    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2003, Book I)]
    [March 16, 2003]
    [Pages 267-274]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Jose Manuel Durao
    Barroso Maria of Spain, and Prime
    Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom in the
    Azores, Portugal
    March 16, 2003

        Prime Minister Durao Barroso. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
    I am very pleased to welcome here in the Azores the leaders of three
    friends and allied countries, the United States, Spain, and United
    Kingdom; President Bush, Prime Minister Aznar, and Prime Minister Tony
    Blair.
        This meeting in the Azores also shows the importance of
    transatlantic relations and also shows the solidarity among our
    countries. Actually, these agreements have approved two statements, one
    statement on transatlantic relations and a statement on Iraq.
        We have joined this initiative and we organized it here in the
    Azores because we thought this was the last opportunity for a political
    solution. And this is how we see it: This is the last possibility for a
    political solution to the problem. Maybe it's a small chance, a small
    possibility, but even if it's one in one million, it's always worthwhile
    fighting for a political solution. And I think this is the message that
    we can get from this Atlantic summit.
        As I was saying, for my English-speaking guests, I'll speak English
    now. First of all, let me say, welcome, George Bush, to Europe. I think
    it's important that we meet here, in a European country, in Portugal,
    but in this territory of Azores that is halfway between the continent of
    Europe and the continent of America. I think it's not only logistically
    convenient; it has a special political meaning, the political meaning of
    our friendship and our commitment to our shared values.
        So welcome to all of you. Welcome to you. And I now give the floor
    to President George Bush.
        President Bush. Jose, thank you very much for your hospitality.
    You've done a great job on such short notice. And I'm honored to be
    standing here with you and two other friends as we work toward a great
    cause, and that is peace and security in this world.
        We've had a really good discussion. We've been doing a lot of phone
    talking, and it was good to get together and to visit and to talk. And
    we concluded that tomorrow is a moment of truth for the world. Many
    nations have voiced a commitment to peace and security. And now they
    must demonstrate that commitment to peace and security in the only
    effective way, by supporting the immediate and unconditional disarmament
    of Saddam Hussein.
        The dictator of Iraq and his weapons of
    mass destruction are a threat to the security

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    of free nations. He is a danger to his neighbors. He's a sponsor of
    terrorism. He's an obstacle to progress in the Middle East. For decades,
    he has been the cruel, cruel oppressor of the Iraq people.
        On this very day 15 years ago, Saddam Hussein launched a chemical
    weapons attack on the Iraqi village of Halabja. With a single order, the
    Iraqi regime killed thousands of men and women and children, without
    mercy or without shame. Saddam Hussein has proven he is capable of any
    crime. We must not permit his crimes to reach across the world.
        Saddam Hussein has a history of mass
    murder. He possesses the weapons of mass murder. He agrees--he agreed to
    disarm Iraq of these weapons as a condition for ending the Gulf war over
    a decade ago. The United Nations Security Council in Resolution 1441 has
    declared Iraq in material breach of its longstanding obligations,
    demanded once again Iraq's full and immediate disarmament, and promised
    serious consequences if the regime refused to comply. That resolution
    was passed unanimously, and its logic is inescapable: The Iraqi regime
    will disarm itself, or the Iraqi regime will be disarmed by force. And
    the regime has not disarmed itself.
        Action to remove the threat from Iraq would also allow the Iraqi
    people to build a better future for their society. And Iraq's liberation
    would be the beginning, not the end, of our commitment to its people. We
    will supply humanitarian relief, bring economic sanctions to a swift
    close, and work for the long-term recovery of Iraq's economy. We'll make
    sure that Iraq's natural resources are used for the benefit of their
    owners, the Iraqi people.
        Iraq has the potential to be a great nation. Iraq's people are
    skilled and educated. We'll push as quickly as possible for an Iraqi
    interim authority to draw upon the talents of Iraq's people to rebuild
    their nation. We're committed to the goal of a unified Iraq, with
    democratic institutions of which members of all ethnic and religious
    groups are treated with dignity and respect.
        To achieve this vision, we will work closely with the international
    community, including the United Nations and our coalition partners. If
    military force is required, we'll quickly seek new Security Council
    resolutions to encourage broad participation in the process of helping
    the Iraqi people to build a free Iraq.
        Crucial days lie ahead for the world. I want to thank the leaders
    here today and many others for stepping forward and taking leadership
    and showing their resolve in the cause of peace and the cause of
    security.
        Jose Maria.
        President Aznar. Good evening, everyone. I would firstly like to
    thank the Prime Minister, Jose Manuel Durao, for his hospitality and
    welcome, which I particularly am grateful for. And I'm very pleased to
    be in the Azores once again.
        I have short remarks on our debates on this situation and on the
    documents we've agreed on during today's meeting. I'd first like to
    refer to our document on Atlantic solidarity. We have renewed Atlantic
    commitment on our common values and principles, in favor of democracy,
    freedom, and the rule of law.
        We understand that the expression of this commitment is essential,
    by way of guarantee of peace, security, and international freedom. And I
    honestly believe that there is no other alternative to the expression of
    the Atlantic commitment in terms of security. We are committed on a day-
    to-day fight against new threats, such as terrorism, weapons of mass
    destruction, and tyrannic regimes that do not comply with international
    law. They threaten all of us, and we must all act, consequently.
        This transatlantic link, this transatlantic solidarity, has always
    been, is, and should continue to be, in my opinion, a great European
    commitment, and as such, amongst other things, we express it this way:
    Without this commitment, today's Europe could

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    not be understood; and without that commitment, it would be very
    difficult to picture the Europe of tomorrow.
        So I would like to invite our friends, our allies, to leave aside
    any circumstantial differences and to work together seriously for that
    commitment of democracy, freedom, and peace, so that this becomes a
    commitment of us all.
        We've agreed on launching--on boosting the Middle East peace process
    and on our vision that that peace process has to accommodate with all
    necessary security guarantees and putting an end to terrorism. And this
    should end with the peaceful coexistence of two states, an independent
    Palestinian state and the Israeli state.
        In view of the situation created by Iraq, with their continued
    noncompliance of international law, I would like to remind you that we
    all said before we came here that we were not coming to the Azores to
    make a declaration of war, that we were coming after having made every
    possible effort, after having made this effort, continuing to make this
    effort, to working to achieve the greatest possible agreement, and for
    international law to be respected and for U.N. resolutions to be
    respected.
        And we would like to say that we are aware of the fact that this is
    the last opportunity--the last opportunity expressed in Resolution 1441,
    adopted unanimously by the Security Council, and that, being aware that
    this is the last opportunity, we are also making the last effort. And we
    are ready to make this last effort of the very many efforts we've been
    making throughout these last weeks and months.
        We are well aware of the international world public opinion, of its
    concern. And we are also very well aware of our responsibilities and
    obligations. If Saddam Hussein wants to disarm and avoid the serious
    consequences which he has been warned about by the United Nations, he
    can do so. And nothing in our document nor in our statement can prevent
    him from doing so if he wants to. So his is the sole responsibility.
        Tony.
        Prime Minister Blair. Thank you, Jose Maria. Thank you, Jose, for
    hosting us today. And I think it's worth just returning to the key
    point, which is our responsibility to uphold the will of the United
    Nations set out in Resolution 1441 last November. And for 4\1/2\ months
    now, we've worked hard to get Saddam to cooperate fully,
    unconditionally, as that resolution demanded.
        Even some days ago we were prepared to set out clear tests that
    allowed us to conclude whether he was cooperating fully or not, with a
    clear ultimatum to him if he refused to do so. And the reason we
    approached it in that way is that that is what we agreed in Resolution
    1441. This was his final opportunity. He had to disarm unconditionally.
    Serious consequences would follow if he failed to do so.
        And this is really the impasse that we have, because some say there
    should be no ultimatum, no authorization of force in any new U.N.
    resolution; instead, more discussion in the event of noncompliance. But
    the truth is that without a credible ultimatum authorizing force in the
    event of noncompliance, then more discussion is just more delay, with
    Saddam remaining armed with weapons of mass destruction and continuing a
    brutal, murderous regime in Iraq.
        And this game that he is playing is, frankly, a game that he has
    played over the last 12 years. Disarmament never happens. But instead,
    the international community is drawn into some perpetual negotiation,
    gestures designed to divide the international community but never real
    and concrete cooperation leading to disarmament.
        And there's not a single person on the Security Council that doubts
    the fact he is not fully cooperating today. Nobody, even those who
    disagree with the position that we have outlined, is prepared to say
    there is full cooperation as 1441 demanded.
        Not a single interview has taken place outside of Iraq, even though
    1441 provided

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    for it. Still, no proper production or evidence of the destruction, or
    for example--just to take one example, the 10,000 liters of anthrax that
    the inspectors just a week ago said was unaccounted for. And that is why
    it is so important that the international community at this time gives a
    strong and unified message. And I have to say that I really believe that
    hadn't we given that strong message some time ago, Saddam might have
    realized that the games had to stop.
        So now we have reached the point of decision, and we make a final
    appeal for there to be that strong, unified message on behalf of the
    international community that lays down a clear ultimatum to Saddam, that
    authorizes force if he continues to defy the will of the whole of the
    international community set out in 1441.
        We will do all we can in the short time that remains to make a final
    round of contacts, to see whether there is a way through this impasse.
    But we are in the final stages, because after 12 years of failing to
    disarm him, now is the time when we have to decide.
        Two other points, briefly, on the documents that we've put before
    you. The first, as President Aznar was just saying to you a moment or
    two ago, on the transatlantic alliance is, I think, very important. Some
    of you will have heard me say this before, but let me just repeat it. I
    believe that Europe and America should stand together on the big issues
    of the day. I think it is a tragedy when we don't. And that
    transatlantic alliance is strong, and we need to strengthen it still
    further.
        And secondly, we've set out for you that should it come to conflict,
    we make a pledge to the people of Iraq. As President Bush was just
    saying to you a moment or two ago, it is the people of Iraq who are the
    primary victims of Saddam: the thousands of children that die needlessly
    every year; the people locked up in his prisons or executed simply for
    showing disagreement with the regime; a country that is potentially
    prosperous reduced to poverty; 60 percent of the population reliant on
    food aid.
        And what we say is that we will protect Iraq's territorial
    integrity; we will support representative government that unites Iraq on
    the democratic basis of human rights and the rule of law; that we will
    help Iraq rebuild--and not rebuild because of the problems of conflict,
    where if it comes to that, we will do everything we can to minimize the
    suffering of the Iraqi people, but rebuild Iraq because of the appalling
    legacy that the rule of Saddam has left the Iraqi people; and then in
    particular, Iraq's natural resources remain the property of the people
    of Iraq. And that wealth should be used for the Iraqi people. It is
    theirs and will remain so, administered by the U.N. in the way we set
    out.
        Finally, on the Middle East peace process, I welcome very much the
    statement that President Bush made the other day. I think it's important
    now. He said he wanted a partner on the Palestinian side. I think the
    coming appointment of Abu Mazen is so important there. It allows us to
    take this process forward. The roadmap gives us the way forward. The
    appointment of Abu Mazen gives us the right partner to take this
    forward. And I believe that that will demonstrate--and it's important to
    demonstrate, in particular at this time--that our approach to people in
    the Middle East, in that troubled region, is indeed evenhanded. And all
    of us will work to make sure that that vision of a Middle East--two
    states, Israel confident of its security, a Palestinian state that is
    viable--comes about and is made reality.
        Thank you.

    Summit Results/Portugal's Role in the Coalition

        Q. [Inaudible]
        President Bush. They couldn't hear the question.
        Q. I was asking the Portuguese Prime Minister, how does he see the
    result of

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    this summit? Does the Prime Minister think that starting now, Portugal
    has more responsibilities with this war that seems to be inevitable?
        Prime Minister Durao Barroso. The results of this summit, as I
    described them and as all the other heads of state and government said
    it, too, this summit is--this is the last opportunity for a political
    solution to this very serious problem for the international community.
    This has been said here. It's been said here that tomorrow we'll start
    with these last initiatives towards a political solution. And for that
    reason I am very, very happy with the results of this summit.
        Now, coming to our responsibility in case there is a conflict, I
    must say that the responsibility falls entirely on the dictator Saddam
    Hussein. He bears the entire responsibility because he has not respected
    for all of these years international law and consistently violated the
    U.N. resolutions. And in that case, if there is a conflict, I want to
    repeat it once more, Portugal will be next--side by side with his
    allies. And the fact that we are here today in the Azores with the
    United States, with Spain, and with the UK, this is very significant.
        As it's been said here before, the transatlantic relationship is
    very, very important, not only for Europe and for the U.S., but it's
    very important for the whole world. I remember a few days ago, Kofi
    Annan in the European conference in Brussels said the same thing. He
    said this is very important. It's very important for Europe and the U.S.
    to remain united and not separate, because the world needs the U.S. and
    Europe working together towards the same direction, in the same sense--
    not only about the security but also fighting underdevelopment and all
    the other tasks that fall to the international community.
        President Bush. Ron Fournier [Associated Press].

    Last Effort at Diplomacy

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Before I ask my question I just want to
    nail down one thing so there's no confusion. When you talk about
    tomorrow being the moment of truth, are you saying that is the----
        President Bush. Just a question, or are you trying to work in two
    questions?
        Q. Yes, sir. [Laughter] Because there's one thing we need to make
    clear. When you say tomorrow is the moment of truth, does that mean
    tomorrow is the last day that the resolution can be voted up or down,
    and at the end of the day tomorrow, one way or another the diplomatic
    window has closed?
        President Bush. That's what I'm saying.
        Q. Thank you, sir. And now for the question----
        President Bush. And now for your question?
        Q. That being the case, regardless----
        President Bush. That being my answer----
        Q. Regardless of whether the resolution goes up or down or gets
    withdrawn, it seems to me you're going to be facing a moment of truth.
    And given that you've already said you don't think there's very much
    chance Saddam Hussein is going to disarm, and given that you say you
    don't think there's very much chance he's going to go into exile, aren't
    we going to war here?
        President Bush. Tomorrow is the day that we will determine whether
    or not diplomacy can work. And we sat and visited about this issue,
    about how best to spend our time between now and tomorrow. And as Prime
    Minister Blair said, we'll be working the phones and talking to our
    partners and talking to those who may not clearly understand the
    objective, and we'll see how it goes tomorrow.
        Saddam Hussein can leave the country, if
    he's interested in peace. You see, the decision is his to make. And it's
    been his to make all along as to whether or not

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    there's the use of the military. He got to decide whether he was going
    to disarm, and he didn't. He can decide whether he wants to leave the
    country. These are his decisions to make, and thus far he has made bad
    decisions.

    Role of the United Nations

        Q. I understand that if tomorrow is the day for taking the final
    decision, that means that you consider that there's no possible way out
    through the United Nations because a majority does not support a war
    action. I would like to know, Mr. Blair, Mr. Bush, whether in that
    military offensive you count on many countries, whether it's going to be
    the UK and the U.S. carrying out the military offensive? I understand
    from what Mr. Blair has said that you're counting on the U.N. for the
    reconstruction. Are you going to look for other countries through the
    United Nations?
        And for Mr. Aznar, what is Spain's participation in that military
    offensive, in addition to your political support?
        President Bush. [Inaudible]--Resolution 1441, which was unanimously
    approved, that says Saddam Hussein would
    unconditionally disarm, and if he didn't, there would be serious
    consequences. The United Nations Security Council looked at the issue
    4\1/2\ months ago and voted unanimously to say: Disarm immediately and
    unconditionally, and if you don't, there are going to be serious
    consequences. The world has spoken. And it did in a unified voice.
        Sorry.
        Prime Minister Blair. The issue is very simply this, that we cannot
    have a situation where what happens through the United Nations, having
    agreed 1441, having said there would be serious consequences if he
    doesn't cooperate fully and unconditionally, what we cannot have is a
    situation where we simply go back for endless discussion.
        Now, we have provided the right diplomatic way through this, which
    is to lay down a clear ultimatum to Saddam: Cooperate or face
    disarmament by force. And that is entirely within the logic, the letter,
    the spirit of 1441. And that is why--you know, all the way through we
    have tried to provide a diplomatic solution. After over 4\1/2\ months
    since we passed Resolution 1441, we're now, what, 3 months on from the
    declaration that Saddam made on the 8th of December that not a single
    person in the international community--not one--believes was an honest
    declaration of what he had. And yet, 1441 said the first step of
    cooperation was to make an honest declaration.
        So when people say haven't we exhausted all the diplomatic avenues,
    we've tried exhausting them. But understand from our perspective and
    from the perspective of the security of the world, we cannot simply go
    back to the Security Council for this discussion to be superseded by
    that discussion, to be superseded by another discussion. That's what's
    happened for 12 years. That's why he's still got the weapons of mass
    destruction. We have to come to the point of decision. And that really
    is what the next period of time is going to be about.
        President Aznar. Well, I would like to say that this statement we're
    making today, as we've all said, it's a last chance, one last attempt to
    reach the greatest possible consensus amongst ourselves. And I can
    assure all of you that we've made--we have all made--enormous efforts,
    and we're going to continue making these efforts in order to try to
    reach an agreement, to reach a solution.
        We have our own worry, our own responsibility to make U.N.
    resolutions be abided by. If the Security Council unanimously adopts a
    resolution--Resolution 1441--giving one last opportunity to disarm to
    someone who has weapons of mass destruction, and we know he has used
    them, the Security Council cannot, one year after the other, wait for
    its resolutions to be implemented. That would be the best way to do away
    with it altogether. And it could

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    do away with all the United Nations' credibility, and we honestly don't
    want that to happen.
        To me, there is no--you cannot have the same distance between
    illegality and impunity. And neither Saddam Hussein nor any other tyrant
    with weapons of mass destruction can set the rules for international law
    and the international community.
        Q. Andrew Marr, from the BBC. Can I ask, first of all, Prime
    Minister Blair--you said that you want a second resolution to be put
    down and voted on. Could we be clear? Is that what's going to happen
    tomorrow, under all circumstances?
        And either way--also, if I may, for President Bush--if you don't get
    that second resolution, what is the future for the United Nations?
    You've talked about Saddam Hussein dividing world community. Surely, he
    succeeded.
        Prime Minister Blair. Well, on your last point, I think this is one
    of the things that is tragic about this situation, that Saddam plays
    these games, and we carry on allowing him to play them. Now, we will do,
    in the next period of time, in respect to the resolution, what we
    believe to be in the interest of the U.N.
        But I want to say why I think it is so important that even now, at
    this late stage, we try to get the United Nations to be the route of
    resolving this, because the threat is there and everyone accepts it, the
    threat of weapons of mass destruction, the threat of weapons of mass
    destruction in the hands of terrorists who will cause maximum damage to
    our people. Everybody accepts the disarmament of Saddam has to happen.
    Everybody accepts that he was supposed to cooperate fully with the
    inspectors. Everybody accepts that he is not doing so.
        So, whatever the tactics within the U.N.--and that's something we
    can decide--whatever those tactics, the key point of principle is this,
    that when we came together last November and laid down Resolution 1441,
    now is the moment when we decide whether we meant it and it was his
    final opportunity to disarm or face serious consequences, or whether,
    alternatively, we're simply going to drag out the diplomatic process
    forever. And that's why I say it's the point of decision.
        Q. Vote or not?
        President Bush. I was the guy that said they ought to vote. And one
    country voted. They showed their cards, I believe. It's an old Texas
    expression, ``Show your cards,'' when you're playing poker. France
    showed their cards. After I said what I said, they said they were going
    to veto anything that held Saddam to account.
    So cards have been played, and we'll just have to take an assessment
    after tomorrow to determine what that card meant.
        Let me say something about the U.N. It's a very important
    organization. That's why I went there on September the 12th, 2002, to
    give the speech, the speech that called the U.N. into account, that said
    if you're going to pass resolutions, let's make sure your words mean
    something. Because I understand the wars of the 21st century are going
    to require incredible international cooperation. We're going to have to
    cooperate to cut off the money of the terrorists and the ability for
    nations, dictators who have weapons of mass destruction, to provide
    training and perhaps weapons to terrorist organizations. We need to
    cooperate, and we are. Our countries up here are cooperating incredibly
    well.
        And the U.N. must mean something. Remember Rwanda, or Kosovo. The
    U.N. didn't do its job. And we hope tomorrow the U.N. will do its job.
    If not, all of us need to step back and try to figure out how to make
    the U.N. work better as we head into the 21st century. Perhaps one way
    will be, if we use military force, in the post-Saddam Iraq the U.N. will definitely need to have a role. And
    that way it can begin to get its legs--legs of responsibility back.
        But it's important for the U.N. to be able to function well if we're
    going to keep

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    the peace. And I will work hard to see to it that, at least from our
    perspective, that the U.N. is able to be a responsible body, and when it
    says something, it means it, for the sake of peace and for the sake of
    the security, for the capacity to win the war of--the first war of the
    21st century, which is the war against terrorism and weapons of mass
    destruction in the hands of dictators.
        Thank you all.
        Prime Minister Durao Barroso. Thank you very much, ladies and
    gentlemen. This is the end of the conference. Have a good trip.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 5:30 p.m. in the
    community activity center ballroom at Lajes Field Air Force Base,
    Terceira Island. Prime Minister Durao Barroso spoke in Portuguese, and
    President Aznar spoke in Spanish, and their remarks were translated by
    interpreters. In his remarks, President Bush referred to President
    Saddam Hussein of Iraq. Prime Minister Blair referred to Mahmoud Abbas
    (Abu Mazen), who accepted the post of Prime Minister of the Palestinian
    Authority on March 19. Prime Minister Durao Barroso referred to
    Secretary-General Kofi Annan of the United Nations.