[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2004, Book I)]
[April 13, 2004]
[Pages 557-571]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
The President's News Conference
April 13, 2004
The President. Good evening. Before I take your questions, let me
speak with the American people about the situation in Iraq.
This has been tough weeks in that country. Coalition forces have
encountered serious violence in some areas of Iraq. Our military
commanders report that this violence is being instigated by three
groups: Some remnants of Saddam Hussein's
regime, along with Islamic militants, have attacked coalition forces in
the city of Fallujah; terrorists from other countries have infiltrated
Iraq to incite and organize attacks; in the south of Iraq, coalition
forces face riots and attacks that are being incited by a radical cleric
named Al Sadr. He has assembled some of his
supporters into an illegal militia and publicly supported the terrorist
groups Hamas and Hezbollah. Al Sadr's methods of violence and
intimidation are widely repudiated by other Iraqi Shi'a. He's been
indicted by Iraqi authorities for the murder of a prominent Shi'a
cleric.
Although these instigations of violence come from different
factions, they share common goals. They want to run us out of Iraq and
destroy the democratic hopes of the Iraqi people. The violence we have
seen is a power grab by these extreme and ruthless elements. It's not a
civil war. It's not a popular uprising.
Most of Iraq is relatively stable. Most Iraqis, by far, reject
violence and oppose dictatorship. In forums where Iraqis have met to
discuss their political future and in all the proceedings of the Iraqi
Governing Council, Iraqis have expressed clear commitments. They want
strong protections for individual rights. They want their independence,
and they want their freedom.
America's commitment to freedom in Iraq is consistent with our
ideals and required by our interests. Iraq will either be a peaceful,
democratic country, or it will again be a source of violence, a haven
for terror, and a threat to America and to the world. By helping to
secure a free Iraq, Americans serving in that country are protecting
their fellow citizens. Our Nation is grateful to them all and to their
families that face hardship and long separation.
This weekend, at a Fort Hood hospital, I presented a Purple Heart to
some of our wounded, had the honor of thanking them on behalf of all
Americans. Other men and women have paid an even greater cost. Our
Nation honors the memory of those who have been killed, and we pray that
their families will find God's comfort in the midst of their grief. As I
have said to those who have lost loved ones, we will finish the work of
the fallen.
America's Armed Forces are performing brilliantly, with all the
skill and honor we expect of them. We're constantly reviewing their
needs. Troop strength, now and in the future, is determined by the
situation on the ground. If additional forces are needed, I will send
them. If additional resources are needed, we will provide them. The
people of our country are united behind our men and women in uniform,
and
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this Government will do all that is necessary to assure the success of
their historic mission.
One central commitment of that mission is the transfer of
sovereignty back to the Iraqi people. We have set a deadline of June
30th. It is important that we meet that deadline. As a proud and
independent people, Iraqis do not support an indefinite occupation, and
neither does America. We're not an imperial power, as nations such as
Japan and Germany can attest. We are a liberating power, as nations in
Europe and Asia can attest as well. America's objective in Iraq is
limited, and it is firm: We seek an independent, free, and secure Iraq.
Were the coalition to step back from the June 30th pledge, many
Iraqis would question our intentions and feel their hopes betrayed. And
those in Iraq who trade in hatred and conspiracy theories would find a
larger audience and gain a stronger hand. We will not step back from our
pledge. On June 30th, Iraqi sovereignty will be placed in Iraqi hands.
Sovereignty involves more than a date and a ceremony. It requires
Iraqis to assume responsibility for their own future. Iraqi authorities
are now confronting the security challenge of the last several weeks. In
Fallujah, coalition forces have suspended offensive operations, allowing
members of the Iraqi Governing Council and local leaders to work on the
restoration of central authority in that city. These leaders are
communicating with the insurgents to ensure an orderly turnover of that
city to Iraqi forces, so that the resumption of military action does not
become necessary. They're also insisting that those who killed and
mutilated four American contract workers be handed over for trial and
punishment. In addition, members of the Governing Council are seeking to
resolve the situation in the south. Al Sadr
must answer the charges against him and disband his illegal militia.
Our coalition is standing with responsible Iraqi leaders as they
establish growing authority in their country. The transition to
sovereignty requires that we demonstrate confidence in Iraqis, and we
have that confidence. Many Iraqi leaders are showing great personal
courage, and their example will bring out the same quality in others.
The transition to sovereignty also requires an atmosphere of security,
and our coalition is working to provide that security. We will continue
taking the greatest care to prevent harm to innocent civilians, yet we
will not permit the spread of chaos and violence. I have directed our
military commanders to make every preparation to use decisive force, if
necessary, to maintain order and to protect our troops.
The nation of Iraq is moving toward self-rule, and Iraqis and
Americans will see evidence in the months to come. On June 30th, when
the flag of free Iraq is raised, Iraqi officials will assume full
responsibility for the ministries of Government. On that day, the
transitional administrative law, including a bill of rights that is
unprecedented in the Arab world, will take full effect.
The United States and all the nations of our coalition will
establish normal diplomatic relations with the Iraqi Government. An
American Embassy will open, and an American Ambassador will be posted.
According to the schedule already approved by the Governing Council,
Iraq will hold elections for a national assembly no later than next
January. That assembly will draft a new, permanent constitution which
will be presented to the Iraqi people in a national referendum held in
October of next year. Iraqis will then elect a permanent Government by
December 15th, 2005, an event that will mark the completion of Iraq's
transition from dictatorship to freedom.
Other nations and international institutions are stepping up to
their responsibilities in building a free and secure Iraq. We're working
closely with the United Nations envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi, and with Iraqis to determine the exact form of the
Government that will receive sovereignty
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on June 30th. The United Nations election assistance team, headed by
Karina Parelli, is in Iraq, developing plans
for next January's election.
NATO is providing support for the Polish-led multinational division
in Iraq. And 17 of NATO's 26 members are contributing forces to maintain
security. Secretary of State Powell and
Secretary of State Rumsfeld and a number
of NATO defense and foreign ministers are exploring a more formal role
for NATO, such as turning the Polish-led division into a NATO operation
and giving NATO specific responsibilities for border control.
Iraqis' neighbors also have responsibilities to make their region
more stable. So I am sending Deputy Secretary of State
Armitage to the Middle East to discuss
with these nations our common interest in a free and independent Iraq
and how they can help achieve this goal.
As we've made clear all along, our commitment to the success and
security of Iraq will not end on June 30th. On July 1st and beyond, our
reconstruction assistance will continue, and our military commitment
will continue. Having helped Iraqis establish a new Government,
coalition military forces will help Iraqis to protect their Government
from external aggression and internal subversion.
The success of free Government in Iraq is vital for many reasons. A
free Iraq is vital because 25 million Iraqis have as much right to live
in freedom as we do. A free Iraq will stand as an example to reformers
across the Middle East. A free Iraq will show that America is on the
side of Muslims who wish to live in peace, as we have already shown in
Kuwait and Kosovo, Bosnia and Afghanistan. A free Iraq will confirm to a
watching world that America's word, once given, can be relied upon even
in the toughest times.
Above all, the defeat of violence and terror in Iraq is vital to the
defeat of violence and terror elsewhere and vital, therefore, to the
safety of the American people. Now is the time, and Iraq is the place,
in which the enemies of the civilized world are testing the will of the
civilized world. We must not waver.
The violence we are seeing in Iraq is familiar. The terrorist who
takes hostages or plants a roadside bomb near Baghdad is serving the
same ideology of murder that kills innocent people on trains in Madrid
and murders children on buses in Jerusalem and blows up a nightclub in
Bali and cuts the throat of a young reporter for being a Jew. We've seen
the same ideology of murder in the killing of 241 marines in Beirut, the
first attack on the World Trade Center, in the destruction of two
Embassies in Africa, in the attack on the U.S.S. Cole, and in the
merciless horror inflicted upon thousands of innocent men and women and
children on September the 11th, 2001.
None of these acts is the work of a religion; all are the work of a
fanatical political ideology. The servants of this ideology seek tyranny
in the Middle East and beyond. They seek to oppress and persecute women.
They seek the death of Jews and Christians and every Muslim who desires
peace over theocratic terror. They seek to intimidate America into panic
and retreat and to set free nations against each other. And they seek
weapons of mass destruction to blackmail and murder on a massive scale.
Over the last several decades, we've seen that any concession or
retreat on our part will only embolden this enemy and invite more
bloodshed. And the enemy has seen, over the last 31 months, that we will
no longer live in denial or seek to appease them. For the first time,
the civilized world has provided a concerted response to the ideology of
terror, a series of powerful, effective blows. The terrorists have lost
the shelter of the Taliban and the training
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camps in Afghanistan. They've lost safe havens in Pakistan. They lost an
ally in Baghdad, and Libya has turned its back on terror. They've lost
many leaders in an unrelenting international manhunt. And perhaps most
frightening to these men and their movement, the terrorists are seeing
the advance of freedom and reform in the greater Middle East.
A desperate enemy is also a dangerous enemy, and our work may become
more difficult before it is finished. No one can predict all the hazards
that lie ahead or the costs they will bring. Yet, in this conflict,
there is no safe alternative to resolute action. The consequences of
failure in Iraq would be unthinkable. Every friend of America in Iraq
would be betrayed to prison and murder, as a new tyranny arose. Every
enemy of America in the world would celebrate, proclaiming our weakness
and decadence and using that victory to recruit a new generation of
killers.
We will succeed in Iraq. We're carrying out a decision that has
already been made and will not change: Iraq will be a free, independent
country, and America and the Middle East will be safer because of it.
Our coalition has the means and the will to prevail. We serve the cause
of liberty, and that is always and everywhere a cause worth serving.
Now, I'll be glad to take your questions. I will start with you.
Vietnam Conflict Analogy
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, April is turning into
the deadliest month in Iraq since the fall of Baghdad, and some people
are comparing Iraq to Vietnam and talking about a quagmire. Polls show
that support for your policy is declining and that fewer than half of
Americans now support it. What does that say to you, and how do you
answer the Vietnam comparison?
The President. Yes. I think the analogy is false. I also happen to
think that analogy sends the wrong message to our troops and sends the
wrong message to the enemy. Look, this is hard work. It's hard to
advance freedom in a country that has been strangled by tyranny. And
yet, we must stay the course, because the end result is in our Nation's
interest. A secure and free Iraq is an historic opportunity to change
the world and make America more secure. A free Iraq in the midst of the
Middle East will have incredible change. It's hard--freedom is not easy
to achieve. We had a little trouble in our own country achieving
freedom.
And we've been there a year, Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press].
I know it seems like a long time. It seems like a long time to the loved
ones whose troops have been overseas, but when you think about where the
country has come from, it's a relatively short period of time. And we're
making progress.
There's no question it's been a tough, tough series of weeks for the
American people. It's been really tough for the families. I understand
that. It's been tough on this administration, but we're doing the right
thing.
And as to whether or not I make decisions based upon polls, I don't.
I just don't make decisions that way. I fully understand the
consequences of what we're doing. We're changing the world. And the
world will be better off, and America will be more secure as a result of
the actions we're taking.
Troop Strength/Timing of Withdrawal From Iraq
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. What's your best prediction on how long
U.S. troops will have to be in Iraq? And it sounds like you will have to
add some troops. Is that a fair assessment?
The President. Well, I--first of all, that's up to General
Abizaid, and he's clearly indicating that he
may want more troops. It's coming up through the chain of command. If
that's what he wants, that's what he gets. Generally, we've had about
115,000 troops
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in Iraq. There's 135,000 now, as a result of the changeover from one
division to the next. If he wants to keep troops there to help, I'm more
than willing to say, ``Yes, General Abizaid.''
I talk to General Abizaid quite
frequently. I'm constantly asking him, does he have what he needs,
whether it be in troop strength or in equipment. He and General
Sanchez talk all the time, and if he
makes the recommendation, he'll get it.
In terms of how long we'll be there: as long as necessary, and not
one day more. The Iraqi people need us there to help with security. They
need us there to fight off these violent few who are doing everything
they can to resist the advance of freedom, and I mentioned who they are.
And as I mentioned in my opening remarks, our commanders on the
ground have got the authorities necessary to deal with violence and
will--will in firm fashion. And that's what, by far, the vast majority
of the Iraqis want. They want security so they can advance toward a free
society.
Once we transfer sovereignty, we'll enter into a security agreement
with the Government to which we pass sovereignty, the entity to which we
pass sovereignty. And we'll need to be there for a while. We'll also
need to continue training the Iraqi troops. I was disappointed in the
performance of some of the troops. Some of the units performed
brilliantly. Some of them didn't, and we need to find out why. If
they're lacking equipment, we'll get them equipment. If there needs to
be more intense training, we'll get more intense training. But
eventually, Iraq's security is going to be handled by the Iraqi people,
themselves.
Let's see here--Terry [Terry Moran, ABC News].
Decisionmaking on Iraq
Q. Mr. President, before the war, you and members of your
administration made several claims about Iraq, that U.S. troops would be
greeted as liberators with sweets and flowers, that Iraqi oil revenue
would pay for most of the reconstruction, and that Iraq not only had
weapons of mass destruction, but as Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld said,
``We know where they are.'' How do you explain to Americans how you got
that so wrong? And how do you answer your opponents who say that you
took this Nation to war on the basis of what have turned out to be a
series a false premises?
The President. Well, let me step back and review my thinking prior
to going into Iraq. First, the lesson of September the 11th is, when
this Nation sees a threat, a gathering threat, we've got to deal with
it. We can no longer hope that oceans protect us from harm. Every threat
we must take seriously.
Saddam Hussein was a threat. He was a
threat because he had used weapons of mass destruction on his own
people. He was a threat because he coddled terrorists. He was a threat
because he funded suiciders. He was a threat to the region. He was a
threat to the United States. That's the assessment that I made from the
intelligence, the assessment that Congress made from the intelligence.
That's the exact same assessment that the United Nations Security
Council made with the intelligence.
I went to the U.N., as you might recall, and said, ``Either you take
care of him, or we will.'' Anytime an American President says, ``If you
don't, we will,'' we better be prepared to. And I was prepared to. I
thought it was important for the United Nations Security Council that
when it says something, it means something, for the sake of security in
the world. See, the war on terror had changed the calculations. We
needed to work with people. People needed to come together to work, and
therefore, empty words would embolden the actions of those who are
willing to kill indiscriminately.
The United Nations passed a Security Council resolution unanimously
that said, ``Disarm, or face serious consequences.'' And he refused to disarm.
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I thought it was very interesting that Charlie Duelfer, who just came back--he's the head of the Iraqi Survey
Group--reported some interesting findings from his recent tour there.
And one of the things was, he was amazed at how deceptive the Iraqis had
been toward UNMOVIC and UNSCOM, deceptive in hiding things. We knew they
were hiding things. A country that hides something is a country that is
afraid of getting caught, and that was part of our calculation. Charlie
confirmed that. He also confirmed that Saddam
had a--the ability to produce biological and chemical weapons. In other
words, he was a danger. He had long-range missiles that were undeclared
to the United Nations. He was a danger, and so we dealt with him.
What else--part of the question--oh, oil revenues. Well, the oil
revenues are--they're bigger than we thought they would be at this point
in time. I mean, one year after the liberation of Iraq, the revenues of
the oil stream is pretty darn significant. One of the things I was
concerned about prior to going into Iraq was that the oilfields would be
destroyed, but they weren't. They're now up and running. And that money
is--it will benefit the Iraqi people. It's their oil, and they'll use it
to reconstruct the country.
Finally, the attitude of the Iraqis toward the American people--it's
an interesting question. They're really pleased we got rid of Saddam
Hussein, and you can understand why. This is
a guy who was a torturer, a killer, a maimer; there's mass graves. I
mean, he was a horrible individual that really shocked the country in
many ways, shocked it into kind of a fear of making decisions toward
liberty. That's what we've seen recently. Some citizens are fearful of
stepping up. And they were happy--they're not happy they're occupied. I
wouldn't be happy if I were occupied either. They do want us there to
help with security, and that's why this transfer of sovereignty is an
important signal to send, and it's why it's also important for them to
hear we will stand with them until they become a free country.
Elisabeth [Elisabeth Bumiller, New York Times].
Hindsight on September 11
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. To move to the 9/11 Commission, you,
yourself, have acknowledged that Usama bin Laden was not a central focus
of the administration in the months before September 11th. ``I was not
on point,'' you told the journalist Bob Woodward. ``I didn't feel that
sense of urgency.'' Two-and-a-half years later, do you feel any sense of
personal responsibility for September 11th?
The President. Let me put that quote to Woodward in context. He had
asked me if I was--something about killing bin Laden. That's what the question was. And I said, ``Compared to
how I felt at the time, after the attack, I didn't have that.'' I also
went on to say, ``My blood wasn't boiling,'' I think is what the quote
said. I didn't see--I mean, I didn't have that great sense of outrage
that I felt on September the 11th. I was--on that day I was angry and
sad, angry that Al Qaida had--well--[inaudible]--at the time, thought Al
Qaida, found out shortly thereafter it was Al Qaida--had unleashed this
attack, sad for those who lost their life.
Your question, do I feel----
Q. Do you feel a sense of personal responsibility for September
11th?
The President. I feel incredibly grieved when I meet with family
members, and I do quite frequently. I grieve for the incredible loss of
life that they feel, the emptiness they feel.
There are some things I wish we'd have done, when I look back. I
mean, hindsight is easy. It's easy for a President to stand up and say,
``Now that I know what happened, it would have been nice if there were
certain things in place,'' for example, a Homeland Security Department.
And
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why I--I say that because it's--that provides the ability for our
agencies to coordinate better and to work together better than it was
before.
I think the hearings will show that the PATRIOT Act is an important
change in the law that will allow the FBI and the CIA to better share
information together. We were kind of stove-piped, I guess is a way to
describe it. There was kind of--Departments that at times didn't
communicate, because of law, in the FBI's case.
And the other thing I look back on and realize is that we weren't on
a war footing. The country was not on a war footing, and yet the enemy
was at war with us. And it's--it didn't take me long to put us on a war
footing. And we've been on war ever since.
The lessons of 9/11 that I--one lesson was, we must deal with
gathering threats. And that's part of the reason I dealt with Iraq the
way I did. The other lesson is, is that this country must go on the
offense and stay on the offense. In order to secure the country, we must
do everything in our power to find these killers and bring them to
justice, before they hurt us again. I'm afraid they want to hurt us
again. They're still there.
They can be right one time; we've got to be right 100 percent of the
time in order to protect the country. It's a mighty task. But our
Government has changed since the 9/11 attacks. We're better equipped to
respond. We're better at sharing intelligence, but we've still got a lot
of work to do.
Dave [David Gregory, NBC News].
President's Perspective on Decisionmaking
Q. Mr. President, I'd like to follow up on a couple of these
questions that have been asked. One of the biggest criticisms of you is
that whether it's WMD in Iraq, postwar planning in Iraq, or even the
question of whether this administration did enough to ward off 9/11, you
never admit a mistake. Is that a fair criticism? And do you believe that
there were any errors in judgment that you made related to any of those
topics I brought up?
The President. Well, I think, as I mentioned, it's--the country
wasn't on war footing, and yet we're at war. And that's just a reality,
Dave. I mean, that's--that was the situation that existed prior to 9/11,
because the truth of the matter is, most in the country never felt that
we'd be vulnerable to an attack such as the one that Usama bin Laden unleashed on us. We knew he had designs on us.
We knew he hated us. But there was a--nobody in our Government, at
least, and I don't think the prior Government, could envision flying
airplanes into buildings on such a massive scale.
The people know where I stand. I mean, in terms of Iraq, I was very
clear about what I believed. And of course I want to know why we haven't
found a weapon yet. But I still know Saddam Hussein was a threat, and the world is better off without
Saddam Hussein. I don't think anybody can--maybe people can argue that.
I know the Iraqi people don't believe that, that they're better off with
Saddam Hussein--would be better off with Saddam Hussein in power. I also
know that there's an historic opportunity here to change the world. And
it's very important for the loved ones of our troops to understand that
the mission is an important, vital mission for the security of America
and for the ability to change the world for the better.
Let's see--Ed [Ed Chen, Los Angeles Times].
President's Daily Briefing
Q. Mr. President, good evening. You've talked on the--I'd like to
ask you about the August 6th PDB.
The President. Sure.
Q. You mentioned it at Fort Hood on Sunday. You said--you pointed
out that it did not warn of hijacking of airplanes to crash into
buildings, but that it warned of hijacking to, obviously, take hostages
and to secure the release of extremists being
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held by the U.S. Did that trigger some specific actions on your part and
the administration, since it dealt with potentially hundreds of lives
and a blackmail attempt on the United States Government?
The President. Ed, I asked for the briefing, and the reason I did is
because there had been a lot of threat intelligence from overseas. And
so--part of it had to do with Genoa, the G-8 conference that I was going
to attend. And I asked, at that point in time, ``Let's make sure we are
paying attention here at home as well,'' and that's what triggered the
report.
The report, itself, I've characterized as mainly history, and I
think when you look at it you'll see that it was talking about '97 and
'98 and '99. It was also an indication, as you mentioned, that bin
Laden might want to hijack an airplane, but
as you said, not to fly into a building but perhaps to release a person
in jail--in other words, serve it as a blackmail.
And of course that concerns me. All those reports concern me. As a
matter of fact, I was dealing with terrorism a lot as the President when
George Tenet came in to brief me. I mean,
that's where I got my information. I changed the way that--the
relationship between the President and the CIA Director. And I wanted
Tenet in the Oval Office all the time, and we had briefings about
terrorist threats. This was a summary.
Now, in what's called the PDB, there was a warning about bin
Laden's desires on America, but frankly, I
didn't think that was anything new. Major newspapers had talked about
bin Laden's desires on hurting America. What was interesting in there
was that there was a report that the FBI was conducting field
investigations. And I--that was good news, that they were doing their
job.
The way my administration worked, Ed, was that I met with
Tenet all the time. I obviously met with my
principals a lot. We talked about threats that had emerged. We had a
counterterrorism group meeting on a regular basis to analyze the threats
that came in. Had there been a threat that required action by anybody in
the Government, I would have dealt with it. In other words, had they
come up and said, ``This is where we see something happening,'' you can
rest assured that the people of this Government would have responded and
responded in a forceful way.
I mean, one of the things about Elisabeth's question was, I've
stepped back, and I've asked myself a lot, is there anything we could
have done to stop the attacks? Of course I've asked that question, as
have many people of my Government. Nobody wants this to happen to
America. And the answer is that had I had any inkling whatsoever that
the people were going to fly airplanes into buildings, we would have
moved heaven and Earth to save the country, just like we're working hard
to prevent a further attack.
Let's see--Jim [Jim Angle, FOX News].
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. You mentioned the PDB and the assurance
you got that the FBI was working on terrorism investigations here. The
number they had used was 70. But we learned today in the September 11th
hearings that the Acting Director of the FBI at the time says--now says
the FBI tells him that number was wrong, that he doesn't even know how
it got into your PDB. And two of the Commissioners strongly suggested
the number was exaggerated. Have you learned anything else about that
report since that time? And do you now believe you were falsely
comforted by the FBI?
The President. Yes. No, I heard about that today, obviously, and my
response to that was, I expect to get valid information. As the ultimate
decisionmaker for this country, I expect information that comes to my
desk to be real and valid. And I presume the 9/11 Commission will find
out--will follow up on his suggestions and his recollection and garner
the truth. That is an important part of the 9/11 Commission's job, is to
analyze what went on and
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what could have perhaps been done differently so that we can better
secure America for the future.
But of course, I expect to get valid information. I can't make good
decisions unless I get valid information.
Q. Has the FBI come back to you, sir?
The President. No, I haven't talked to anybody today yet. I will,
though. We'll find out.
John [John Roberts, CBS News].
Reaction to September 11
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Two weeks ago, former counterterrorism
official at the NSC Richard Clarke offered an unequivocal apology to the
American people for failing them prior to 9/11. Do you believe the
American people deserve a similar apology from you, and would you be
prepared to give them one?
The President. Look, I can understand why people in my
administration are anguished over the fact that people lost their life.
I feel the same way. I mean, I'm sick when I think about the death that
took place on that day. And as I mentioned, I've met with a lot of
family members, and I do the best I do to console them about the loss of
their loved one. As I mentioned, I oftentimes think about what I could
have done differently. I can assure the American people that had we had
any inkling that this was going to happen, we would have done everything
in our power to stop the attack.
Here's what I feel about that. The person responsible for the
attacks was Usama bin Laden. That's who's
responsible for killing Americans. And that's why we will stay on the
offense until we bring people to justice.
John [John King, Cable News Network].
Nature of the Coalition/Resolve of Coalition Leaders
Q. Mr. President, thank you. You mentioned that 17 of the 26 NATO
members are providing some help on the ground in Iraq. But if you look
at the numbers, 135,000 U.S. troops, 10 or 12,000 British troops, then
the next largest, perhaps even the second largest contingent of guns on
the ground are private contractors--literally, hired guns. Your critics,
including your Democratic opponent, say that's proof to them your
coalition is window dressing. How would you answer those critics? And
can you assure the American people that post-sovereignty, when the
handover takes place, that there will be more burden-sharing by allies
in terms of security forces?
The President. Yes. John, my response is, I don't think people ought
to demean the contributions of our friends into Iraq. People are
sacrificing their lives in Iraq, from different countries. We ought to
honor that, and we ought to welcome that. I'm proud of the coalition
that is there. This is a--these are people that have--the gut leaders
have made the decision to put people in harm's way for the good of the
world. And we appreciate that sacrifice in America. We appreciate that
commitment.
I think--one of the things you're seeing is more involvement by the
United Nations in terms of the political process. That's helpful. I'd
like to get another U.N. Security Council resolution out that will help
other nations to decide to participate.
One of the things I've found, John, is that in calling around,
particularly during this week--I spoke to Prime Minister
Berlusconi and President Kwasniewski--there is a resolve by these leaders
that is a heartening resolve. Tony Blair is the
same way. He understands, like I understand, that we cannot yield at
this point in time, that we must remain steadfast and strong, that it's
the intentions of the enemy to shake our will. That's what they want to
do. They want us to leave, and we're not going to leave. We're going to
do the job. And a free Iraq is going to be a major blow for terrorism.
It will change the world. A free Iraq in the midst of the Middle East is
vital to future peace and security.
[[Page 566]]
Maybe I can best put it this way, why I feel so strongly about this
historic moment. I was having dinner with Prime Minister
Koizumi, and we were talking about North
Korea, about how we can work together to deal with the threat. The North
Korea leader is a threat, and here are two friends now discussing what
strategy to employ to prevent him from further developing and deploying
a nuclear weapon. And it dawned on me that had we blown the peace in
World War II, that perhaps this conversation would not have been taking
place. It also dawned on me then that when we get it right in Iraq, at
some point in time an American President will be sitting down with a
duly elected Iraqi leader talking about how to bring security to what
has been a troubled part of the world.
The legacy that our troops are going to leave behind is a legacy of
lasting importance, as far as I'm concerned. It's a legacy that really
is based upon our deep belief that people want to be free and that free
societies are peaceful societies.
Some of the debate really centers around the fact that people don't
believe Iraq can be free, that if you're Muslim or perhaps brown-
skinned, you can't be self-governing and free. I strongly disagree with
that. I reject that, because I believe that freedom is the deepest need
of every human soul, and if given a chance, the Iraqi people will be not
only self-governing but a stable and free society.
Let's see here, hold on. Michael [Mike Allen, Washington Post],
you're next.
New Iraqi Government/Upcoming Appearance Before the 9/11 Commission
Q. Mr. President, why are you and the Vice President insisting on
appearing together before the 9/11 Commission? And Mr. President, who
will you be handing the Iraqi Government over to on June 30th?
The President. We will find that out soon. That's what Mr.
Brahimi is doing. He's figuring out the
nature of the entity we'll be handing sovereignty over.
And secondly, because the 9/11 Commission wants to ask us questions,
that's why we're meeting. And I look forward to meeting with them and
answering their questions.
Q. I was asking why you're appearing together, rather than
separately, which was their request.
The President. Because it's a good chance for both of us to answer
questions that the 9/11 Commission is looking forward to asking us, and
I'm looking forward to answering them.
Let's see----
Q. Mr. President----
The President. Hold on for a minute.
Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
The President. I've got some ``must calls,'' I'm sorry.
Threat Assessment
Q. You have been accused of letting the 9/11 threat mature too far
but not letting the Iraq threat mature far enough. First, could you
respond to that general criticism? And secondly, in the wake of these
two conflicts, what is the appropriate threat level to justify action in
perhaps other situations going forward?
The President. Yes. I guess there have been some that said, ``Well,
we should have taken preemptive action in Afghanistan,'' and then turned
around and said, ``We shouldn't have taken preemptive action in Iraq.''
And my answer to that question is, is that--again I repeat what I said
earlier--prior to 9/11 the country really wasn't on a war footing. And
the--frankly, mood of the world would have been astounded had the United
States acted unilaterally in trying to deal with Al Qaida in that part
of the world.
It would have been awfully hard to do as well, by the way. We would
have had to--we hadn't got our relationship right with Pakistan yet. The
Caucus area would have been very difficult from which to base.
[[Page 567]]
It just seemed an impractical strategy at the time, and frankly, I
didn't contemplate it.
I did contemplate a larger strategy as to how to deal with Al Qaida.
We were shooting cruise missiles and with little effect. And I said,
``If we're going to go after Al Qaida, let's have a comprehensive
strategy as to how to deal with it, with that entity.''
After 9/11, the world changed for me and, I think, changed for the
country. It changed for me because, like many, we assumed oceans would
protect us from harm, and that's not the case. It's not the reality of
the 21st century. Oceans don't protect us. They don't protect us from
killers. We're an open country, and we're a country that values our
openness. And we're a hard country to defend. And therefore, when we see
threats overseas, we've got to take them--look at them in a new light.
And I've given my explanation of Iraq.
Your further question was, how do you justify any other preemptive
action? The American people need to know my last choice is the use of
military power. It is something that--it is a decision that is--it's a
tough decision to make for any President, because I fully understand the
consequences of the decision. And therefore, we'll use all other means
necessary, when we see a threat, to deal with a threat that may
materialize, but we'll never take the military off the table.
We've had some success, Bill [Bill Sammon, Washington Times], as a
result of the decision I took. Take Libya, for example. Libya was a
nation that had--we viewed as a terrorist--a nation that sponsored
terror, a nation that was dangerous because of weapons. And Colonel
Qadhafi made the decision, and
rightly so, to disclose and disarm for the good of the world. By the
way, they found, I think, 50 tons of mustard gas, I believe it was, in a
turkey farm, only because he was willing to disclose where the mustard
gas was. But that made the world safer.
The A.Q. Khan bust, the network that we
uncovered, thanks to the hard work of our intelligence-gathering
agencies and the cooperation of the British, was another victory in the
war against terror. This was a shadowy network of folks that were
willing to sell state secrets to the highest bidder. And that,
therefore, made the world more unstable and more dangerous. You've often
heard me talk about my worry about weapons of mass destruction ending up
in the hands of the wrong people. Well, you can understand why I feel
that way, having seen the works of A.Q. Khan. It's a dangerous--it was a
dangerous network that we unraveled, and the world is better for it.
And so what I'm telling you is, is that sometimes we use military as
a last resort, but other times we use our influence, diplomatic
pressure, and our alliances to unravel, uncover, expose people who want
to do harm against the civilized world. We're at war. Iraq is a part of
the war on terror. It is not the war on terror; it is a theater in the
war on terror. And it's essential we win this battle in the war on
terror. By winning this battle, it will make other victories more
certain in the war against the terrorists.
Let's see here--Judy [Judy Keen, USA Today].
Iraq/2004 Elections
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Sir, you've made it very clear tonight
that you're committed to continuing the mission in Iraq. Yet, as Terry
pointed out, increasing numbers of Americans have qualms about it, and
this is an election year. Will it have been worth it, even if you lose
your job because of it?
The President. I don't plan on losing my job. I plan on telling the
American people that I've got a plan to win the war on terror. And I
believe they'll stay with me. They understand the stakes. But nobody
likes to see dead people on their television screens. I don't. It's a
tough time for the
[[Page 568]]
American people to see that. It's gut-wrenching. One of my hardest parts
of my job is to console the family members who have lost their life. It
is a--it's a chance to hug and weep and to console and to remind the
loved ones that the sacrifice of their loved one was done in the name of
security for America and freedom for the world.
And one of the things that's very important, Judy, as far as I'm
concerned, is to never allow our youngsters to die in vain. And I've
made that pledge to their parents. Withdrawing from the battlefield of
Iraq would be just that, and it's not going to happen under my watch.
The American people may decide to change. That's democracy. I don't
think so. I don't think so, and I look forward to making my case. I'm
looking forward to the campaign. Now is the time to talk about winning
this war on terror. Now is the time to make sure that the American
people understand the stakes and the historic significance of what we're
doing. And no matter where they may stand on this war, the thing I
appreciate most about our country is the strong support given to the men
and women in uniform, and it's vital support. It's important for those
soldiers to know America stands with them. And we weep when they die,
and we're proud of the victories they achieve.
One of the things I'm also proud of is what I hear from our
soldiers. As I mentioned, I pinned the Purple Heart on some of the
troops at the hospital there at Fort Hood, Texas. A guy looks at me and
says, ``I can't wait to get back to my unit and fulfill the mission, Mr.
President.'' The spirit is incredible. Our soldiers who have volunteered
to go there understand the stakes, and I'm incredibly proud of them.
John [John Dickerson, Time].
Evaluation of Past Decisions
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. In the last campaign, you were asked a
question about the biggest mistake you'd made in your life, and you used
to like to joke that it was trading Sammy Sosa. You've looked back
before 9/11 for what mistakes might have been made. After 9/11, what
would your biggest mistake be, would you say, and what lessons have you
learned from it?
The President. I wish you would have given me this written question
ahead of time, so I could plan for it. [Laughter] John, I'm sure
historians will look back and say, ``Gosh, he could have done it better
this way or that way.'' You know, I just--I'm sure something will pop
into my head here in the midst of this press conference, with all the
pressure of trying to come up with an answer, but it hasn't yet.
I would have gone into Afghanistan the way we went into Afghanistan.
Even knowing what I know today about the stockpiles of weapons, I still
would have called upon the world to deal with Saddam Hussein. See, I happen to believe that we'll find out the truth
on the weapons. That's why we've sent up the independent commission. I
look forward to hearing the truth, exactly where they are. They could
still be there. They could be hidden, like the 50 tons of mustard gas in
a turkey farm.
One of the things that Charlie Duelfer
talked about was that he was surprised at the level of intimidation he
found amongst people who should know about weapons and their fear of
talking about them because they don't want to be killed. There's a
terror still in the soul of some of the people in Iraq. They're worried
about getting killed, and therefore, they're not going to talk.
But it will all settle out, John. We'll find out the truth about the
weapons at some point in time. However, the fact that he had the capacity to make them bothers me today, just
like it would have bothered me then. He's a dangerous man. He's a man
who actually--not only had weapons of mass destruction--the reason I can
say that with certainty is because he used them. And I have no doubt in
my mind that he would like to have inflicted harm or paid
[[Page 569]]
people to inflict harm or trained people to inflict harm on America,
because he hated us.
I hope I--I don't want to sound like I've made no mistakes. I'm
confident I have. I just haven't--you just put me under the spot here,
and maybe I'm not as quick on my feet as I should be in coming up with
one.
Yes, Ann [Ann Compton, ABC News].
Intelligence Reform/President's Goals
Q. Looking forward about keeping the United States safe, a group
representing about several thousand FBI agents today wrote to your
administration begging you not to split up the law enforcement and the
counterterrorism, because they say it ties their hands, it gives them
blinders--[inaudible]. Yet, you mentioned yesterday that you think
perhaps the time has come for some real intelligence reforms. That can't
happen without real leadership from the White House. Will you, and how
will you?
The President. Well, you're talking about one aspect of possible--I
think you're referring to what they call the MI-5. And I heard a summary
of that from Director Mueller, who
feels strongly that we--and he'll testify to that effect, I guess,
tomorrow. I shouldn't be prejudging his testimony. But what my point was
is that I'm open for suggestions. I look forward to seeing what the 9/11
Commission comes up with. I look forward to seeing what the Silberman/
Robb Commission comes up with. I'm confident Congress will have some
suggestions. What I'm saying is, ``Let the discussions begin,'' and I
won't prejudge the conclusion. As the President, I will encourage and
foster these kinds of discussions, because one of the jobs of the
President is to leave behind a legacy that will enable other Presidents
to better deal with the threat that we face.
We are in a long war. The war on terror is not going to end
immediately. This is a war against people who have no guilt in killing
innocent people. That's what they're willing to do. They kill on a
moment's notice because they're trying to shake our will, they're trying
to create fear, they're trying to affect people's behaviors. And we're
simply not going to let them do that.
And my fear, of course, is that this will go on for a while, and
therefore, it's incumbent upon us to learn from lessons or mistakes and
leave behind a better foundation for Presidents to deal with the threats
we face. This is the war that other Presidents will be facing as we head
into the 21st century.
One of the interesting things people ask me, now that we're asking
questions, is, ``Can you ever win the war on terror?'' Of course you
can. That's why it's important for us to spread freedom throughout the
Middle East. Free societies are hopeful societies. A hopeful society is
one more likely to be able to deal with the frustrations of those who
are willing to commit suicide in order to represent a false ideology. A
free society is a society in which somebody is more likely to be able to
make a living. A free society is a society in which someone is more
likely to be able to raise their child in a comfortable environment and
see to it that that child gets an education.
That's why I'm pressing the Greater Middle East Reform Initiative,
to work to spread freedom. And we will continue on that. So long as I'm
the President, I will press for freedom. I believe so strongly in the
power of freedom. You know why I do? Because I've seen freedom work
right here in our own country.
I also have this belief, strong belief, that freedom is not this
country's gift to the world; freedom is the Almighty's gift to every man
and woman in this world. And as the greatest power on the face of the
Earth, we have an obligation to help the spread of freedom. We have an
obligation to help feed the hungry. I think the American people find it
interesting that we're
[[Page 570]]
providing food for the North Korea people who starve. We have an
obligation to lead the fight on AIDS, on Africa. And we have an
obligation to work toward a more free world. That's our obligation. That
is what we have been called to do, as far as I'm concerned.
And my job as the President is to lead this Nation into making the
world a better place, and that's exactly what we're doing. Weeks such as
we've had in Iraq make some doubt whether or not we're making progress.
I understand that. It was a tough, tough period, but we are making
progress.
And my message today to those in Iraq is: We'll stay the course;
we'll complete the job. My message to our troops is: We will stay the
course and complete the job, and you'll have what you need. And my
message to the loved ones who are worried about their sons, daughters,
husbands, wives, is: Your loved one is performing a noble service for
the cause of freedom and peace.
Let's see, last question here. Hold on for a second. Those who yell
will not be asked. I'll tell you a guy who I've never heard from--Don
[Don Gonyea, National Public Radio].
Q. I appreciate it.
The President. It's a well-received--[laughter].
Iraq/2004 Election
Q. Following on both Judy and John's questions, and it comes out of
what you just said in some ways, with public support for your policies
in Iraq falling off the way they have, quite significantly over the past
couple of months, I guess I'd like to know if you feel in any way that
you've failed as a communicator on this topic? Because----
The President. Gosh, I don't know. I mean----
Q. Well, you deliver a lot of speeches, and a lot of them contain
similar phrases, and they vary very little from one to the next. And
they often include a pretty upbeat assessment of how things are going,
with the exception of tonight's pretty somber assessment, this evening.
The President. It's a pretty somber assessment today, Don, yes.
Q. I guess I just wonder if you feel that you have failed in any
way? You don't have many of these press conferences, where you engage in
this kind of exchange. Have you failed in any way to really make the
case to the American public?
The President. I guess if you put it into a political context,
that's the kind of thing the voters will decide next November. That's
what elections are about. They'll take a look at me and my opponent and
say, ``Let's see, which one of them can better win the war on terror?
Who best can see to it that Iraq emerges as a free society?''
Don, if I tried to fine-tune my messages based upon polls, I think
I'd be pretty ineffective. I know I would be disappointed in myself. I
hope today you've got a sense of my conviction about what we're doing.
If you don't, maybe I need to learn to communicate better.
I feel strongly about what we're doing. I feel strongly that the
course this administration has taken will make America more secure and
the world more free and, therefore, the world more peaceful. It's a
conviction that's deep in my soul. And I will say it as best as I
possibly can to the American people.
I look forward to the debate and the campaign. I look forward to
helping--for the American people to hear what is a proper use of
American power. Do we have an obligation to lead, or should we shirk
responsibility? That's how I view this debate. And I look forward to
making it, Don. I'll do it the best I possibly can. I'll give it the
best shot. I'll speak as plainly as I can.
One thing is for certain, though, about me--and the world has
learned this--when
[[Page 571]]
I say something, I mean it. And the credibility of the United States is
incredibly important for keeping world peace and freedom.
Thank you all very much.
Note: The President's news conference began at 8:31 p.m. in the East
Room at the White House. In his remarks, he referred to former President
Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Muqtada Al Sadr, Iraqi Shiite cleric whose
militia engaged in an uprising in Iraq in early April; Lakhdar Brahimi,
Special Adviser to the U.N. Secretary-General; Gen. John P. Abizaid,
USA, combatant commander, U.S. Central Command; Lt. Gen. Ricardo S.
Sanchez, USA, commander, Coalition Joint Task Force Seven; Thomas J.
Pickard, former Acting Director, Federal Bureau of Investigation; Prime
Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy; President Aleksander Kwasniewski of
Poland; Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom; Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi of Japan; Chairman Kim Chong-il of North Korea; Col.
Muammar Abu Minyar al-Qadhafi, leader of Libya; and A.Q. Khan, former
head of Pakistan's nuclear weapons program. A reporter referred to
professional baseball player Sammy Sosa. The President also referred to
the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (9/
11 Commission); and the Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of
the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction (Silberman/Robb
Commission).