    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2004, Book I)]
    [April 16, 2004]
    [Pages 591-600]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom
    April 16, 2004

        President Bush. Thank you all. Mr. Prime Minister--Tony, as I like
    to call you--Cherie Blair, thanks for
    coming. It's great to see you. Laura and I are
    pleased to welcome you once again to America and to the White House.
        Throughout the last century, the United Kingdom and the United
    States have stood together when liberty was assaulted and free people
    were tested. And now in this century, our nations see clearly the
    dangers of our time, and we share a determination to meet them.
        Since our two countries shared the loss of September the 11th, 2001,
    we've joined in a global manhunt for terrorist killers. We've removed
    the terrorist camps of Afghanistan and the brutal Government that
    sheltered them. We've enforced the demands of the United Nations in Iraq
    and removed a dangerous threat to the region and to the world. We've
    worked together to end the WMD programs of Libya and bring that country
    back into the community of nations. We're engaged in difficult and
    necessary work of helping Iraqis build their own democracy, for the sake
    of our security and to increase the momentum of freedom across the
    greater Middle East.
        The stakes in Iraq are clear. Iraq will either turn back the
    challenges to democracy or return to the camp of tyranny and terror.
    Iraq will either be an example of a region that is weary of poverty and
    oppression or will be a threat to the region and to our own people.
        Our nations face a stark choice as well. Britain and America and our
    allies can either break our word to the people of Iraq, abandon them in
    their hour of need, and consign them to oppression, or we can help them
    defeat the enemies of a free Iraq and build the institutions of liberty.
    The Prime Minister and I have made our choice. Iraq will be free. Iraq
    will be independent. Iraq will be a peaceful nation, and we will not
    waver in the face of fear and intimidation.
        The past few weeks have been hard, and the days ahead will surely
    bring their own challenges. What we're seeing in Iraq is an attempted
    power grab by extremists and terrorists. They will fail. The extremists
    will fail because our coalition will not allow Iraq's future to be
    stolen by a violent few. They will also fail because they are not widely
    supported by the Iraqi people, who have no desire to trade one tyrant
    for another.
        Many Iraqi leaders are showing great personal courage in helping to
    build a free Iraq. And we stand with them, and we appreciate their
    courage. And troops from our countries and other coalition friends are
    showing great personal courage as they help Iraq move toward democracy,
    and we appreciate their sacrifice and courage as well.
        One of the essential commitments we've made to the Iraqi people is
    this: They will control their own country. No citizen of America or
    Britain would want the Government of their nation in hands of others,
    and neither do the Iraqis. And this is why the June 30th date for the
    transfer of sovereignty will be kept. This transfer will demonstrate to
    the Iraqi people that our coalition has no interest in occupation. On
    that date, the Coalition Provisional Authority will cease to exist, but
    coalition forces will remain in Iraq to help the new Government succeed.
        This week, we've seen the outlines of a new Iraqi Government that
    will take the keys of sovereignty. We welcome the proposals presented by
    the U.N. Special Envoy Brahimi. He's
    identified a way forward to establishing an interim government that is
    broadly acceptable to the Iraqi people. Our

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    coalition partners will continue to work with the U.N. to prepare for
    nationwide elections that will choose a new Government in January of
    2005. We thank the U.N. and Secretary-General Annan for helping Iraqis secure a future of freedom. We're
    grateful that Mr. Brahimi will soon return to Iraq to continue his
    important work.
        A free Iraq will stand as an example to the Middle East, encouraging
    reform and hope by demonstrating what life in a free society can be
    like. At the same time, we must also work to end longstanding sources of
    bitterness and conflict in the Middle East.
        Our commitment to freedom and peace in that region requires us to
    make every effort to help resolve the conflict between Israel and
    Palestine. On Wednesday, the Prime Minister of Israel presented his plan to withdraw from Gaza and some parts
    of the West Bank. I support that plan. It's a good opportunity. It gives
    the Palestinians a chance to create a reformed, just, and free
    government. Palestinian leadership must rise to the challenge. It gives
    all sides a chance to reinvigorate progress on the roadmap. I'm
    committed to the vision of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side
    by side in peace and security.
        As I said Wednesday, all final status issues must still be
    negotiated between the parties. I look forward to the day when those
    discussions can begin so the Israeli occupation can be ended and a free
    and independent and peaceful Palestinian state can emerge.
        In Iraq and Afghanistan, in a future Palestinian state, and across
    the greater Middle East, the best hope for lasting stability, security,
    and peace is the advance of human freedom. When men and women live in
    societies that reward their hopes and recognize their dignity, they are
    far less likely to dwell on resentments and turn to violence. This is
    not an easy task. For whole nations to construct free institutions after
    decades of terror and tyranny requires patience and courage and the help
    of friends.
        Yet, this difficult work is also necessary work. In the Middle East,
    as elsewhere, the path to peace is the path of liberty, and all who
    choose that path will have the strong support of the United States and
    the United Kingdom. In all these efforts, the American people know that
    we have no more valuable friend than Prime Minister Tony Blair. As we
    like to say in Crawford, he's a standup kind of guy. He shows backbone
    and courage and strong leadership. I thank him and Cherie for coming. I thank the British people for their
    strength and their unyielding commitment to the cause of liberty.
        Mr. Prime Minister.
        Prime Minister Blair. Thank you very much, Mr. President. George and
    Laura, thank you very much for welcoming myself and Cherie back to the
    White House. The many years that--particularly most recently, since
    September the 11th--our two countries have been friends and allies
    standing side by side, and we will continue to do so.
        Let me restate the historic nature of what we're trying to achieve
    in Iraq. It is to take a state that, under Saddam Hussein and his
    family, was a merciless tyranny that brutalized the country over many
    decades, that used chemical weapons against his own people, a state that
    threatened its neighbors in the wider world, that caused two wars with
    over a million casualties, that funded and supported terrorism, a
    country where, already, the remains of 300,000 innocent men, women, and
    children have been found in mass graves in Iraq, a state that under
    Saddam was without human rights, civil liberties, or the rule of law.
    And our task is to take this state and turn it into a democracy, stable
    and prosperous, a symbol of hope to its own people and throughout the
    whole of the Middle East.
        Against us in this task are ranged every variety of reactionary
    forces, sympathizers

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    of Saddam Hussein, outside terrorists, religious fanatics. We know the
    future that they have in mind for the people of Iraq, and we reject it
    utterly, as do the overwhelming majority of the Iraqi people.
        It was never going to be easy, and it isn't now. I pay wholehearted
    tribute to the American and British troops and troops from all the
    different coalition countries, and to the civilians, also, from many
    nations. We mourn each loss of life. We salute them and their families
    for their bravery and their sacrifice. And our promise to them, in turn,
    is very clear. It is to succeed, to get the job done, to ensure their
    courage and their sacrifice has not been in vain. And our plan to do
    this is clear, and we shall see it through.
        Our strategy, political and military, is as follows. First, we stand
    firm. We will do what it takes to win this struggle. We will not yield.
    We will not back down in the face of attacks either on us or on
    defenseless civilians. Second, we hold absolutely to the 30th of June
    timetable for the handover of sovereignty to the Iraqis themselves.
    Third, we will redouble our efforts to build the necessary capability of
    the Iraqis, themselves, to take increased responsibility for security
    and law and order. The measures for recruiting, training, and equipping
    Iraqi police and civil defense corps will be intensified. Fourth, we
    will carry forward the plan for reconstruction and investment in Iraq so
    that all parts of Iraq, Sunni, Shi'a, and Kurdish, know that they have a
    place and a future in the new Iraq that is being created. Fifth, the
    U.N. will have a central role, as now, in developing the program and
    machinery for political transition to full Iraqi democracy. And we will
    seek a new U.N. Security Council resolution to embody the political and
    security way forward.
        It follows from this that the political and military strategies will
    reinforce each other, as they do now. The purpose of the military action
    is to create the security environment in which the political aims can be
    achieved. And of course there will be resistance. We have resistance now
    by assorted terrorists in Fallujah, by supporters of Muqtada Al Sadr in
    Najaf. We shall deal with both with the right balance of firmness in the
    face of terror and a clear offer to all people in Iraq, including those
    who might be tempted to support lawbreaking.
        The new Iraq will give opportunities to all its citizens, whatever
    their ethnic or religious background, but it will not tolerate or
    compromise with those who want to wreck the future for the law-abiding
    majority in Iraq.
        Alongside this strategy for Iraq, we will seek to broaden the agenda
    for international action and cooperation. The G-8 gives us the chance,
    under the chairmanship of the United States this year and Britain the
    next, to construct such an agenda, to allow us to defeat the security
    threat but also to confront the issues upon which the terrorists prey,
    to tackle the poverty, conflict, religious and ethnic strife which mar
    so much of the world.
        In this regard, we reaffirm again the importance of a solution for
    the Middle East peace process. We welcome the Israeli proposal to
    disengage from the Gaza and parts of the West Bank. We want the Quartet
    to meet as soon as possible to discuss how it can support the
    Palestinian Authority in particular, economically, politically, and in
    respect of security, to respond to that offer. We reaffirm that this is
    part of a process to get us back into the roadmap, which we continue to
    believe offers the only realistic route to the two states, Israel and
    Palestine, living side by side in peace.
        We have, therefore, an agenda for Iraq, for change and for democracy
    in Iraq. We have, also, an agenda to help overcome the problems in our
    world, the problems not just of terrorism but the problems of the
    breeding grounds of terrorism. And I believe that our two countries will
    continue to play a role as allies and friends in securing not just a
    decent future for the people

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    of Iraq but a decent future for people everywhere in our world today.
        Thank you.
        President Bush. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you, sir. We will take
    three questions a side, and so why don't you ask one question to each of
    us.
        You can start, Mr. Hunt [Terence Hunt, Associated Press].

    Timetable for Planning Action in Iraq

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, did you ask Secretary
    Rumsfeld to draw up war plans against Iraq in November 2001, just as the
    military action was getting underway in Afghanistan? Why couldn't Iraq
    wait?
        And Mr. Prime Minister----
        President Bush. No, I thought--one question apiece, not one question
    or one question apiece.
        You know, I can't remember exact dates that far back. I do know
    this, that at a key meeting at Camp David, the subject of Iraq--this was
    on September the----
        Q. Fifteenth.
        President Bush. Fifteenth. We had been attacked on September the
    11th, obviously. On the 15th, we sat down. I sat down with my national
    security team to discuss the response, and the subject of Iraq came up.
    And I said as plainly as I possibly could, ``We'll focus on Afghanistan.
    That's where we'll focus.'' I explained this to the Prime Minister as
    well in a subsequent meeting. That was about the 20th of September, I
    think, we came and talked about the response we were going to take in
    dealing with the attacks on our country.
        So I don't remember in times of--what was being developed or not
    being developed. But I do know that it was Afghanistan that was on my
    mind. And I didn't really start focusing on Iraq until later on,
    particularly about the time I started going to the United Nations with
    this message--to the United Nations, I said, ``Let's uphold the demands
    of the world, finally, after decades of--after a decade of threats to
    Saddam. You know, `If you don't do this, this
    will happen.' Why don't we finally just say something that we mean?''
        And it was at that point in time, when a President steps up in front
    of the United Nations and you say, ``Either take care of business, or we
    others will,'' you better mean it. And I meant it when I went up in
    front of the United Nations at that point in time.
        Q. I was asking you about November.
        President Bush. I can't remember. I'd have to get back to you about
    a specific moment. But I can tell you, in September, I said, ``Let us
    focus on Afghanistan. Let us make sure that we do this job and do it
    well.''

    Level of Violence and the Transition in Iraq

        Q. Prime Minister, the--Prime Minister, the handover of power is
    just, what, 80 days away, and yet the killing is going on, there is
    still kidnaping. Do you accept it was an error not to involve the U.N.
    much more early in the process? And I wonder, Mr. President, if I could
    ask you if that's a mistake that you're prepared to accept as well?
        Prime Minister Blair. First of all, we have been involving the U.N.
    throughout. And actually, the work that Mr. Brahimi has done, we've both
    made it clear that we welcome. And I can tell you from the conversations
    I had with Kofi Annan last night that I think there's a common approach.
    Obviously, we have to discuss the details in particular with the Iraqi
    groups themselves as to how this political transition is to come about.
        But let me just say one thing to you about the violence and the
    killing there. There was always going to be resistance to transition to
    democracy. And in particular, as the date for transition to a sovereign
    Iraqi Government that's going to be broad-based--as that date draws
    near, there's going to be violence. There's going to be violence from
    people who don't want an Iraqi future different from the past, and

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    I don't think we should be surprised at this. There will be religious
    fanatics, outside terrorists, former Saddam people who will come
    together, and they will kill innocent civilians. They will try and kill
    coalition troops. They will kill Iraqis. They'll kill anyone who stands
    in their way. And the reason that they're doing this is because they
    don't want a democratic Iraq.
        Now, what is the response of ourselves and, indeed, the whole of the
    world community, regardless of whether you support the war in Iraq or
    not? The response has got to be that we hold firm; we keep to the
    political transition; we keep to the timetable; and we do everything we
    humanly can to build up the capability of the Iraqis to take control of
    their own affairs, because in Iraq there will be all sorts of people--
    that vast majority of people out there who aren't terrorists, who don't
    want to kill people, who want to lead an ordinary life, raise their
    family, have a job, have some prosperity, have some freedom, as other
    people in the world do, and they will be sitting there, watching and
    waiting for one thing: Do we have the will and the determination to
    finish the job.
        And what you're hearing from myself and the President of the United
    States is, we will stay there, and we will get the job done, because
    that's what we promised to do. And we will continue until it's finished.

    Israeli Disengagement Plan

        President Bush. Steve [Steve Holland, Reuters].
        Q. Hosni Mubarak is saying the new U.S. policy on the West Bank
    could escalate violence. How do you respond to his concerns?
        President Bush. I think this is a fantastic opportunity. The fact
    that Ariel Sharon said, ``We're going to
    withdraw from territory,'' is an historic moment. And it creates a
    chance for the world to come together to help develop a Palestinian
    state based upon a solid foundation, a foundation where the institutions
    are bigger than the people, just like our respective Governments are
    founded.
        It's a chance to provide a framework for international aid that will
    help a Palestinian economy grow. It's a chance for people to come
    together to work on measures that will enable people to live in peace--
    security measures. This is an historic moment, and I think people need
    to view it as such and seize the moment and help a Palestinian state
    become a reality, a Palestinian state that can live in peace with its
    neighbors.
        And you know, there's a lot of talk about the final status
    discussions. And that's all and good. The problem is, is that people, by
    doing so, don't pay attention to the moment. And it's a moment we've got
    to seize. The final status discussions will become a lot plainer--and by
    the way, we're not going to prejudge the final status discussions, but
    the answers will become a lot plainer once there is a peaceful state
    that's committed to fighting off terror and a state that's capable of
    providing hope for its people.
        I think it's possible. And the Prime Minister and I have spent a lot of time on this subject. And I'm
    not going to put words in his mouth, but he thinks it's possible. And we
    look forward to working together to make it possible. But it's going to
    require a commitment by the Palestinian people to find leadership that
    is committed to peace and hope. And it's going to require a commitment
    by people in the neighborhood to support the emergence of a state.
        This is an historic moment, and I appreciated the Prime Minister of
    Israel coming here to announce it. And we
    intend to seize the moment and to take advantage of an opportunity.
        Prime Minister Blair. I think what's happening here is that despite
    all the reaction--some of which I think it's expected and natural, that
    always rebound around the world when a statement like this is made--
    let's just go back and see what the

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    opportunity is here. If there is disengagement by Israel from the Gaza
    and from parts of the West Bank, that then gives us the opportunity--and
    this is where the international community has got to play its role--that
    gives us the opportunity to help the Palestinian Authority with the
    economic, the political, and the security measures they take, and they
    need to take, in order to get to the point where the concept of a viable
    Palestinian state becomes a real possibility, not something that's put
    in a document and talked about or discussed in resolutions or speeches
    but actually is a real, live possibility. And I see this not in any
    shape or form as pushing the roadmap to the side. On the contrary, I see
    it as a way back into the roadmap.
        Now, I know there'll be all sorts of issues to do with the final
    status negotiations. And as the President said, no one is prejudging
    those. But you know, let's not look this particular opportunity in the
    eye and then turn away. It is an opportunity for people.
        And what I want to say to, not just to the Palestinians and the
    Israelis but to the international community is, whatever the doubts and
    worries, get involved now, because there is a possibility when that
    disengagement happens, the Palestinian Authority have got to have the
    wherewithal in political, in economic, in security terms to start
    running the land, the territory that will be then under their control,
    and use that as the basis of getting back into a proper roadmap
    negotiation.
        Because we--this is a--we deal with many difficult issues: Cyprus,
    we discussed earlier; Northern Ireland, that I'm dealing with. The one
    advantage that you have in this situation, which is as well to keep in
    mind, even at this difficult moment, is that there is now an agreement
    that there should be two states, an Israeli and a Palestinian state, and
    that Palestinian state should be viable. And I can assure you--and I
    believe this very strongly from the conversations I've had with the
    President--that if the Palestinians are willing to make that effort and
    the international community helps in doing so, then they will find all
    of us, then, ready to engage and ensure that the proper discussion and
    settlement of these issues takes place. We will be ready to step up and
    do that.
        Yes, Mark, sorry.
        Q. Mark Martel, BBC. Mr. Sharon says this agreement by the President
    has ended the dreams of Palestinians. Many Palestinians seem to agree
    with that as well. Why do you two not see it in that light? The Israelis
    see it as a victory for their side.
        Prime Minister Blair. Well, I don't--I haven't come across those
    particular words, and I would like to see the context of that. But I
    don't think that this ends anyone's dream. I think what it does is give
    us at least the possibility of moving it forward.
        What have people been asking for years? They've been asking for the
    Israelis to withdraw from the occupied territories. Now, this is not the
    final end of it. This is not a unilateral attempt to impose a
    settlement. But it does at least give the Palestinians, if they're able,
    then, to seize this opportunity, the ability to construct in the Gaza
    and those parts of the West Bank that will be under their control, with
    the settlements removed from there. And remember--I can't remember
    exactly how many people it is--it's maybe 7,000 people that there are in
    the Gaza part of--and those settlements withdrawn.
        Now, forgive me, but I've been dealing with this for almost a
    decade. And it's been very, very difficult ever to get a situation where
    an Israeli Prime Minister is prepared to say, ``We're actually going to
    take these settlements away,'' and make that not conditional on
    something that the Palestinians are doing but say, ``We're just going to
    do that.''
        Now of course, there's a whole string of things that then have to be
    decided. All these issues have to be negotiated. We have to get back
    into the roadmap and get on a proper process towards a resolution of
    those issues.

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        But if that disengagement takes place, surely the intelligent thing,
    not just for the Palestinians but for the international community, is to
    be ready to respond. And here's where the Quartet can play a part, the
    other partners in this process. The European Union, for example--we put
    money into reconstruction in the Palestinian Authority. I believe that
    there is a real possibility, if we can get the right political system
    there, of the European Union putting money in to help reconstruct the
    country, to help build the proper security capability.
        These are--these are things, however difficult, that offer
    opportunities. That's all I'm saying, and I think we should seize them.
        President Bush. Let me say one quick thing about this. I haven't
    seen the context in which he said it, either.
    But I can tell you what he told me. He told me he supported a
    Palestinian state. He thinks it's in Israel's interest that there be a
    Palestinian state. Obviously there's a caveat: He wants a peaceful
    Palestinian state, and he wants somebody who will promote peace, not
    violence, somebody who's willing to join with a lot of us to fight off
    terror.
        He also recognizes that it's important that
    there be hope in his neighborhood. And a peaceful Palestinian state that
    gets help from the world is a state that can help small businesses grow,
    help an education system develop, help a health care system develop that
    provides basic services to its people. I think this is a great
    opportunity. And you're going to have to ask him exactly what--whether
    that was in context or not.
        But the impression I got from having sat with the man right upstairs here in the White House was, he views
    this as a hopeful moment as well and made it clear that it's a part of
    the roadmap process and knows what I know, that as we gain confidence in
    a Palestinian leadership and a Palestinian state that's committed itself
    to peace, further progress will be made on territory. And therefore, the
    final status discussions--and I repeat, which are not being prejudged by
    the American Government, as stated clearly on Wednesday--will be easier
    to deal with. And that's what's important.
        We'll seize the moment, is what the Prime Minister is saying.
        Let's see--April [April Ryan, American Urban Radio Networks].

    2004 Election/Transition in Iraq

        Q. Mr. President, some of your critics are saying that it's a
    political ploy by you to stand firm to this June 30th deadline,
    especially that you don't have an Iraqi organization to transfer power
    over to. What do you say to that? And for--what organization would you
    like to see transferred power over to, both of you, if you could answer
    that?
        President Bush. Well, I appreciate that. I guess, it's a political
    year; everything I'm going to say is being--they're going to say is
    political. What's important is that we honor our word and honor our
    commitments to the Iraqi people. I suspect that if you look deep into
    the soul of the Iraqi people, they'd be saying, ``We don't know if we
    can trust America and Great Britain to be tough and hang in, hang in
    with us.'' And one of the things we've said is, ``We'll transfer
    sovereignty on June the 30th,'' and we're going to.
        If they believe that we'll cut and run--in other words, if times get
    tough, and we'll just say, ``See you later,'' nobody is going to take a
    stand for freedom and liberty. They're afraid of getting killed or
    tortured or maimed. These are--I said the other night that a year seems
    like a long time for Americans and people in Great Britain. But a year
    is not much when you're trying to shed yourself from the habits of
    tyranny and torture. Remember where these people came from. They came
    from a society where if they dared speak their mind, it's likely they'd
    end up in a mass grave or in a torture room. If they criticized Saddam

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    Hussein in any way, they would be maimed or
    killed. And that's a hard thing to forget.
        See, it's easy for us to not recognize that fear because,
    fortunately, our societies are such that we don't have to live with it.
    They did. And if they think that we will be leaving because of politics,
    then they won't take a risk toward freedom. We're not leaving because of
    politics, April. We're standing firm on our word because it's right, and
    it's in the long-term interests of our countries that we stand firm,
    because a free Iraq is an historic opportunity to change the world for
    the better.
        There's a lot of talk about the war on terror, and can we win the
    war on terror. Of course we can win the war on terror in the long run.
    We can do a lot of things in the short term to protect ourselves,
    starting with staying on the offensive. But in the long term, it's the
    spread of freedom that will win the war on terror.
        See, the great thing about our two countries is we believe in the
    power of free societies. And we don't say freedom is only--is consigned
    to one group of people or one religion. We believe freedom is universal,
    and free societies are peaceful societies. And freedom will be the cure
    for those who harbor deep resentment and hatred in their heart. And I
    appreciate the Prime Minister understanding that vision as well. It's a
    wonderful feeling to have a strong ally in believing in the power of
    free societies and liberty. And that's why we're going to stay the
    course in Iraq. And that's why when we say something in Iraq, we're
    going to do it, because we want there to be a free society. It's in our
    long-term interests. It's in the interests of our children and our
    grandchildren that Iraq be free.
        Q. Mr. Prime Minister----
        Q. Who is going to----
        President Bush. Hold on for a second. That's going to be decided by
    Mr. Brahimi. That's the recommendation of
    Brahimi. He's in the process--you're watching a process unfold, and you
    won't have to ask that question on July the 1st.
        Prime Minister Blair. That's absolutely right. And what will happen
    is that there will be discussions, obviously, that Mr. Brahimi is
    conducting. But the idea will be to have a broad-based Government, and
    then next year to move to a new constitution, and then, finally, to
    democratic elections. And that's the--so who's going to end up governing
    Iraq ultimately? It's going to be the Iraqi people with a proper
    democratic constitution.
        President Bush. One final point on this. Thank you, April, for
    bringing it up. Transitional Administrative Law that had been written is
    a--this is an historic document. And it's a wonderful opportunity. It is
    for the people of Iraq to say, ``Here's how civilized people must live.
    Here's how you protect minority rights. Here's how you protect the
    rights of religious people. And here's how civilized people should live
    if they're going to provide hope for the future.''
        And there doesn't seem to be much focus on that, what we call the
    TAL these days. And yet, it is a--it is the cornerstone for what is
    going to be a free and hopeful society.
        Go ahead, final question.
        Prime Minister Blair. Adam [Adam Boulton, Sky News].
        Q. If I could just ask you about Iraq again, the fact of the matter
    is that weapons of mass destruction have not been found, that a link
    between Saddam Hussein and Al Qaida has not been proved, and that a year
    on, troop numbers are going up, not coming down. So however determined
    you are to make a better Iraq, isn't the awkward fact for both of you
    that you misled your peoples in taking troops to war and shedding blood
    as a result?
        Prime Minister Blair. First of all, I just remind you that when, in
    November of 2002, we passed the United Nations resolution calling upon
    Saddam to comply fully with the United Nations inspectors, we did

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    that on the basis of an understanding that wasn't confined simply to
    Great Britain and America but was right across the hall of the Security
    Council, that Saddam Hussein was a threat. And indeed, it would be
    difficult to conclude otherwise given that his was a regime that
    actually used chemical weapons, weapons of mass destruction against
    their own people.
        And yes, a year on, we have faced some difficult times. We'll face
    difficult times again in the future. But one of the most interesting
    things to me is when I go and I actually talk to other leaders out in
    that region--and some of them have got very difficult politics over this
    issue, as you all know, for very obvious reasons--but I'm struck by how
    much more secure they feel with Saddam Hussein gone. And whatever their
    differences over the conflict, they know how important it is to their
    region and their stability and, actually, their chance of changing their
    own country, that Iraq does become a stable and democratic state.
        And this is one of these situations where--you know, people often
    say to me, ``Well is it--is the world safer, given all the difficulty
    and violence that you have in Iraq?'' And I say to them, ``Well, first
    of all, don't think that violence wasn't happening every day in Iraq
    under Saddam Hussein. It was.'' But secondly, when you take on and you
    deal with these issues, yes, of course, you face difficult times. You're
    bound to have them. But the question is, is the aim and objective you're
    trying to secure one that if you do secure will make the world, indeed,
    safer and better? And that's why--I find now, whatever the differences
    people have over the wisdom of the conflict--and that's a debate that
    will go on, and go on for many, many years, no doubt; the historians can
    all pour over it--but everybody should recognize the common interest
    today in making sure that Iraq achieves the aim that we have set out and
    that everybody of any sense in the international community supports,
    because if----
        Q. [Inaudible]
        Prime Minister Blair. No, because I believe the important thing is
    to make the world more secure as a result of Saddam Hussein going, as a
    result of that threat, then, from Saddam and his regime, the threat that
    they carried out in their own region. I just listed for you two wars in
    which there were over a million casualties, hundreds of thousands of his
    own people killed.
        Now, this is an historic struggle, and we're at a very, very crucial
    moment. And I think, for many, many people in Iraq, I think what the
    President said just a moment ago is absolutely right. Of course they're
    going to be sitting there asking, ``After all the decades of tyranny
    we've had, after all the promises that the international community gave
    us and, frankly, let us down on, are these people going to stay the
    course?''
        And we are, and we want the international community to work with us
    in doing that. We're not setting aside the United Nations or that
    process at all. We're actually trying to work with the U.N. now, because
    everybody understands the importance of fulfilling that objective. And
    you just imagine an Iraq, stable and prosperous and democratic, and
    think of the signal that would send out. Think of the instant rebuttal
    of all that poisonous propaganda about America, about it all being an
    attack on Muslims or it being part of a war of civilization--Iraq, run
    by the Iraqis, the wealth of that country owned by the Iraqis, and a
    symbol of hope and democracy in the Middle East.
        Now, for me this is a cause that any person of good will and good
    heart should be able to support.
        President Bush. Good job, Prime Minister. Thank you, sir. Well done.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 11:57 a.m. in the Rose
    Garden at

    [[Page 600]]

    the White House. In his remarks, he referred to former President Saddam
    Hussein of Iraq; Secretary-General Kofi Annan of the United Nations, and
    Lakhdar Brahimi, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General; and Prime
    Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel. Prime Minister Blair referred to
    Muqtada Al Sadr, Iraqi Shiite cleric whose militia engaged in an
    uprising in Iraq in early April. A reporter referred to President Hosni
    Mubarak of Egypt.