[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2003, Book I)]
[May 29, 2003]
[Pages 557-567]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
[[Page 557]]
Interview With Print Journalists
May 29, 2003
The President. I've got a couple of opening comments, and we'll go
around the table a couple of times and answer your questions.
First, I'm really looking forward to my trip. We're involved with a
lot of interesting initiatives that will help the world grow toward
peace and freedom, and this trip will be an opportunity to not only to
talk about American values but to talk with friends, allies, important
parties about how working together we can achieve grand goals, the goals
of peace, the goals of freedom, the goals of hope and prosperity.
I start off in Poland. It's my second trip to Poland since I've been
the President. I'm going to Krakow; I'm going to Auschwitz. I'm going to
give a speech, which I'm still working on right now, but it's a speech
that reminds us that together we can achieve the big objective. It's a
speech, really, to Europe that says that our common values are strong
and that we welcome the emergence of countries like--free countries like
Poland, and as well as we must be reminded of the lessons of the past.
I'm going to Auschwitz to see firsthand one of the greatest lessons
of the past, that there's evil in this world and that the only way to
deal with the evil is together. And we did so in the past, and now
there's--you know, terrorism and killing of innocent people is evil, and
we've got to work together to achieve the same objectives that were
achieved in the past, and that is peace and freedom.
And then I go on to St. Petersburg to not only honor the great city
of St. Petersburg, their 300th anniversary, but also to have an
important dialog with Vladimir Putin. It'll
be a dialog that will really show the world that in spite of our
disagreements over what happened in Iraq, that our relationship is
strong and that we can move together in positive ways.
Then I go to the G-8. I know the press corps is going to be--you
know, they'll be observing the G-8 as a great--you know, will this turn
into a meeting--a confrontational meeting? The answer is absolutely not.
It's an opportunity to talk with some who agreed with us on Iraq and
some who didn't, about how we move forward. And I've laid the groundwork
for the trip by talking about some great goals that wealthy nations can
achieve.
One, of course, is to fight AIDS in Africa. Another which is to
enhance trade, so that people have a chance to rise out of poverty, and
others address famine as well as to continue to keep our focus on
dealing with those terrorists who would like to hold the world--
blackmail the world as well as to kill innocents, take innocent life.
I then go from there to the Middle East. It's going to be a
significant visit. One, it says that I am committed to the peace
process; that I look forward to working with the new Palestinian
leadership as well as Ariel Sharon to make it
clear to the world that we have--as leaders, we have the intention of
working together to achieve peace, that there's a commitment, a personal
commitment, not just by me but a personal commitment by Prime Minister
Abbas ``Abu Mazen'' as well was Prime Minister
Sharon, to work together to achieve peace; and that there are
responsibilities that all of us have as leaders, not only responsibility
to the new Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority, not only the
responsibility of the Israeli Prime Minister, but a responsibility for
the leadership in the Arab world to fight terror, prevent killers from
stopping the process from going forward.
And so the first stop will be in Sharm el-Sheikh, in Egypt. I'm
really looking forward to the visit. President Mubarak has
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urged me, consistently urged me to come to Sharm el-Sheikh, and this is
my chance to see this spectacular part of Egypt. And that's where I'm
going to meet with the Arab leaders, some of the Arab leaders, to talk
about shared responsibility. I want them to hear from me firsthand the
commitment of the United States of America to move toward peace in the
Middle East. And I want them also to hear from me firsthand that I
expect them to be partners in the process.
And then I'm going to go to Jordan. Of course, I'll see the King of
Jordan. ``Abu Mazen'' and of Israel, and I'm looking forward to these meetings. I believe in
the possibilities of peace. I trust the Prime Minister of the
Palestinian Authority when he condemns terror. I believe that provides
an opening for the United States and others to expend the necessary
energies to move the process forward.
I will remind them that I was the first President ever to stand up
and say I am for two states, living side by side in peace. And I did so
at the United Nations. I still have that vision. I believe it's
possible. So I will talk to these two leaders about our mutual desire to
move the process forward.
And then I go to Qatar, where I'll meet with General Franks and Jerry Bremer Paul ``Jerry'',
III to talk about the reconstruction of Iraq. I'll also meet
with Amir of Qatar bin Khalifa Al and then speak
to our troops, and head home. And this is a trip I'm looking forward to.
Let me answer some questions. Why don't we start here?
Issues of Trust in the Middle East Peace Process
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, obviously your vision
and your principles are quite commendable. The trouble is that so many
people still have suspicions; they are afraid. Why do you think people
remain suspicious and afraid of either your staying power, sir, or
whether, you know--well, please go ahead and then I'll ask my----
The President. No, I understand your question. Oftentimes, we live
in a processed world--you know, people focus on the process and not
results. What I'm going to say to people who are suspicious of our
motives: Let's work together to achieve positive results.
And I fully understand, for example, the Middle East--it's a
suspicious world. There are suspicions of motives. And until people see
the emergence of a Palestinian state, there will be suspicions; until I
can prove for the average Palestinian citizen, there will be suspicions.
And so I fully understand the skepticism. I mean, after all, we're
dealing in a world where there's a lot of heartbreak, a lot of death, a
lot of sorrow, a lack of hope. And until there is noticeable change,
there is going to be suspicions.
I've got great confidence in what America stands for. I have said to
our country and to the world many times that in order for there to be
peace, there must be freedom. And I believe that a free Palestinian
Authority and a free Palestinian people will yield to peace in that part
of the world. Therefore, we're striving toward the development of such a
state. And until people begin to see, however, the results of that
vision, people will be skeptical.
And the only thing I can do is to continue to speak out as clearly
as I can about the values which motivate our foreign policy and motivate
me personally and work hard to achieve results, tangible results. And
when people see results, when the
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people see that the Iraqi people are more free and that their economy
begins to develop, when people see that the Iraqi people have control of
their own oil for the benefit of the Iraqi people, then some of the
suspicions will be turned aside.
I'll never win the hearts of the terrorists, nor am I trying to,
because the terrorists have got one thing in mind, murder to stop peace.
And it stands in stark contrast to what I believe, which is freedom to
bring peace.
So, you know, there are some--I would never try to win their hearts
and minds over--that are absolutely bent upon stopping not only what the
United States is trying to do but a lot of other nations as well. So my
answer to your question is: I understand skepticism; I understand the
attitudes of some; but I refuse to be stopped in my desire to rally the
world toward achieving positive results for each individual.
I have said many times that freedom and human dignity is not
America's gift to the world; it is the Almighty God's gift to each and
every individual. And I firmly believe that. And it's that principle
which motivates my desire to see to it that the Palestinian mother or
father can raise their child in a comfortable environment, knowing that
their child can have a good education and the possibility of a peaceful
life.
And I feel the same way about the Israeli citizen who grows up, a
child who grows up in an environment where they can go to the market
with their mother or father and get blown away. We must stop that kind
of violence and provide hope for people.
Palestinian State/Israeli Settlements
Q. Mr. President, a followup on the skepticism. Of course there is a
lot of concern in the area, over and above the hope, because of your
strong commitment. So what do you think will happen if the rush for the
settlements continue? And how would it affect your vision of having a
Palestinian state with borders and with land, a viable Palestinian
state?
The President. Well, I believe that's important that there be a
viable Palestinian state. I mean, it is the vision. I believe a viable
Palestinian state with the institutions necessary for democracy and
freedom to prevail, the institutions bigger than the occupants of the
offices which they hold, is very important to gain the confidence not
only of the neighborhood, the confidence of the Israelis, the confidence
of other Arab nations, but the confidence of the free world as well.
So I believe the emergence of a Palestinian state is very important.
I have consistently said that the Israelis are going to have to deal
with the settlement issue and that there is a part of the process is
going to be a focus on the settlements. I fully understand that
settlement expansion is not in concert with the development of a state.
And we will deal with that.
And I will also remind everybody, however, that the process--in
order for the process to go forward, in order for there to be confidence
of all parties, there must be an absolute determined effort to fight off
terror, to not allow the few to destroy the process. I believe we can
make progress, otherwise I wouldn't be going.
France-U.S. Relations
Q. Yes. Well, since I'm French, I'll ask you a French question.
The President. In French or in American? [Laughter]
Q. Well, I'll try to do it in American. [Laughter] A number of
American high officials have repeatedly said that France would have to
pay the price for its opposition to your policy in Iraq. So far, we
didn't see much as far as reprisals are concerned. Have you forgiven
France?
The President. I look forward to working with France to achieve
common objectives. Listen, let me be realistic. There is a sense of
frustration and disappointment amongst the American people toward the
French
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decision. That's realistic. People didn't understand the decisions by
the French leadership to thwart the desire for the American--the
American desire and the desire of others to work on security and
freedom, security for our countries and freedom in Iraq.
However, that's not going to influence my policy. My decision is to
go and to say the French Government: Let us work together for a Europe
which is whole, free, and at peace, a Europe in which countries are
allowed to be friends of the United States and at the same time
participate in institutions such as the European Union; that rivalry
will end up weakening our efforts to jointly deal with issues like
security and peace and AIDS and trade.
So, no, I will have a good discussion with Jacques Chirac, and I'm looking forward to going to the G-8, not only
talking to Jacques Chirac; I'll talk with others who have not
necessarily agreed with our Iraq policy. We've got a lot of work to do.
And I've got work to do to convince the skeptics in France that the
intentions of the United States are positive. And the French leadership
has got work to do to convince the American people that they are
concerned about the security of our country. And I will look forward to
conducting that work with Jacques Chirac.
Russia-U.S. Relations
Q. Mr. President, please allow me in genuine Texan style to grab the
bull by the horns.
The President. Okay. [Laughter]
Q. It's quite obvious that your personal relations with Mr. Putin
are much more developed, much more warm than the relations between
Russia and the United States.
The President. That's interesting.
Q. At least there is no Jackson-Vanik amendment between George and
Vladimir.
The President. That's right. [Laughter]
Q. And this situation----
The President. We need to get rid of the Jackson-Vanik amendment, I
want you to know. Make sure the Russian people know that.
Q. And this difference between your personal relations and the
relations between our countries creates negative feelings in the Russian
public opinion and among Russian elites. And that's why I think it
somehow hinders President Bush for his--in his quest for further
democratization and westernization of Russia.
My question is, what do you want to undertake to upgrade the
Russian-American relations to the same level as your personal relations
with Mr. Putin, including, of course, the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which
became in Russia, unfortunately, the litmus paper of our relations?
The President. Right.
Q. And by the way, our Russian Jews are a little bit indignant that
they are replaced by the American chicken. And instead of, ``Let my
people go,'' now they say, ``Let our chicken come.'' [Laughter] And we
don't understand in Russia how the genuine American eagle can defeat an
artificial American chicken. [Laughter]
The President. Well, first of all, at least we're arguing about
chickens and not about whether or not we've got enough missiles pointed
at each other.
Q. Yes. [Laughter] By the way, Mr. President, before you start
answering my question, you can already do something in improving our
relations. I brought two books. If you sign them, you will improve the
relations. It is for my----
The President. Okay. I'm certainly not going to try to influence
your story. [Laughter]
Q. Oh, no, no--[laughter]--for my Presidential library, which has
all the signed books and pictures of all American Presidents, beginning
with Eisenhower and, of course, your highly esteemed father.
The President. You don't look that old. [Laughter]
Q. Well, I'm 75.
The President. Okay, well, you're a young 75. Thank you, sir, for
your question.
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First of all, Vladimir Putin and I do
have a good relationship. And that is an important beginning in order to
make sure the relationship is positive throughout our respective
Governments. If we had a poisonous relationship, it would be awfully
difficult to convince others in our Governments to work closely
together. And so that's a positive beginning.
Secondly, I did take note that the Moscow Treaty was overwhelmingly
approved by both Houses in the Duma. That's a positive sign. As a matter
of fact, if you think back, people--if you put this in historical
context, this treaty is pretty darn good progress early in our
respective administrations. I mean, it happened quickly, which is a
positive sign. In other words, Vladimir and I
made the decision that we'll work together to create better conditions
and make the world a more peaceful place.
One way to enhance relations between our Governments is to have a
meaningful and real strategic dialog throughout our entire Government on
key matters, so that the participants in both our Governments recognize
that we are willing to not only share information but to deal with
issues before they become problems and to work together in a
collaborative way to show the world that we can handle and deal with
some of the large issues, such as proliferation, for example.
So therefore, we've got Spence Abraham,
our Secretary of Energy, working very closely with his counterpart.
Secretary Veneman has got a task force set up to
work very--Agriculture Secretary--to work very closely with her
counterpart not only on chickens, but on other issues dealing with our
farm communities.
This dialog, this kind of strategic framework was initiated at my
request--and I think at Vladimir's request as
well. But Condi, when she went over to
Russia, began the setting in place this capacity for our two Governments
to relate on a variety of issues in a consistent way.
Now, I agree with Vladimir, we need to
get rid of Jackson-Vanik, and have talked to our--some of the folks on
the Hill to deal with this issue. And I would like to get rid of
Jackson-Vanik. I think it's an important symbol to say to the Russian
people, ``The past is over. Now we move forward in a positive
relationship.''
Yes, sir.
Roles of NATO and the United Nations
Q. Mr. President, a very quick question. What role, if any, you
foresee for international organizations like the U.N. or NATO in the
future, for instance, in the war against terrorism and any other
international conflict?
The President. Yes, good question. NATO--I see a robust role for
NATO, which says that NATO must reform herself. NATO has got to be a
military collaboration that is modern, that can move quickly, that's got
the newest weapons. I will speak to NATO when I go to Poland. It's part
of my speech in Krakow. And it's--I'm a strong advocate of NATO. As you
know, I, with Warsaw, talked about the expansion of NATO, which,
thankfully, came to fruition and had been ratified--the expansion has
been ratified in our United States Senate, overwhelmingly so.
NATO is now--its vision is beyond the old days of when the Soviet
Union posed a threat to Europe. NATO is now willing to take on new
assignments, all aimed at creating the same conditions of the past, in
other words, a peaceful and free world. And that's why NATO is now in
Afghanistan. I welcome that.
NATO will play a supportive role for Poland in Iraq. I want to thank
the Polish people for their--and the Government--for sending, I believe,
8,000 or 9,000 troops to run a sector in Iraq. And NATO has agreed to
help in that sector, help the Polish troops. I think that--my point to
you is NATO is becoming more modern, and a more modern NATO is going to
be very
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useful for dealing with the true threats that we face in the 21st
century.
In terms of the United Nations, it's going to be important for all
of us to work to keep the United Nations a strong and viable
institution. And I think a useful dialog at some point in time will be
how to make sure the United Nations has adapted to the threats we face.
Obviously, it was a frustrating experience to have gone to the
United Nations and spent a lot of time and a lot of debate on whether or
not United Nations resolutions should be upheld. I believe they should.
I believe in this world, when you say something, you'd better mean it.
And I gave the speech, as you might remember, on September the 12th,
2002, in the United Nations, the day after the anniversary of the
attacks on our country. And I said to the United Nations, ``You have
passed resolution after resolution after resolution''--I think is said
it 12 times--and my point was, ``Do you mean it?''
And my answer in a rhetorical--if that's a rhetorical question, my
answer to you is, I hope they mean it, because I want the United Nations
to be an effective body. However, its effectiveness is undermined when
they say something and nothing happens. And therefore, we've got to, all
of us who care about the United Nations, must figure out how to make it
effective in the future.
Q. Mr. President, if you would permit me a couple of detailed
questions.
The President. Sure. Do I need to write these down, because my
memory is getting somewhat--[laughter].
Iraq
Q. I'm getting that too. [Laughter]
Sir, on the issue of Iraq, it looks like a messy situation. Security
is not established. Are you worried about a lengthy American-British
occupation of Iraq? And on the Palestinian issue----
The President. Let me answer that one first.
Q. Then will you permit me the Palestinian question?
The President. Yes. And that you admitted you've got a flawed memory
like I do. [Laughter]
First of all, you made a broad statement, ``the security
situation,'' as if all of Iraq is--there's lawlessness in all of Iraq.
That's simply not the case. A lot of Iraq is improving from the pre-war
conditions, and that's important to know.
Now, there's no question that there's lawlessness inside of Baghdad,
for example, and regions north of Baghdad. And we are dealing with that.
And we will deal with that for the sake of the Iraqi people, who want
most--first and foremost, to have a secure life, food on the table,
lights in their house, running water, sewage that works. They want the
conditions of life that everybody yearns for, which is a comfortable
lifestyle so their families can be secure. They want to work. And we're
making progress on all fronts.
I fully understand the degree of difficulty, and it's created by the
fact that these people have been enslaved by a torturous ruler for many,
many years. And therefore, I don't expect the conditions to improve
automatically after 70 days. And it's going to take a while.
And therefore, to answer your question--I don't view it as an
occupation, by the way. I view it as a group of nations. You said
``British and Americans.'' There are many, many nations who are involved
in the contribution of help so that the Iraqi people are able to
establish their own Government and have comfortable lives and can be a
free society. And it's going to take a while.
And I remind you that it's like the writing of the Constitution.
America, after our revolution, did not write its Constitution overnight.
As a matter of fact, it probably took, what, 11 years or so. From the
Articles of Confederation to the United States Constitution took 11
years. We live in a
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world now where everything has to happen yesterday.
Press Secretary Ari Fleischer. Thirteen.
The President. What?
Press Secretary Fleischer. Thirteen.
The President. Thirteen years. My man
corrected--I'm sorry. He won't be correcting me much longer. [Laughter]
He'll be a pundit. [Laughter] Don't worry, he will be correcting me, but
on TV. Get him on your TV show. [Laughter]
Anyway, 13 years, as my man corrected me.
The process will take a while. I am in touch with Jerry
Bremer. Paul ``Jerry'', III I mentioned to you
that I will see him when I go over to Qatar. We get a report all the
time. And we are making progress, slowly but surely. And that's--and it
makes sense, given the conditions.
And it's important we succeed. And so, therefore, our coalition of a
lot of countries will stay the course, until such time as the Iraqi
people--the life is improved and the Iraqi people would be in a position
to, you know, run themselves. Freedom is going to be a beautiful thing
in this part of the world. It's a very powerful sentiment that I believe
all people feel.
And therefore, one of our ambitions and one of our values is to
create the conditions necessary for the Iraqi people to run their own
Government. And you'll see over time here that they'll be getting--a
group of people will be coming together to write a constitution. And you
know, it'll be a constitution written by the Iraqis, for the Iraqis, and
of the Iraqis. And we believe that's possible.
Now, look, I recognize there are some in the world who say Iraq
can't run themselves. I refuse to condemn people. I mean, ``They need a
dictatorship in order for the country to survive.'' Forget it. I don't
believe that. It's just not in my makeup. That's just not what I think.
I think people--I think the Iraqi people are plenty competent about
running themselves. It's just going to take a while to go from a society
in which one person dominated and killed and murdered people in order to
stay in power.
I mean, we've discovered an unbelievable amount of graves. And by
the way, we've discovered weapons manufacturing facilities that were
condemned by the United Nations; biological laboratories described by
our Secretary of State to the whole world,
that were not supposed to be there, in direct violation of the U.N.
resolution, have been discovered.
Q. Thank you, sir.
The President. Thanks for giving me a chance to say that, so the
American press, in particular, could hear it--off the record, of course.
[Laughter]
Palestinian Authority/Middle East Terrorists
Q. Sir, on the Palestinian issue, what if the government of Mr.
Abbas really becomes unable--no matter how much it puts up an effort to
produce--eliminating these operations, the suicide bombings--what if he
fails? Is this a failure of the peace process, of the roadmap? Would you
then give it up? And then can you afford, really, sir, to pressure Mr.
Ariel Sharon in a pre-reelection stage? Can you really do that?
The President. Of course I can. I don't know about--listen, if I
were afraid of making the decisions necessary, for political reasons, to
move the process forward, I wouldn't be going. I believe peace is
possible, and I believe that I have a responsibilities, now that the
conditions are such, to move the process forward.
And what are those conditions? Well, there's a new Palestinian
leader ``Abu Mazen'' who is openly, firmly
committed to fighting terror. And I believe he can be successful,
particularly when the Arab world helps him. I believe the conditions are
such that people are so sick and tired of a hopeless situation in that
part of the world that together we can defeat the forces of terror and
dismantle the forces of terror.
That's not to say that a suicider could slip through, and it's
possible, but we will
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not allow the evil designs of a few to stop the process that can provide
such hope for a lot of people. So I believe, with the right effort and
the right focus and the leadership, not only of the United States and
Israel and the Palestinian Authority but the leadership of Egypt and
Saudi Arabia and other nations of concern, Jordan, that we can defeat
terror, the forces of terror that would like to stop the process.
Yes, ma'am.
Egypt-U.S. Relations/Cooperation With Arab Governments
Q. Okay. Mr. President, you mentioned today that you want to have
commitment from the parties about the peace process. Do you want to
have, like, concrete steps? Are you going to ask them for concrete
steps, like what?
The President. Well----
Q. And----
The President. Pardon me, sorry to interrupt you. Go ahead.
Q. Yes. And then in Sharm el-Sheikh, what do you want--what do you
look to get from the Arabs? And you are meeting with President
Mubarak also. Would it include something
bilateral or----
The President. Sure.
Q. And what kind?
The President. Well, listen, President Mubarak and I have had a lot
of meetings and a lot of conversations. And I'm confident that he will
bring up bilateral relations. As you know, we've got a very strong
commitment to Egypt, particularly a funding commitment. And we want to
look forward to a--I will talk to him about economic reforms. And
there's no telling what he'll talk to me about. We've got such a good
relationship that he doesn't need to pre-clear it with anybody. He can
say what's on his mind. I'll be glad to visit with him about it.
Yes, I mean, first of all, we have a roadmap which talks about
specific things people need to do. The most constructive thing that the
Arab nations can do is to stop funding terrorism to the extent that--is
to stop the funding of terrorism, make sure you get that right--is the
work to cut off monies to terrorists whose design it is to stop any
peace process. And that's important. To me, that's the most fundamental
task.
Secondly, as conditions improve, it would be very helpful if those
in the neighborhood provide financial resources to help the economy of a
new Palestinian state begin to grow. It's going to be very difficult for
a Palestinian state to emerge unless there's economic activity.
I recently met with the finance minister of the Palestinian
Authority, was very impressed by his grasp of
finances, by the fact that he believes that in order for there to be
confidence amongst the Palestinians and confidence in the world that
they've got to fight corruption. Listen, stories used to emerge out of
the--in the old days, of the Palestinian Authority that much of the aid
went to enhance a few, as opposed to the people. And I don't stand for
that, at least from American perspective. We're not going to let corrupt
elites take aid that's supposed to go help the people.
And so when the institutions evolve and confidence emerges that the
develop aid will go to help the Palestinian people, which I want it to
do, that will be a useful role for the Arab world. And I look forward to
working with them on it. But the main thing is for them to see me and my
commitment to the process. And it's one thing to read about it in
stories; it's another thing to look a person in the eye and tell them,
``Let's work together.'' And that's what I'm looking forward to doing.
I've got very good relations with President Mubarak and Crown Prince Abdullah ``Abu Mazen'' somebody that''--you see, the old
leader of the Palestinian
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Authority is somebody who had a chance to lead
and didn't. He has been in power a long time, and the life of the
Palestinian people have gotten worse, not better. I remember what
happened at Camp David during the tenure of my predecessor. It was a good lesson.
So I've always said, we need to be able to work with somebody who is
committed to peace. And I believe the new Prime Minister
``Abu Mazen'' is committed to peace. And therefore, I want to
share that with the leaders.
Israeli Security/Conditions for the Peace Process
Q. Sir, can you assure that the other party is committed without
reservations?
The President. The Israelis? Yes, I believe----
Q. Without reservations. It's a big problem to the Palestinians now.
The President. Well, there's a reservation, and there should be a
reservation of all parties, and that is the reservation of security. In
other words, people aren't going to go forward with a process unless
there is a full commitment to enhance the security of all people. And
remember, terrorist killers not only affect the security of the
Israelis; they affect the security of the Palestinian people. You can't
have a Palestinian state if people continue to blow up the process.
And therefore, it's in all our interest to work together on
security. And I'm convinced that as the area becomes more secure, as the
institutions necessary for a democracy to emerge, that we'll have a
positive partner in Israel. I believe that. I believe they want peace.
Most Israelis understand two states, side by side in peace, is in their
national interest.
And so I think the ingredients for peace are very possible. But you
say, ``Are there conditions?'' You bet. There's conditions, of course.
And the conditions are to work together to stop the killers from
stopping the process, and I share that condition too. And I suspect a
lot of the Arab leaders share that condition as well, because they fully
understand the consequences of terrorist groups of taking innocent life.
Yes, sir.
Press Secretary Fleischer. Make this the
last question.
The President. I'll answer shorter.
Q. All right. So, 30 years ago----
The President. Somebody very important, very important is waiting.
Group of Eight
Q. Okay. Thirty years ago, the G-7 or G-8----
The President. Oh, it's only Condi.
Well, I take it back. [Laughter]
Dr. Rice. Your TV people.
The President. That's later. Later.
Q. Thirty years ago, the G-7 or G-8 summit was set up to coordinate
the big powers----
The President. It wasn't 30 years ago, was it? Twenty----
Q. Twenty-five or----
The President. Whatever.
Q. He'll know. [Laughter]
Press Secretary Fleischer. Twenty-seven
point two. [Laughter]
Q. Well done. They were set up to coordinate the big powers, the
economic strategists.
The President. Yes.
Q. Given the risk of deflation, will there be such a concerted plan
in Evian? Or will it be everyone for himself, with the U.S. capitalizing
on the slide of the dollar?
The President. Yes, that's a great question. It is very important
that we do spend time talking about our respective economies. It is
essential that the G-8 meeting--remember why it was first started,
because much of it--many of the grand goals that we have, together, are
very difficult to achieve if the economies, our respective economies,
aren't strong.
You just heard me talk about a hopeful Palestinian state will
require trade and commerce. And if the wealthier nations aren't
generating cashflow and the capacity
[[Page 566]]
to be able to trade with other countries, then it's going to be
difficult to achieve our goals.
And so, absolutely, I will tell them that here at home we are--have
got sound monetary and fiscal policies. After all, I just signed a tax
bill yesterday that will cut the taxes by $350 billion, which will help
energize growth here in America. I will reiterate our strong dollar
policy. I will talk to--listen to their plans and initiatives to reform
their economies.
I had a very good discussion with Prime Minister Koizumi of Japan about economic matters. We want the
Japanese economy to be strong. As a matter of fact, we want the European
economies to be strong. We want there to be vibrant growth. It is more
likely somebody in America will be able to find a job if our closest
trading partners have got vibrant economies.
So we need to spend a lot of time on this subject. And I will remind
them that we have a great opportunity on the next round of the World
Trade Organization to advance a free trade agenda, which I believe will
make it more likely people in our respective countries can work. But it
will make it more likely that nations will be able to rise out of
poverty. And so, yes, it's a very good question. And we will focus on
the economy.
France-U.S. Relations
Q. Just a followup, if I may.
The President. Yes----
Q. You got rid of the policy that----
The President. I'm a patient man. [Laughter]
Q. ----reprises against the French----
The President. My whole family laughed when they heard that.
[Laughter] Go ahead.
Q. You didn't exactly answer the question.
The President. Especially my daughters. [Laughter]
I answered the question. I look forward to----
Q. The reprisals on the French.
The President. No, I answered it. You see--what do you mean, didn't
exactly answer the question? You've got my answer on your tape machine.
Q. So were reprisals?
The President. No, you've got my answer on the tape machine. It's an
old trick they use in the American press corps too, ``You didn't answer
my question.'' What are you talking about? I spent 15 minutes answering
your question. You might not like the answer but, nevertheless, I did
answer it, absolutely answered it. And I loved the question. [Laughter]
I look forward to working with the French.
Russia, NATO, and the World Trade Organization
Q. Mr. President, do you visualize Russia as a member of the World
Trade Organization, and in the future, the member of the NATO?
The President. I think that the question on NATO is a question that
will be answered over time, but first things first. Let's deal with the
framework we've now set up, which is a great advance and a tribute to
Vladimir Putin's leadership and our NATO
leader's desire to have a unique relationship with Russia.
In terms of the WTO, it is in our national interest that Russia join
the WTO. And Russia is going to have to make some internal decisions as
to whether or not they're willing to conform to the guidelines of the
WTO. But we--I strongly support Russia's admission in the WTO.
Final question.
Religious Tolerance
Q. Yes, sir. Thank you. Do you see the issue of restitution of
Jewish property as a problem in Polish-American relations? And will you
talk about this in----
The President. You know, it has not made it to--it hasn't made it to
my desk. And so, therefore, if it is a problem, it is a problem that
hasn't been brought to my
[[Page 567]]
attention. In other words, a lot of Polish Americans have yet to express
themselves to the point where it has become an issue here in the White
House.
I think it's very important--let me speak to the broader issue of
Jewish relations around the world. It is very important for all of us to
reject anti-Semitism wherever it is found, just like it's very important
for us to reject those who condemn Islam. Our Nation is one that
believes in freedom of religion, and we respect and tolerate people's
religious faiths, no matter what their faith.
And so my greater concern about Judaism and Europe is that society
resist and thwart a culture which would tolerate any kind of
antireligious fervor, anti-Semitism, or an anti-Islamic bent. In other
words, one of the things I did I thought was most important was right
after September 11th, went to a Islamic center here. I wanted to send a
signal that the evil people who hijacked a great religion should not
condemn that religion. In other words, Americans shouldn't hold Islam
accountable for the deaths.
And so one of the things we believe here in America is religious
tolerance. And I will continue to speak out on religious tolerances in a
clear fashion.
As I said, I'm going to Auschwitz for a reason. I want to go--I want
to see Auschwitz. I've studied a lot of history. I've been told it's a
powerful experience. But I also want to send a clear signal that all of
us must work together to make sure that kind of evil never happens again
to anybody.
At any rate, I'm looking forward to going. I want to thank you all
for your interest. Very good interview. Pass those books over here.
22d Amendment
Q. Mr. President?
The President. Yes.
Q. What do you think about a third presidential term in the United
States?
The President. Against it. [Laughter] I'm only supportive of a
second term these days. [Laughter]
Note: The interview was taped at 10:11 a.m. on May 29 in the Roosevelt
Room at the White House for later broadcast. The transcript was released
by the Office of the Press Secretary on May 30. In his remarks, the
President referred to President Vladimir Putin of Russia; Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon of Israel; Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) and
Finance Minister Salam Fayyad of the Palestinian Authority; President
Hosni Mubarak of Egypt; King Abdullah II of Jordan; Gen. Tommy R.
Franks, USA, combatant commander, U.S. Central Command; L. Paul Bremer
III, Presidential Envoy to Iraq; Amir Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani of
Qatar; President Jacques Chirac of France; former President Saddam
Hussein of Iraq; Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia; and Prime
Minister Junichiro Koizumi of Japan. A tape was not available for
verification of the content of this interview.