--that's what first got the attention of the
    American people about what took place in Georgia. Listen, Americans love
    freedom. It's something that is part of our nature. And we recognize
    that people are going to develop government that matches their cultures
    and their histories, but we love the idea of people being free. And the
    Rose Revolution captured our imaginations and our appreciation.
        The Government of Georgia is making very difficult but important
    decisions, routing out corruption, for example, insisting upon rule of
    law and transparency, all of which will help pique American interest
    when it comes for investment. Nobody wants to invest in a society in
    which you don't get a fair shake in the courts or the rules change or
    you have to be corrupt in order to make your investment worthwhile.
        So the Russian--I mean, the Georgian Government is making very good
    decisions about basic fundamental pillars of democracy, which serve as a
    great example for people around the world. Listen, it's hard to go from
    a society in which you've had a government imposed on you to a free
    society. It's just difficult. It's hard to go from a tyranny to liberty.
    And yet we live in a world where everybody expects it to happen
    overnight. And yet the Georgian example shows that with time, diligence
    by a government, that positive foundations can be laid.
        And so I will praise those foundations. Again, I'll thank the
    Georgian people as well for not only setting an example but also willing
    to lend troops, for example, in Iraq, on that theory--which I believe is
    true, as does the Georgian leadership--that freedom will equal peace.
    That's what we want.
        I'm really looking forward to the experience. I'm looking forward to
    giving a speech in Freedom Square. As a matter of fact, I'm getting
    ready to go over the speech here this morning. I want to make sure that
    when I say something, it's got meaning. And it's going to be an exciting
    moment for me. I thank the people of Georgia for inviting me----
        Q. For many Georgians as well. Everybody is very excited.
        The President. It's going to be great.
        Yes, sir.

    [[Page 746]]

    Aftermath of September 11/War on Terror

        Q. Mr. President, a few months ago you mentioned in Brussels the
    violence in the Netherlands. I presume you referred then to the murder
    on moviemaker van Gogh.
        The President. I did.
        Q. And that murder reminded the Dutch that they have a common
    interest with you--with the U.S. in combating terrorism. But some
    critics argue that tensions in Dutch society and in the world between
    Muslims and non-Muslims were not only a result of 9/11 but also a result
    of the way you responded to 9/11, especially with the Iraq war. What is
    your answer to those critics?
        The President. My comment was--I also heard there was some criticism
    about the comment that maybe I was being critical of Dutch society. Of
    course, I wasn't. What I was saying was--and I thank you for your
    question, because your question recognized the gist of my comment. My
    comment was, ``Evil can strike anywhere.'' Killing innocent people is an
    evil act. And therefore, we must work together to share information, to
    cut off money, to prevent people from killing innocent people in order
    to achieve a political gain. And that's really what I was referring to.
    And I was referring to the horror of the van Gogh murder.
        I have a duty to protect our country, and I took necessary actions
    to do so. I don't want to--I can spend a lot of time, if you like, going
    through the desire to go through the United Nations process and getting
    the resolution. The world spoke with one voice. I tried every diplomatic
    means necessary.
        But I don't buy into the theory that taking actions to defend
    yourself causes extremists to murder people. I think that's part of
    their ideology. I think it's part of their methodologies. As a matter of
    fact, this notion about kind of tolerating the world as it is and hope
    for the best didn't work. It led to an attack on our country where 3,000
    people died.
        Now, look, I fully understand, in Europe that was a traumatic--a
    dramatic moment, but it was a passing moment. For us, it was a change of
    philosophy and a change of attitude, and that's been part of the issue
    with Europe. And I will continue to reach out to explain that our
    national consciousness was affected deeply by that attack. That's why
    yesterday, when we--we've been working with the Paks, the Paks made the
    arrest of this guy, Abu Faraj al-Libbi,
    was a big deal for us because he was a plotter. But my message to
    Europe, and to the Dutch in particular on this one example, was that we
    have a lot of work to do.
        The message also is, though, that in order to defeat anger, the
    sentiments that cause people to want to join a extremist movement that's
    willing to kill innocent life and a movement which has killed innocent
    life all over the world, is to spread freedom. But there's no freer
    country in Europe than the Netherlands. And I appreciate that.

    Russia-U.S. Relations

        Q. Mr. President, you are going to Moscow mainly to participate in
    the celebration of the--[inaudible]. You will say on this occasion how
    you like to send a positive message to Russian people, President Putin
    back in Moscow, so you are going to meet with the leaders of the civil
    society. And many of these leaders are concerned about the dangerous
    tendencies in Russia, like a slackening of democracy and the--
    [inaudible]--of horror by gunmen. Do you like to discuss this issue
    along with your positive public message?
        The President. Well, no, that's right. Listen, I think the fact that
    I'm in a country where I'm allowed to meet with people from civil
    society is a good signal. I mean, there is a civil society, and they're
    allowed to speak to the American President about concerns. I have no
    idea what they're going to say. I'm looking forward to it. I think it's
    good. And I will assure them that my message that I will give in Latvia,
    speaking

    [[Page 747]]

    to the world, same message I give here at home, is the message I
    continue profess, and that is minorities have rights in a democracy.
        And listen, believe me, our country wasn't always perfect, because
    it couldn't be said that minorities always had rights in America. We
    enslaved people for 100 years in our country. And my point in saying
    that is that the path to an ideal democracy is hard. And I recognize
    it's hard. But nevertheless, it's a path we ought to stay on for the
    good of our respective peoples.
        And again, I repeat to you--and this is an important thing for
    people to understand--that a respectful relationship with a leader of a
    great country like Russia is important to maintain. And I have a
    respectful relationship. I'm able to express concerns and ask questions
    and get responses in a civil way. And I think that's very important to
    make sure our relations are good. And we don't always agree with each
    other. Vladimir didn't agree with Iraq. A lot
    of people didn't agree with Iraq. But nevertheless, I was in a position
    where I was able to explain it to him why I made the decision I made.
        But there are a lot of problems in which we have common ground and
    need to work together. And I cited some of them earlier in my opening
    comments. And I meant them. And so I'm--I view our relationship as a
    crucial relationship for peace. And I believe Russia's interest lay
    west. And we'll continue to work with President Putin to convince him to pursue those interests. I will
    also remind him that decisions he makes affects the capacity to attract
    foreign capital. I will also thank him for the speech he gave. The
    kernel of the speech he gave to the state of--I'm not sure what you call
    it, the state of the people or state of the union or address to the
    people or--we call it State of the Union, but whatever you call it in
    Russia--was that he spent a lot of time on democracy and institutions
    related to democracy. I read the speech, and I'll talk to him about
    that.
        We've got time for one more round. If you can make your questions
    short, I'll make my answers shorter.

    Freedom and Democracy

        Q. Mr. President, you're often speaking about freedom and about the
    march to freedom and about--freedom. How do you define freedom?
        The President. Freedom, democracy?
        Q. Freedom as such.
        The President. Well, I view freedom as where government doesn't
    dictate. Government is responsive to the needs of people. I was asked by
    a Dutch journalist earlier, was I concerned about some of the social
    decisions the Dutch Government made. And I said, ``No, the Government
    reflects the will of the people.'' That's what freedom--government is of
    the people. We say ``of the people, by the people, and for the people.''
    And a free society is one if the people don't like what is going on,
    they can get new leaders.
        And my country had a chance to do so. Fortunately, they chose not
    to. But nevertheless--[laughter]--but that's free society, society
    responsive to people.
        Again, I'll repeat to you, my vision of free governments does not
    reflect--I recognize they're not going to reflect what America looks
    like. We're different. But so is each country here different. And the
    governments will reflect the taste, the culture, the history of the
    country. But all democracies will reflect the will of the people, and
    that's how I define it.
        Aivars.
        Q. Thank you.
        The President. Did I get it right?
        Q. It was correct.
        The President. Thank you. What does Aivars mean in English?
        Q. Well, it's from--it comes from the Anglo-Saxon word ``aivar,''
    meaning the god, the lord, the housekeeper.
        The President. Really?
        Q. Yes. [Laughter] So may I ask a question now?

    [[Page 748]]

        The President. Yes, sir. [Laughter] These guys--I sometimes try to
    throw them off balance by, ``I'm asking the questions.'' Anyway, go
    ahead. Sorry.

    Russia-Baltic States Relations

        Q. That's fine. You've said that in Moscow you will try to
    understand why a person makes--what and how a person makes decisions. I
    would like to ask, when you meet with President Putin in Moscow, what
    will you say to him about Russia's relations with the Baltic States?
        The President. Well, I've already had this discussion with
    him. I will remind him that democracies on
    Russia's border are very positive. See, a democracy reflects the will of
    the people, and people don't like war. They don't like conflict. They
    want to live in--a chance to raise their families in a peaceful
    environment. And it is a constructive, positive development when a
    country has got democracies on her border. We know firsthand in America
    because we've got democracies on our border. And we've got issues with
    Canada and Mexico, of course, but they're resolved peacefully because
    we're democracies. And that's what I'll remind President Putin.
        Stasys.

    Visa Policy

        Q. Correct. [Laughter] Mr. President, when Baltic State people can
    expect a visa-free regime with the United States, please?
        The President. Yes. Thank you for bringing that up. As you know, the
    visa policy that affects many of the Eastern European countries and
    Baltic countries was established a while ago, during a different era,
    and it is different from parts of Western Europe. And we're now in the
    process of reevaluating our visa policy, country by country, and want to
    work with a way forward with each country to come up with a visa policy
    that affects the people fairly.
        This is an issue, obviously, in Poland, the Czech Republic,
    Slovakia; every country in Eastern Europe, as well as the Baltics, has
    the same concern. And there is a way forward, by the way. And I'm
    confident your Governments are working on the way forward.
        Yes, ma'am.

    Georgia-Russia Relations

        Q. Unresolved conflict in Georgia remain main basis for uncertainty
    in the whole region. So this conflict hinders our ability to achieve
    long-term stability and security. [Inaudible]--Russia continues to
    support separatist leader in breakaway territory of Georgia. In its
    turn, the best effort of multilateral entities, such as U.N. and the
    OSC, is their ability to make stability in the region, so has not been
    so successful so far. What concrete, more aggressive steps and
    initiatives can your administration take to help Georgian Government
    achieve more tangible results in settling this conflict?
        The President. As to the bases, as I understand it, the Government
    of Russia has made a statement that they'll be out of the bases. And
    this is obviously an issue that needs to be resolved between Georgia and
    Russia. I spoke to the President the
    other day, who asked me to bring this up when I saw President
    Putin. I guess I'm now bringing it up via the
    press. But anyway, I will, as well as the territorial issue that
    President Saakashvili has put a way forward. Hopefully, the Russian
    Government will see that as a peaceful way to resolve the issue and work
    with the leader in the territory there to come to the table and deal
    with it peacefully.
        The key thing is, is that all parties agree to deal with this issue
    peacefully--these issues peacefully. It's--seems that's fair to me. I'll
    be able to get a better gauge when I sit down and actually speak to
    people about it. But this is an issue--and it's a very important issue
    that the Georgian Government work peacefully with Russia, because it
    will serve as an example for other issues that are now beginning to rise
    in a neighborhood that--listen, Russia has got a lot of territory. It's
    a huge country,

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    and it has got a lot of countries around her border. And when these
    issues get resolved peacefully, the world will see the fact that the
    Russian Government is interested in peace and that people are able to
    come to the table in a way that can deal with issues that have been in
    the making for a long period of time.
        So we need to move the process forward. We can help facilitate
    dialog as best as we can, but this issue will be resolved by the
    President of Russia and the President of
    Georgia and the people in the
    territories.

    Guantanamo Bay Detainees/Abu Ghraib

        Q. Mr. President, you are a transformational, they call it, and
    promoting democracy in the world is a very ambitious goal and achieve
    peace, changing the world, and it's also acknowledging Europe. But such
    a far-reaching idealism can also easily lead to moral inconsistencies
    that risk to undermine your credibility. For instance, how does the way
    detainees at Guantanamo Bay are being handled, how does that relate to
    your promotion of democracy and the rule of law?
        The President. I appreciate that. That and, for example, the
    pictures people saw about the prison--prison abuse is different from the
    detainees in Guantanamo. We're working our way forward so that they--and
    our courts, by the way, are adjudicating this. It is a clear,
    transparent review of the decision I made by the courts, so everybody
    can see it. And they're being argued in the courts as we speak. People
    are being treated humanely. They were illegal noncombatants, however,
    and I made the decision they did not pertain to the Geneva Convention.
    They were not--these were terrorists.
        Obviously, we've looked at Iraq differently. I can understand people
    being concerned about prison abuse when they see the pictures out of Abu
    Ghraib. And it made Americans universally sick, because the actions of
    those folks didn't represent the heart and soul of America, didn't
    represent the sentiments of the American people. And I am an idealistic
    person, because I believe in what is possible. I believe that freedom is
    universal, and I believe, if given a chance, people will seize the
    moment. But I'm also a realistic person, and I'm realistic enough to
    know that images on TV have sullied our country's image at times. And
    we've just got to continue to spread--tell people the truth, be open
    about the mistakes of Abu Ghraib, hold people to account.
        Q. Would you say--can I follow up?
        The President. Yes, sure.

    Implications of President's Policy for Autocratic Regimes

        Q. You say you are a realistic person, but there's also a problem
    with the limits. What are the limits of your idealistic policy? Does
    every autocratic regime, like Iran, just fear--just to have fear of the
    American military power?
        The President. Oh, as I said, listen, I think issues ought to be
    solved diplomatically. My last choice is to commit military power. It's
    a very difficult, hard decision to put people in harm's way. On the
    other hand, I do believe people ought to be free. I said in my speech--
    I'm going to say it again in Europe--that we ought to have a goal to end
    tyranny. Why should we be content when we know people are living in
    fear? We should have a goal to end the pandemic of AIDS as well. In
    other words, these are big goals. If you don't set big goals, you never
    achieve big things.
        And I recognize it's--I didn't say, ``End tyranny tomorrow''; I
    said, ``End tyranny over time.'' And in my speeches that I talk about, I
    always say, ``We need to work with friends to achieve--and I believe we
    can achieve those goals.'' But I'm also recognizing that--there's an
    issue, for example, in--the idealistic position was to work with the
    world, the United Nations, France, and the United States to get Syria
    out of Lebanon. But there's a consequence to that. There will be a
    vacuum. And now we've

    [[Page 750]]

    got to work, if we get Syria completely out--and I say ``if'' because
    we're able to measure troops; it's harder to measure intelligence
    services. But the statement is, ``All out, not halfway out, not
    partially out, but all out''--and meaning it when you say it, by the
    way.
        But there's a consequence to that, and that consequence is, is that
    there will be a period of time when the Government, a new Government, is
    going to have to try to figure out how to make sure there's minority
    rights. There's a lot of religious groups. And there the world needs to
    help this new democracy--I say ``new democracy,'' a democracy without
    Syrian influence that basically determined the course of action--to help
    that Government go forward. That's another role we should play. But if
    you didn't have an idealistic streak in you, you wouldn't be saying,
    ``It's possible to achieve democracy in Lebanon.'' Yet I believe a
    democracy will be achieved in Lebanon, and I know it will serve as an
    important example in a neighborhood that is desperate for democracy.
        I could keep rolling, because I believe that--I think you're seeing
    the beginning of great, historic change. And it's going to be bumpy.
    It's going to be rocky, and it's not going to be easy. I just told you,
    we have our own Government--here we are, the proponents of democracy,
    and we, ourselves, were certainly not perfect for many years. And we've
    still got work to do here at home, don't get me wrong. But I feel
    passionately about the freedom movement because I truly believe that
    etched in everybody's soul is the desire to be free and that there is
    universality in freedom. And I reject the concept that certain people
    cannot self-govern or shouldn't be free because of the nature of their
    religion or the color of their skin.
        Final question.

    War on Terror/Russia-U.S. Relations

        Q. Mr. President, how countries who are allies during the war, now
    they are partners and allies in the war against international terrorism.
    Are you satisfied with the level of coordination it----
        The President. Satisfied--excuse me, satisfied with?
        Q. With the level of coordination on anti-terrorist struggle, don't
    you think that the selling of Russian missiles to Syria and the Russians
    selling automatic Kalashnikovs to Venezuela could damage these
    relations?
        The President. First of all, our relationship with Russia is broader
    than just cooperation on the war on terror. Listen, Russia--and the
    cooperation on the war on terror is good. And we were horrified with
    Beslan, and I know President Putin bore a
    heavy burden during that period of time. And we were horrified with the
    subway bombings and the movie theater tragedy. It just goes to show that
    terrorists can strike anywhere and are willing to do so. And I
    appreciate the cooperation we've had.
        But we've got working groups on a lot of fronts, dealing with
    proliferation matters, energy matters, trade matters, dealing with WTO
    matters, dealing with institution-building matters. We've got a lot of
    relations, and that's good. In other words, it's not just a unilateral
    relationship.
        We've made it clear that--and by the way, Vladimir Putin went to Israel and got to explain his decision on
    Syrian missiles, which I thought was very interesting. And we made our
    position very clear on the AK-47s to Venezuela, and that is, is that
    we're concerned that those weapons could end up in the hands of FARC,
    for example, a very destabilizing force in South America.
        I do appreciate the cooperation--I was asked at a press conference
    by a member of our press corps about Iran, and I felt like the
    cooperation--the question, basically, seemed like to me to suggest that
    the Russians were at odds with what the United States, France, Germany,
    and Great Britain are doing. I don't view it that way. I view it quite
    in concert with, because Russia has made it clear that the Iranians

    [[Page 751]]

    should not be in a position to enrich uranium. And what they have
    suggested is that the Iranians take enriched uranium from Russia, use it
    in a civilian nuclear powerplant to develop power, and that Russia would
    then pick up the spent fuel rods. To me, that's very constructive, and I
    thought it was a constructive suggestion. It just goes to show that
    Russia is a player in the world scene and was willing to make a
    constructive suggestion on a very difficult issue that we're all working
    to try to achieve in a peaceful way, through diplomatic means.
        Listen, thank you all for coming. I'm looking forward to the trip. I
    hope you got that sense, at least, from the conversation. I'm
    enthusiastic about traveling to countries. I look forward to, as best as
    a President is able to do, getting a sense of the people. And again, I
    look forward to meeting the leaders. I'm really looking forward to
    meeting--seeing Her Majesty as well. Thanks.

    Note: The interview began at 10:23 a.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the
    White House and was embargoed for release by the Office of the Press
    Secretary until 10 p.m. In his remarks, the President referred to
    President Vladimir Putin of Russia; President Mikheil Saakashvili of
    Georgia; President Aleksandr Lukashenko of Belarus; Gen. Wojciech
    Jaruzelski, former Prime Minister of Poland; President Vaira Vike-
    Freiberga of Latvia; movie producer Theo van Gogh, who was murdered in
    Amsterdam on November 2, 2004; Abu Faraj al-Libbi, senior Al Qaida
    associate arrested in Pakistan on April 30; and Queen Beatrix of the
    Netherlands. He also referred to FARC, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
    Colombia. A tape was not available for verification of the content of
    this interview.