[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2004, Book I)]
[May 24, 2004]
[Pages 919-925]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at the United States Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania
May 24, 2004

    Thank you all. Thank you, and good evening. I'm honored to visit the 
Army War College. Generations of officers have come here to study the 
strategies and history of warfare. I've come here tonight to report to 
all Americans and to the Iraqi people on the strategy our Nation is 
pursuing in Iraq and the specific steps we're taking to achieve our 
goals.
    The actions of our enemies over the last few weeks have been brutal, 
calculating, and instructive. We've seen a car bombing take the life of 
a 61-year-old Iraqi named Izz al-Din Salim, who was serving as President of the Governing Council. This 
crime shows our enemy's intention to prevent Iraqi self-government, even 
if that means killing a lifelong Iraqi patriot and a faithful Muslim. 
Mr. Salim was assassinated by terrorists seeking the return of tyranny 
and the death of democracy.
    We've also seen images of a young American 
facing decapitation. This vile display shows a contempt for all the 
rules of warfare and all the bounds of civilized behavior. It reveals a 
fanaticism that was not caused by any action of ours and would not be 
appeased by any concession. We

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suspect that the man with the knife was an Al Qaida associate named 
Zarqawi. He and other terrorists know 
that Iraq is now the central front in the war on terror, and we must 
understand that as well. The return of tyranny to Iraq would be an 
unprecedented terrorist victory and a cause for killers to rejoice. It 
would also embolden the terrorists, leading to more bombings, more 
beheadings, and more murders of the innocent around the world.
    The rise of a free and self-governing Iraq will deny terrorists a 
base of operation, discredit their narrow ideology, and give momentum to 
reformers across the region. This will be a decisive blow to terrorism 
at the heart of its power and a victory for the security of America and 
the civilized world.
    Our work in Iraq has been hard. Our coalition has faced changing 
conditions of war, and that has required perseverance, sacrifice, and an 
ability to adapt. The swift removal of Saddam Hussein's regime last spring had an unintended effect: Instead 
of being killed or captured on the battlefield, some of Saddam's elite 
guards shed their uniforms and melted into the civilian population. 
These elements of Saddam's repressive regime and secret police have 
reorganized, rearmed, and adopted sophisticated terrorist tactics. 
They've linked up with foreign fighters and terrorists. In a few cities, 
extremists have tried to sow chaos and seize regional power for 
themselves. These groups and individuals have conflicting ambitions, but 
they share a goal: They hope to wear out the patience of Americans, our 
coalition, and Iraqis before the arrival of effective self-government 
and before Iraqis have the capability to defend their freedom.
    Iraq now faces a critical moment. As the Iraqi people move closer to 
governing themselves, the terrorists are likely to become more active 
and more brutal. There are difficult days ahead, and the way forward may 
sometimes appear chaotic. Yet our coalition is strong, our efforts are 
focused and unrelenting, and no power of the enemy will stop Iraq's 
progress.
    Helping construct a stable democracy after decades of dictatorship 
is a massive undertaking. Yet we have a great advantage. Whenever people 
are given a choice in the matter, they prefer lives of freedom to lives 
of fear. Our enemies in Iraq are good at filling hospitals, but they 
don't build any. They can incite men to murder and suicide, but they 
cannot inspire men to live and hope and add to the progress of their 
country. The terrorists' only influence is violence, and their only 
agenda is death.
    Our agenda, in contrast, is freedom and independence, security and 
prosperity for the Iraqi people. And by removing a source of terrorist 
violence and instability in the Middle East, we also make our own 
country more secure.
    Our coalition has a clear goal, understood by all, to see the Iraqi 
people in charge of Iraq for the first time in generations. America's 
task in Iraq is not only to defeat an enemy; it is to give strength to a 
friend, a free, representative government that serves its people and 
fights on their behalf. And the sooner this goal is achieved, the sooner 
our job will be done.
    There are five steps in our plan to help Iraq achieve democracy and 
freedom. We will hand over authority to a sovereign Iraqi government, 
help establish security, continue rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure, 
encourage more international support, and move toward a national 
election that will bring forward new leaders empowered by the Iraqi 
people.
    The first of these steps will occur next month, when our coalition 
will transfer full sovereignty to a government of Iraqi citizens who 
will prepare the way for national elections. On June 30th, the Coalition 
Provisional Authority will cease to exist and will not be replaced. The 
occupation will end, and Iraqis will govern their own affairs. America's 
Ambassador to Iraq, John Negroponte, will 
present his credentials to the new President of Iraq. Our Embassy

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in Baghdad will have the same purpose as any other American Embassy, to 
assure good relations with a sovereign nation. America and other 
countries will continue to provide technical experts to help Iraq's 
ministries of government, but these ministries will report to Iraq's new 
Prime Minister.
    The United Nations special envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi, is now consulting with a broad spectrum of Iraqis to 
determine the composition of this interim government. The special envoy 
intends to put forward the names of interim government officials this 
week. In addition to a President, two Vice Presidents, and a Prime 
Minister, 26 Iraqi ministers will oversee government departments from 
health to justice to defense. This new government will be advised by a 
national council, which will be chosen in July by Iraqis representing 
their country's diversity. This interim government will exercise full 
sovereignty until national elections are held. America fully supports 
Mr. Brahimi's efforts, and I have instructed the Coalition Provisional 
Authority to assist him in every way possible.
    In preparation for sovereignty, many functions of government have 
already been transferred. Twelve government ministries are currently 
under the direct control of Iraqis. The Ministry of Education, for 
example, is out of the propaganda business and is now concerned with 
educating Iraqi children. Under the direction of Dr. Aladin al-
Alwan, the Ministry has 
trained more than 30,000 teachers and supervisors for the schools of a 
new Iraq.
    All along, some have questioned whether the Iraqi people are ready 
for self-government or want it. And all along, the Iraqi people have 
given their answer. In settings where Iraqis have met to discuss their 
country's future, they have endorsed representative government, and they 
are practicing representative government. Many of Iraq's cities and 
towns now have elected town councils and city governments, and beyond 
the violence, a civil society is emerging.
    The June 30th transfer of sovereignty is an essential commitment of 
our strategy. Iraqis are proud people who resent foreign control of 
their affairs, just as we would. After decades under the 
tyrant, they are also reluctant to trust 
authority. By keeping our promise on June 30th, the coalition will 
demonstrate that we have no interest in occupation. And full sovereignty 
will give Iraqis a direct interest in the success of their own 
government. Iraqis will know that when they build a school or repair a 
bridge, they're not working for the Coalition Provisional Authority; 
they are working for themselves. And when they patrol the streets of 
Baghdad or engage radical militias, they will be fighting for their own 
country.
    The second step in the plan for Iraqi democracy is to help establish 
the stability and security that democracy requires. Coalition forces and 
the Iraqi people have the same enemies, the terrorists, illegal militia, 
and Saddam loyalists who stand between the 
Iraqi people and their future as a free nation. Working as allies, we 
will defend Iraq and defeat these enemies.
    America will provide forces and support necessary for achieving 
these goals. Our commanders had estimated that a troop level below 
115,000 would be sufficient at this point in the conflict. Given the 
recent increase in violence, we'll maintain our troop level at the 
current 138,000 as long as necessary. This has required extended duty 
for the 1st Armored Division and the 2d Light Cavalry Regiment, 20,000 
men and women who were scheduled to leave Iraq in April. Our Nation 
appreciates their hard work and sacrifice, and they can know that they 
will be heading home soon. General Abizaid 
and other commanders in Iraq are constantly assessing the level of 
troops they need to fulfill the mission. If they need more troops, I 
will send them. The mission of our forces in Iraq is demanding

[[Page 922]]

and dangerous. Our troops are showing exceptional skill and courage. I 
thank them for their sacrifices and their duty.
    In the city of Fallujah, there's been considerable violence by 
Saddam loyalists and foreign fighters, 
including the murder of four American contractors. American soldiers and 
marines could have used overwhelming force. Our commanders, however, 
consulted with Iraq's Governing Council and local officials and 
determined that massive strikes against the enemy would alienate the 
local population and increase support for the insurgency, so we have 
pursued a different approach. We're making security a shared 
responsibility in Fallujah. Coalition commanders have worked with local 
leaders to create an all-Iraqi security force, which is now patrolling 
the city. Our soldiers and marines will continue to disrupt enemy 
attacks on our supply routes, conduct joint patrols with Iraqis to 
destroy bomb factories and safe houses, and kill or capture any enemy.
    We want Iraqi forces to gain experience and confidence in dealing 
with their country's enemies. We want the Iraqi people to know that we 
trust their growing capabilities, even as we help build them. At the 
same time, Fallujah must cease to be a sanctuary for the enemy, and 
those responsible for terrorism will be held to account.
    In the cities of Najaf and Karbala and Kufa, most of the violence 
has been incited by a young radical cleric 
who commands an illegal militia. These enemies have been hiding behind 
an innocent civilian population, storing arms and ammunition in mosques, 
and launching attacks from holy shrines. Our soldiers have treated 
religious sites with respect while systematically dismantling the 
illegal militia.
    We're also seeing Iraqis, themselves, take more responsibility for 
restoring order. In recent weeks, Iraqi forces have ejected elements of 
this militia from the Governor's office in Najaf. Yesterday, an elite 
Iraqi unit cleared out a weapons cache from a large mosque in Kufa. 
Respected Shi'a leaders have called on the militia to withdraw from 
these towns. Ordinary Iraqis have marched in protest against the 
militants.
    As challenges rise in Fallujah, Najaf, and elsewhere, the tactics of 
our military will be flexible. Commanders on the ground will pay close 
attention to local conditions. And we will do all that is necessary by 
measured force or overwhelming force to achieve a stable Iraq.
    Iraq's military, police, and border forces have begun to take on 
broader responsibilities. Eventually, they must be the primary defenders 
of Iraqi security, as American and coalition forces are withdrawn. And 
we're helping them to prepare for this role. In some cases, the early 
performance of Iraqi forces fell short. Some refused orders to engage 
the enemy. We've learned from these failures, and we've taken steps to 
correct them. Successful fighting units need a sense of cohesion, so 
we've lengthened and intensified their training. Successful units need 
to know they are fighting for the future of their own country, not for 
any occupying power, so we are ensuring that Iraqi forces serve under an 
Iraqi chain of command. Successful fighting units need the best possible 
leadership, so we improved the vetting and training of Iraqi officers 
and senior enlisted men.
    At my direction and with the support of Iraqi authorities, we are 
accelerating our program to help train Iraqis to defend their country. A 
new team of senior military officers is now assessing every unit in 
Iraq's security forces. I've asked this team to oversee the training of 
a force of 260,000 Iraqi soldiers, police, and other security personnel. 
Five Iraqi army battalions are in the field now, with another eight 
battalions to join them by July the 1st. The eventual goal is an Iraqi 
army of 35,000 soldiers in 27 battalions, fully prepared to defend their 
country.
    After June 30th, American and other forces will still have important 
duties.

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American military forces in Iraq will operate under American command as 
a part of a multinational force authorized by the United Nations. Iraq's 
new sovereign government will still face enormous security challenges, 
and our forces will be there to help.
    The third step in the plan for Iraqi democracy is to continue 
rebuilding that nation's infrastructure so that a free Iraq can quickly 
gain economic independence and a better quality of life. Our coalition 
has already helped Iraqis to rebuild schools and refurbish hospitals and 
health clinics, repair bridges, upgrade the electrical grid, and 
modernize the communications system. And now a growing private economy 
is taking shape. A new currency has been introduced. Iraq's Governing 
Council approved a new law that opens the country to foreign investment 
for the first time in decades. Iraq has liberalized its trade policy, 
and today an Iraqi observer attends meetings of the World Trade 
Organization. Iraqi oil production has reached more than two million 
barrels per day, bringing revenues of nearly $6 billion so far this 
year, which is being used to help the people of Iraq. And thanks in part 
to our efforts--to the efforts of former Secretary of State James 
Baker, many of Iraq's largest creditors 
have pledged to forgive or substantially reduce Iraqi debt incurred by 
the former regime.
    We're making progress. Yet there still is much work to do. Over the 
decades of Saddam's rule, Iraq's 
infrastructure was allowed to crumble while money was diverted to 
palaces and to wars and to weapons programs. We're urging other nations 
to contribute to Iraqi reconstruction, and 37 countries and the IMF and 
the World Bank have so far pledged $13.5 billion in aid. America has 
dedicated more than $20 billion to reconstruction and development 
projects in Iraq. To ensure our money is spent wisely and effectively, 
our new Embassy in Iraq will have regional offices in several key 
cities. These offices will work closely with Iraqis at all levels of 
government to help make sure projects are completed on time and on 
budget.
    A new Iraq will also need a humane, well-supervised prison system. 
Under the dictator, prisons like Abu Ghraib 
were symbols of death and torture. That same prison became a symbol of 
disgraceful conduct by a few American troops who dishonored our country 
and disregarded our values. America will fund the construction of a 
modern maximum security prison. When that prison is completed, detainees 
at Abu Ghraib will be relocated. Then, with the approval of the Iraqi 
government, we will demolish the Abu Ghraib prison, as a fitting symbol 
of Iraq's new beginning.
    The fourth step in our plan is to enlist additional international 
support for Iraq's transition. At every stage, the United States has 
gone to the United Nations--to confront Saddam Hussein, to promise serious consequences for his actions, and 
to begin Iraqi reconstruction. Today the United States and Great Britain 
presented a new resolution in the Security Council to help move Iraq 
toward self-government. I've directed Secretary Powell to work with fellow members of the Council to endorse the 
timetable the Iraqis have adopted, to express international support for 
Iraq's interim government, to reaffirm the world's security commitment 
to the Iraqi people, and to encourage other U.N. members to join in the 
effort. Despite past disagreements, most nations have indicated strong 
support for the success of a free Iraq, and I'm confident they will 
share in the responsibility of assuring that success.
    Next month, at the NATO summit in Istanbul, I will thank our 15 NATO 
Allies who together have more than 17,000 troops on the ground in Iraq. 
Great Britain and Poland are each leading a multinational division that 
is securing important parts of the country. And NATO, itself, is giving 
helpful intelligence and communications and logistical support to the 
Polish-led division. At the summit, we will discuss

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NATO's role in helping Iraq build and secure its democracy.
    The fifth and most important step is free national elections to be 
held no later than next January. A United Nations team headed by Carina 
Perelli is now in Iraq, helping form an 
independent election commission that will oversee an orderly, accurate 
national election. In that election, the Iraqi people will choose a 
transitional national assembly, the first freely elected, truly 
representative national governing body in Iraq's history. This assembly 
will serve as Iraq's legislature, and it will choose a transitional 
government with executive powers. The transitional national assembly 
will also draft a new constitution, which will be presented to the Iraqi 
people in a referendum scheduled for the fall of 2005. Under this new 
constitution, Iraq will elect a permanent government by the end of next 
year.
    In this time of war and liberation and rebuilding, American soldiers 
and civilians on the ground have come to know and respect the citizens 
of Iraq. They're a proud people who hold strong and diverse opinions. 
Yet Iraqis are united in a broad and deep conviction: They're determined 
never again to live at the mercy of a dictator, and they believe that a 
national election will put that dark time behind them. A representative 
government that protects basic rights, elected by Iraqis, is the best 
defense against the return of tyranny, and that election is coming.
    Completing the five steps to Iraqi elected self-government will not 
be easy. There's likely to be more violence before the transfer of 
sovereignty and after the transfer of sovereignty. The terrorists and 
Saddam loyalists would rather see many Iraqis 
die than have any live in freedom, but terrorists will not determine the 
future of Iraq.
    That nation is moving every week toward free elections and a 
permanent place among free nations. Like every nation that has made the 
journey to democracy, Iraqis will raise up a government that reflects 
their own culture and values. I sent American troops to Iraq to defend 
our security, not to stay as an occupying power. I sent American troops 
to Iraq to make its people free, not to make them American. Iraqis will 
write their own history and find their own way. As they do, Iraqis can 
be certain, a free Iraq will always have a friend in the United States 
of America.
    In the last 32 months, history has placed great demands on our 
country, and events have come quickly. Americans have seen the flames of 
September the 11th, followed battles in the mountains of Afghanistan, 
and learned new terms like ``orange alert'' and ``ricin'' and ``dirty 
bomb.'' We've seen killers at work on trains in Madrid, in a bank in 
Istanbul, at a synagogue in Tunis, and at a nightclub in Bali. And now 
the families of our soldiers and civilian workers pray for their sons 
and daughters in Mosul and Karbala and Baghdad.
    We did not seek this war on terror, but this is the world as we find 
it. We must keep our focus. We must do our duty. History is moving, and 
it will tend toward hope or tend toward tragedy. Our terrorist enemies 
have a vision that guides and explains all their varied acts of murder. 
They seek to impose Taliban-like rule, country by country, across the 
greater Middle East. They seek the total control of every person and 
mind and soul, a harsh society in which women are voiceless and 
brutalized. They seek bases of operation to train more killers and 
export more violence. They commit dramatic acts of murder to shock, 
frighten, and demoralize civilized nations, hoping we will retreat from 
the world and give them free rein. They seek weapons of mass destruction 
to impose their will through blackmail and catastrophic attacks. None of 
this is the expression of a religion. It is a totalitarian political 
ideology, pursued with consuming zeal and without conscience.
    Our actions too are guided by a vision. We believe that freedom can 
advance and change lives in the greater Middle East, as it has advanced 
and changed lives in

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Asia and Latin America and Eastern Europe and Africa. We believe it is a 
tragedy of history that in the Middle East, which gave the world great 
gifts of law and science and faith, so many have been held back by 
lawless tyranny and fanaticism. We believe that when all Middle Eastern 
peoples are finally allowed to live and think and work and worship as 
free men and women, they will reclaim the greatness of their own 
heritage. And when that day comes, the bitterness and burning hatreds 
that feed terrorism will fade and die away. America and all the world 
will be safer when hope has returned to the Middle East.
    These two visions--one of tyranny and murder, the other of liberty 
and life--clashed in Afghanistan. And thanks to brave U.S. and coalition 
forces and to Afghan patriots, the nightmare of the Taliban is over, and 
that nation is coming to life again. These two visions have now met in 
Iraq and are contending for the future of that country. The failure of 
freedom would only mark the beginning of peril and violence. But my 
fellow Americans, we will not fail. We will persevere and defeat this 
enemy and hold this hard-won ground for the realm of liberty.
    May God bless our country.

Note: The President spoke at 8 p.m. in the Thorpe Hall gymnasium. In his 
remarks, he referred to American hostage Nicholas Berg, who was killed 
in Iraq in early May by senior Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; 
former President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Lakhdar Brahimi, Special 
Adviser to the U.N. Secretary-General; Aladin Abd al-Sahib al-Alwan, 
Iraqi Minister of Education; Gen. John P. Abizaid, USA, combatant 
commander, U.S. Central Command; Muqtada Al Sadr, Iraq Shiite cleric 
whose militia engaged in an uprising in Iraq that began in early April; 
James A. Baker III, the President's personal envoy on the issue of Iraqi 
debt; and Carina Perelli, Director, United Nations Electoral Assistance 
Division. The Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish 
language transcript of these remarks.