[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2003, Book I)]
[March 16, 2003]
[Pages 267-274]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Jose Manuel Durao 
Barroso Maria of Spain, and Prime 
Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom in the 
Azores, Portugal
March 16, 2003

    Prime Minister Durao Barroso. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. 
I am very pleased to welcome here in the Azores the leaders of three 
friends and allied countries, the United States, Spain, and United 
Kingdom; President Bush, Prime Minister Aznar, and Prime Minister Tony 
Blair.
    This meeting in the Azores also shows the importance of 
transatlantic relations and also shows the solidarity among our 
countries. Actually, these agreements have approved two statements, one 
statement on transatlantic relations and a statement on Iraq.
    We have joined this initiative and we organized it here in the 
Azores because we thought this was the last opportunity for a political 
solution. And this is how we see it: This is the last possibility for a 
political solution to the problem. Maybe it's a small chance, a small 
possibility, but even if it's one in one million, it's always worthwhile 
fighting for a political solution. And I think this is the message that 
we can get from this Atlantic summit.
    As I was saying, for my English-speaking guests, I'll speak English 
now. First of all, let me say, welcome, George Bush, to Europe. I think 
it's important that we meet here, in a European country, in Portugal, 
but in this territory of Azores that is halfway between the continent of 
Europe and the continent of America. I think it's not only logistically 
convenient; it has a special political meaning, the political meaning of 
our friendship and our commitment to our shared values.
    So welcome to all of you. Welcome to you. And I now give the floor 
to President George Bush.
    President Bush. Jose, thank you very much for your hospitality. 
You've done a great job on such short notice. And I'm honored to be 
standing here with you and two other friends as we work toward a great 
cause, and that is peace and security in this world.
    We've had a really good discussion. We've been doing a lot of phone 
talking, and it was good to get together and to visit and to talk. And 
we concluded that tomorrow is a moment of truth for the world. Many 
nations have voiced a commitment to peace and security. And now they 
must demonstrate that commitment to peace and security in the only 
effective way, by supporting the immediate and unconditional disarmament 
of Saddam Hussein. 
    The dictator of Iraq and his weapons of 
mass destruction are a threat to the security

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of free nations. He is a danger to his neighbors. He's a sponsor of 
terrorism. He's an obstacle to progress in the Middle East. For decades, 
he has been the cruel, cruel oppressor of the Iraq people.
    On this very day 15 years ago, Saddam Hussein launched a chemical 
weapons attack on the Iraqi village of Halabja. With a single order, the 
Iraqi regime killed thousands of men and women and children, without 
mercy or without shame. Saddam Hussein has proven he is capable of any 
crime. We must not permit his crimes to reach across the world.
    Saddam Hussein has a history of mass 
murder. He possesses the weapons of mass murder. He agrees--he agreed to 
disarm Iraq of these weapons as a condition for ending the Gulf war over 
a decade ago. The United Nations Security Council in Resolution 1441 has 
declared Iraq in material breach of its longstanding obligations, 
demanded once again Iraq's full and immediate disarmament, and promised 
serious consequences if the regime refused to comply. That resolution 
was passed unanimously, and its logic is inescapable: The Iraqi regime 
will disarm itself, or the Iraqi regime will be disarmed by force. And 
the regime has not disarmed itself.
    Action to remove the threat from Iraq would also allow the Iraqi 
people to build a better future for their society. And Iraq's liberation 
would be the beginning, not the end, of our commitment to its people. We 
will supply humanitarian relief, bring economic sanctions to a swift 
close, and work for the long-term recovery of Iraq's economy. We'll make 
sure that Iraq's natural resources are used for the benefit of their 
owners, the Iraqi people.
    Iraq has the potential to be a great nation. Iraq's people are 
skilled and educated. We'll push as quickly as possible for an Iraqi 
interim authority to draw upon the talents of Iraq's people to rebuild 
their nation. We're committed to the goal of a unified Iraq, with 
democratic institutions of which members of all ethnic and religious 
groups are treated with dignity and respect.
    To achieve this vision, we will work closely with the international 
community, including the United Nations and our coalition partners. If 
military force is required, we'll quickly seek new Security Council 
resolutions to encourage broad participation in the process of helping 
the Iraqi people to build a free Iraq.
    Crucial days lie ahead for the world. I want to thank the leaders 
here today and many others for stepping forward and taking leadership 
and showing their resolve in the cause of peace and the cause of 
security.
    Jose Maria.
    President Aznar. Good evening, everyone. I would firstly like to 
thank the Prime Minister, Jose Manuel Durao, for his hospitality and 
welcome, which I particularly am grateful for. And I'm very pleased to 
be in the Azores once again.
    I have short remarks on our debates on this situation and on the 
documents we've agreed on during today's meeting. I'd first like to 
refer to our document on Atlantic solidarity. We have renewed Atlantic 
commitment on our common values and principles, in favor of democracy, 
freedom, and the rule of law.
    We understand that the expression of this commitment is essential, 
by way of guarantee of peace, security, and international freedom. And I 
honestly believe that there is no other alternative to the expression of 
the Atlantic commitment in terms of security. We are committed on a day-
to-day fight against new threats, such as terrorism, weapons of mass 
destruction, and tyrannic regimes that do not comply with international 
law. They threaten all of us, and we must all act, consequently.
    This transatlantic link, this transatlantic solidarity, has always 
been, is, and should continue to be, in my opinion, a great European 
commitment, and as such, amongst other things, we express it this way: 
Without this commitment, today's Europe could

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not be understood; and without that commitment, it would be very 
difficult to picture the Europe of tomorrow.
    So I would like to invite our friends, our allies, to leave aside 
any circumstantial differences and to work together seriously for that 
commitment of democracy, freedom, and peace, so that this becomes a 
commitment of us all.
    We've agreed on launching--on boosting the Middle East peace process 
and on our vision that that peace process has to accommodate with all 
necessary security guarantees and putting an end to terrorism. And this 
should end with the peaceful coexistence of two states, an independent 
Palestinian state and the Israeli state.
    In view of the situation created by Iraq, with their continued 
noncompliance of international law, I would like to remind you that we 
all said before we came here that we were not coming to the Azores to 
make a declaration of war, that we were coming after having made every 
possible effort, after having made this effort, continuing to make this 
effort, to working to achieve the greatest possible agreement, and for 
international law to be respected and for U.N. resolutions to be 
respected.
    And we would like to say that we are aware of the fact that this is 
the last opportunity--the last opportunity expressed in Resolution 1441, 
adopted unanimously by the Security Council, and that, being aware that 
this is the last opportunity, we are also making the last effort. And we 
are ready to make this last effort of the very many efforts we've been 
making throughout these last weeks and months.
    We are well aware of the international world public opinion, of its 
concern. And we are also very well aware of our responsibilities and 
obligations. If Saddam Hussein wants to disarm and avoid the serious 
consequences which he has been warned about by the United Nations, he 
can do so. And nothing in our document nor in our statement can prevent 
him from doing so if he wants to. So his is the sole responsibility.
    Tony.
    Prime Minister Blair. Thank you, Jose Maria. Thank you, Jose, for 
hosting us today. And I think it's worth just returning to the key 
point, which is our responsibility to uphold the will of the United 
Nations set out in Resolution 1441 last November. And for 4\1/2\ months 
now, we've worked hard to get Saddam to cooperate fully, 
unconditionally, as that resolution demanded.
    Even some days ago we were prepared to set out clear tests that 
allowed us to conclude whether he was cooperating fully or not, with a 
clear ultimatum to him if he refused to do so. And the reason we 
approached it in that way is that that is what we agreed in Resolution 
1441. This was his final opportunity. He had to disarm unconditionally. 
Serious consequences would follow if he failed to do so.
    And this is really the impasse that we have, because some say there 
should be no ultimatum, no authorization of force in any new U.N. 
resolution; instead, more discussion in the event of noncompliance. But 
the truth is that without a credible ultimatum authorizing force in the 
event of noncompliance, then more discussion is just more delay, with 
Saddam remaining armed with weapons of mass destruction and continuing a 
brutal, murderous regime in Iraq.
    And this game that he is playing is, frankly, a game that he has 
played over the last 12 years. Disarmament never happens. But instead, 
the international community is drawn into some perpetual negotiation, 
gestures designed to divide the international community but never real 
and concrete cooperation leading to disarmament.
    And there's not a single person on the Security Council that doubts 
the fact he is not fully cooperating today. Nobody, even those who 
disagree with the position that we have outlined, is prepared to say 
there is full cooperation as 1441 demanded.
    Not a single interview has taken place outside of Iraq, even though 
1441 provided

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for it. Still, no proper production or evidence of the destruction, or 
for example--just to take one example, the 10,000 liters of anthrax that 
the inspectors just a week ago said was unaccounted for. And that is why 
it is so important that the international community at this time gives a 
strong and unified message. And I have to say that I really believe that 
hadn't we given that strong message some time ago, Saddam might have 
realized that the games had to stop.
    So now we have reached the point of decision, and we make a final 
appeal for there to be that strong, unified message on behalf of the 
international community that lays down a clear ultimatum to Saddam, that 
authorizes force if he continues to defy the will of the whole of the 
international community set out in 1441.
    We will do all we can in the short time that remains to make a final 
round of contacts, to see whether there is a way through this impasse. 
But we are in the final stages, because after 12 years of failing to 
disarm him, now is the time when we have to decide.
    Two other points, briefly, on the documents that we've put before 
you. The first, as President Aznar was just saying to you a moment or 
two ago, on the transatlantic alliance is, I think, very important. Some 
of you will have heard me say this before, but let me just repeat it. I 
believe that Europe and America should stand together on the big issues 
of the day. I think it is a tragedy when we don't. And that 
transatlantic alliance is strong, and we need to strengthen it still 
further.
    And secondly, we've set out for you that should it come to conflict, 
we make a pledge to the people of Iraq. As President Bush was just 
saying to you a moment or two ago, it is the people of Iraq who are the 
primary victims of Saddam: the thousands of children that die needlessly 
every year; the people locked up in his prisons or executed simply for 
showing disagreement with the regime; a country that is potentially 
prosperous reduced to poverty; 60 percent of the population reliant on 
food aid.
    And what we say is that we will protect Iraq's territorial 
integrity; we will support representative government that unites Iraq on 
the democratic basis of human rights and the rule of law; that we will 
help Iraq rebuild--and not rebuild because of the problems of conflict, 
where if it comes to that, we will do everything we can to minimize the 
suffering of the Iraqi people, but rebuild Iraq because of the appalling 
legacy that the rule of Saddam has left the Iraqi people; and then in 
particular, Iraq's natural resources remain the property of the people 
of Iraq. And that wealth should be used for the Iraqi people. It is 
theirs and will remain so, administered by the U.N. in the way we set 
out.
    Finally, on the Middle East peace process, I welcome very much the 
statement that President Bush made the other day. I think it's important 
now. He said he wanted a partner on the Palestinian side. I think the 
coming appointment of Abu Mazen is so important there. It allows us to 
take this process forward. The roadmap gives us the way forward. The 
appointment of Abu Mazen gives us the right partner to take this 
forward. And I believe that that will demonstrate--and it's important to 
demonstrate, in particular at this time--that our approach to people in 
the Middle East, in that troubled region, is indeed evenhanded. And all 
of us will work to make sure that that vision of a Middle East--two 
states, Israel confident of its security, a Palestinian state that is 
viable--comes about and is made reality.
    Thank you.

Summit Results/Portugal's Role in the Coalition

    Q. [Inaudible]
    President Bush. They couldn't hear the question.
    Q. I was asking the Portuguese Prime Minister, how does he see the 
result of

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this summit? Does the Prime Minister think that starting now, Portugal 
has more responsibilities with this war that seems to be inevitable?
    Prime Minister Durao Barroso. The results of this summit, as I 
described them and as all the other heads of state and government said 
it, too, this summit is--this is the last opportunity for a political 
solution to this very serious problem for the international community. 
This has been said here. It's been said here that tomorrow we'll start 
with these last initiatives towards a political solution. And for that 
reason I am very, very happy with the results of this summit.
    Now, coming to our responsibility in case there is a conflict, I 
must say that the responsibility falls entirely on the dictator Saddam 
Hussein. He bears the entire responsibility because he has not respected 
for all of these years international law and consistently violated the 
U.N. resolutions. And in that case, if there is a conflict, I want to 
repeat it once more, Portugal will be next--side by side with his 
allies. And the fact that we are here today in the Azores with the 
United States, with Spain, and with the UK, this is very significant.
    As it's been said here before, the transatlantic relationship is 
very, very important, not only for Europe and for the U.S., but it's 
very important for the whole world. I remember a few days ago, Kofi 
Annan in the European conference in Brussels said the same thing. He 
said this is very important. It's very important for Europe and the U.S. 
to remain united and not separate, because the world needs the U.S. and 
Europe working together towards the same direction, in the same sense--
not only about the security but also fighting underdevelopment and all 
the other tasks that fall to the international community.
    President Bush. Ron Fournier [Associated Press].

Last Effort at Diplomacy

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Before I ask my question I just want to 
nail down one thing so there's no confusion. When you talk about 
tomorrow being the moment of truth, are you saying that is the----
    President Bush. Just a question, or are you trying to work in two 
questions?
    Q. Yes, sir. [Laughter] Because there's one thing we need to make 
clear. When you say tomorrow is the moment of truth, does that mean 
tomorrow is the last day that the resolution can be voted up or down, 
and at the end of the day tomorrow, one way or another the diplomatic 
window has closed?
    President Bush. That's what I'm saying.
    Q. Thank you, sir. And now for the question----
    President Bush. And now for your question?
    Q. That being the case, regardless----
    President Bush. That being my answer----
    Q. Regardless of whether the resolution goes up or down or gets 
withdrawn, it seems to me you're going to be facing a moment of truth. 
And given that you've already said you don't think there's very much 
chance Saddam Hussein is going to disarm, and given that you say you 
don't think there's very much chance he's going to go into exile, aren't 
we going to war here?
    President Bush. Tomorrow is the day that we will determine whether 
or not diplomacy can work. And we sat and visited about this issue, 
about how best to spend our time between now and tomorrow. And as Prime 
Minister Blair said, we'll be working the phones and talking to our 
partners and talking to those who may not clearly understand the 
objective, and we'll see how it goes tomorrow.
    Saddam Hussein can leave the country, if 
he's interested in peace. You see, the decision is his to make. And it's 
been his to make all along as to whether or not

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there's the use of the military. He got to decide whether he was going 
to disarm, and he didn't. He can decide whether he wants to leave the 
country. These are his decisions to make, and thus far he has made bad 
decisions.

Role of the United Nations

    Q. I understand that if tomorrow is the day for taking the final 
decision, that means that you consider that there's no possible way out 
through the United Nations because a majority does not support a war 
action. I would like to know, Mr. Blair, Mr. Bush, whether in that 
military offensive you count on many countries, whether it's going to be 
the UK and the U.S. carrying out the military offensive? I understand 
from what Mr. Blair has said that you're counting on the U.N. for the 
reconstruction. Are you going to look for other countries through the 
United Nations?
    And for Mr. Aznar, what is Spain's participation in that military 
offensive, in addition to your political support?
    President Bush. [Inaudible]--Resolution 1441, which was unanimously 
approved, that says Saddam Hussein would 
unconditionally disarm, and if he didn't, there would be serious 
consequences. The United Nations Security Council looked at the issue 
4\1/2\ months ago and voted unanimously to say: Disarm immediately and 
unconditionally, and if you don't, there are going to be serious 
consequences. The world has spoken. And it did in a unified voice.
    Sorry.
    Prime Minister Blair. The issue is very simply this, that we cannot 
have a situation where what happens through the United Nations, having 
agreed 1441, having said there would be serious consequences if he 
doesn't cooperate fully and unconditionally, what we cannot have is a 
situation where we simply go back for endless discussion.
    Now, we have provided the right diplomatic way through this, which 
is to lay down a clear ultimatum to Saddam: Cooperate or face 
disarmament by force. And that is entirely within the logic, the letter, 
the spirit of 1441. And that is why--you know, all the way through we 
have tried to provide a diplomatic solution. After over 4\1/2\ months 
since we passed Resolution 1441, we're now, what, 3 months on from the 
declaration that Saddam made on the 8th of December that not a single 
person in the international community--not one--believes was an honest 
declaration of what he had. And yet, 1441 said the first step of 
cooperation was to make an honest declaration.
    So when people say haven't we exhausted all the diplomatic avenues, 
we've tried exhausting them. But understand from our perspective and 
from the perspective of the security of the world, we cannot simply go 
back to the Security Council for this discussion to be superseded by 
that discussion, to be superseded by another discussion. That's what's 
happened for 12 years. That's why he's still got the weapons of mass 
destruction. We have to come to the point of decision. And that really 
is what the next period of time is going to be about.
    President Aznar. Well, I would like to say that this statement we're 
making today, as we've all said, it's a last chance, one last attempt to 
reach the greatest possible consensus amongst ourselves. And I can 
assure all of you that we've made--we have all made--enormous efforts, 
and we're going to continue making these efforts in order to try to 
reach an agreement, to reach a solution.
    We have our own worry, our own responsibility to make U.N. 
resolutions be abided by. If the Security Council unanimously adopts a 
resolution--Resolution 1441--giving one last opportunity to disarm to 
someone who has weapons of mass destruction, and we know he has used 
them, the Security Council cannot, one year after the other, wait for 
its resolutions to be implemented. That would be the best way to do away 
with it altogether. And it could

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do away with all the United Nations' credibility, and we honestly don't 
want that to happen.
    To me, there is no--you cannot have the same distance between 
illegality and impunity. And neither Saddam Hussein nor any other tyrant 
with weapons of mass destruction can set the rules for international law 
and the international community.
    Q. Andrew Marr, from the BBC. Can I ask, first of all, Prime 
Minister Blair--you said that you want a second resolution to be put 
down and voted on. Could we be clear? Is that what's going to happen 
tomorrow, under all circumstances?
    And either way--also, if I may, for President Bush--if you don't get 
that second resolution, what is the future for the United Nations? 
You've talked about Saddam Hussein dividing world community. Surely, he 
succeeded.
    Prime Minister Blair. Well, on your last point, I think this is one 
of the things that is tragic about this situation, that Saddam plays 
these games, and we carry on allowing him to play them. Now, we will do, 
in the next period of time, in respect to the resolution, what we 
believe to be in the interest of the U.N.
    But I want to say why I think it is so important that even now, at 
this late stage, we try to get the United Nations to be the route of 
resolving this, because the threat is there and everyone accepts it, the 
threat of weapons of mass destruction, the threat of weapons of mass 
destruction in the hands of terrorists who will cause maximum damage to 
our people. Everybody accepts the disarmament of Saddam has to happen. 
Everybody accepts that he was supposed to cooperate fully with the 
inspectors. Everybody accepts that he is not doing so.
    So, whatever the tactics within the U.N.--and that's something we 
can decide--whatever those tactics, the key point of principle is this, 
that when we came together last November and laid down Resolution 1441, 
now is the moment when we decide whether we meant it and it was his 
final opportunity to disarm or face serious consequences, or whether, 
alternatively, we're simply going to drag out the diplomatic process 
forever. And that's why I say it's the point of decision.
    Q. Vote or not?
    President Bush. I was the guy that said they ought to vote. And one 
country voted. They showed their cards, I believe. It's an old Texas 
expression, ``Show your cards,'' when you're playing poker. France 
showed their cards. After I said what I said, they said they were going 
to veto anything that held Saddam to account. 
So cards have been played, and we'll just have to take an assessment 
after tomorrow to determine what that card meant.
    Let me say something about the U.N. It's a very important 
organization. That's why I went there on September the 12th, 2002, to 
give the speech, the speech that called the U.N. into account, that said 
if you're going to pass resolutions, let's make sure your words mean 
something. Because I understand the wars of the 21st century are going 
to require incredible international cooperation. We're going to have to 
cooperate to cut off the money of the terrorists and the ability for 
nations, dictators who have weapons of mass destruction, to provide 
training and perhaps weapons to terrorist organizations. We need to 
cooperate, and we are. Our countries up here are cooperating incredibly 
well.
    And the U.N. must mean something. Remember Rwanda, or Kosovo. The 
U.N. didn't do its job. And we hope tomorrow the U.N. will do its job. 
If not, all of us need to step back and try to figure out how to make 
the U.N. work better as we head into the 21st century. Perhaps one way 
will be, if we use military force, in the post-Saddam Iraq the U.N. will definitely need to have a role. And 
that way it can begin to get its legs--legs of responsibility back.
    But it's important for the U.N. to be able to function well if we're 
going to keep

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the peace. And I will work hard to see to it that, at least from our 
perspective, that the U.N. is able to be a responsible body, and when it 
says something, it means it, for the sake of peace and for the sake of 
the security, for the capacity to win the war of--the first war of the 
21st century, which is the war against terrorism and weapons of mass 
destruction in the hands of dictators.
    Thank you all.
    Prime Minister Durao Barroso. Thank you very much, ladies and 
gentlemen. This is the end of the conference. Have a good trip.

Note: The President's news conference began at 5:30 p.m. in the 
community activity center ballroom at Lajes Field Air Force Base, 
Terceira Island. Prime Minister Durao Barroso spoke in Portuguese, and 
President Aznar spoke in Spanish, and their remarks were translated by 
interpreters. In his remarks, President Bush referred to President 
Saddam Hussein of Iraq. Prime Minister Blair referred to Mahmoud Abbas 
(Abu Mazen), who accepted the post of Prime Minister of the Palestinian 
Authority on March 19. Prime Minister Durao Barroso referred to 
Secretary-General Kofi Annan of the United Nations.