[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2002, Book I)]
[April 30, 2002]
[Pages 691-696]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks on Compassionate Conservatism in San Jose, California
April 30, 2002

    Well, thank you very much for that warm welcome. I am so grateful 
for the Commonwealth Club and the Churchill Club for inviting me here. I 
appreciate you all coming, and I appreciate your hospitality. I want to 
thank Dr. Gloria Duffy for her generous 
introduction and for her invitation. I want to thank Silvia 
Fernandez, who's the president of the 
Churchill Club, for joining the Commonwealth Club to host this event. I 
want to thank all the elected

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officials who are here. I want to thank my fellow citizens for coming.
    Whenever I visit California, I'm impressed by the beauty of this 
State and by the spirit of the people. Because of its size, the health 
of the California economy influences every American. And California has 
got a culture of optimism and energy that touches all of us as well. 
This is a vital and a vibrant place, and I'm glad to be back.
    The last time I visited San Jose, the Silicon Valley was still in an 
economic boom, and America was at peace. For many in this valley and 
across our country, those times are a world away. After a recession made 
worse by a national emergency, we have seen some good news. Our economy 
is beginning to grow. Just last week, we had the good news about strong 
growth in the first quarter. Yet, this vital region reminds us that a 
lot of work remains to be done.
    Business investment and job creation are not what they should be. We 
cannot be content with one quarter's news. We cannot be complacent. My 
attitude is that we'll let the statisticians talk about the numbers, but 
so long as somebody who wants to work can't find work, that's a problem 
for America. We have a great task ahead of us. We must turn our short-
term recovery into long-lasting expansion that reaches every part of our 
country.
    Our economy grows when trade barriers fall. I ask the Senate to join 
the United States House of Representatives in giving me what's called 
trade promotion authority. It's important to be a confident country, and 
I'm confident in the ability of American entrepreneurs and producers to 
compete in the world. I'm confident that our farmers and ranchers can 
compete in the world. And I know American technology companies are the 
best in the world. And we must open new markets so they can sell to the 
world.
    Our economy grows when the tax burden goes down and stays down. Much 
of the growth we have seen this quarter is the result of consumer 
spending, fueled by well-timed tax deductions. To encourage growth in 
job creation, we must protect the lower tax rates we've enacted, and we 
must make them permanent. And to make sure there is economic vitality 
around our country, our Government must control its appetite for 
excessive spending.
    Our economy grows when entrepreneurs are rewarded for their success, 
not hounded by regulations and needless litigation. We must enact 
reforms that free entrepreneurs from pointless regulation and endless 
litigation. And to restore trust in our economy, corporate leaders must 
be held to the highest ethical standards.
    And as your State knows, our economy grows when we have steady, 
stable, and affordable sources of energy. In Washington, we must adopt--
finally adopt--a comprehensive strategy to conserve more, to produce 
more, and to deliver the energy that keeps our economy running. Both 
Houses have passed a energy--passed energy legislation. I expect them to 
get a bill to my desk soon, for the good of American economy and 
American jobs. By acting in the above way, we confirm that the role of 
Government is not to create wealth; the role of Government is to create 
the conditions for economic growth.
    Since I was last here, America has also accepted a great challenge 
in the world: to wage a relentless and systematic campaign against 
global terror. The security of the American people is the central 
commitment of the American Government. We are in for a long and 
difficult war. It will be conducted on many fronts, but as long as it 
takes, we will prevail.
    In the first phase of our military operation, American and coalition 
forces have liberated--have liberated--the people of Afghanistan from a 
barbaric regime. Our Armed Forces performed with skill and success and 
honor. A regime has fallen, terrorists in that country are now 
scattered,

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and the children of Afghanistan have returned to school, boys and girls. 
Our work in that country is not over. We are helping the Afghan people 
to rebuild their nation. And in every cave, in every dark corner of that 
country, we will hunt down the killers and bring them to justice.
    We have entered the next phase of the war with a sustained 
international effort to rout out terrorists in other countries and deny 
Al Qaida the chance to regroup in other places. Across the world, 
governments have heard this message: You're either with us, or you're 
with the terrorists.
    And for the long-term security of America and civilization itself, 
we must confront the great threat of biological and chemical and nuclear 
weapons in the hands of terrorists or hostile regimes. We will not allow 
the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten America or our friends 
and allies with the world's most destructive weapons.
    History has called us to these responsibilities, and we accept them. 
America has always had a special mission to defend justice and advance 
freedom around the world. Whatever the difficulties ahead, we are 
confident about the outcome of this struggle. Tyranny and terror and 
lawless violence will not decide the world's future. As Ronald Reagan 
said and as every generation of Americans has believed, ``the future 
belongs to the free.''
    In a time of war, we reassert the essential values and beliefs of 
our country. In the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln pointed toward a new 
birth of freedom. Leading America in a global war, Franklin D. Roosevelt 
defined the four freedoms: freedom of speech and religion, freedom from 
fear and want. Whenever America fights for the security of our country, 
we also fight for the values of our country. In our time, we will defend 
the land we love, and we will act on the ideals that gave it birth.
    In America, we've not always lived up to our ideals, yet we always 
reach for them. We believe that everyone deserves a chance, that 
everyone has value, that no insignificant person was ever born. We 
believe that all are diminished when any are hopeless. We are one 
people, committed to building a single nation of justice and 
opportunity.
    America rejects bigotry. America rejects--[applause]--we reject 
every act of hatred against people of Arab background or Muslim faith. 
We reject the ancient evil of anti-Semitism, whether it is practiced by 
the killers of Daniel Pearl or by those who burn synagogues in France. 
America values and welcomes peaceful people of all faiths, Christian, 
Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, Hindu, and many others. Every faith is practiced 
and protected here, because we are one country. Every immigrant can be 
fully and equally American, because we're one country. Race and color 
should not divide us, because America is one country.
    These American ideals of opportunity and equality come to us across 
the generations, and they have attracted millions from across the world. 
Yet, there are young Americans growing up here, under this flag, who 
doubt the promise and justice of our country. They live in neighborhoods 
occupied by gangs and ruled by fear. They are entitled by law to an 
education, yet do not receive an education. They hear talk of 
opportunity and see little evidence of opportunity around them.
    Every American must believe in the promise of America, and to reach 
this noble, necessary goal, there is a role for Government. America 
doesn't need more big Government, and we've learned that more money is 
not always the answer. If a program is failing to serve people, it makes 
little difference if we spend twice as much or half as much. The measure 
of true compassion is results.
    Yet we cannot have an indifferent Government, either. We are a 
generous and caring people. We don't believe in a sink-or-swim society. 
The policies of our Government must heed the universal call of all 
faiths to love a neighbor as we would want to be loved ourselves. We 
need a

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different approach than either big Government or indifferent Government. 
We need a Government that is focused, effective, and close to the 
people, a Government that does a few things and does them well.
    Government cannot solve every problem, but it can encourage people 
and communities to help themselves and to help one another. Often the 
truest kind of compassion is to help citizens build lives of their own. 
I call my philosophy and approach compassionate conservatism. It is 
compassionate to actively help our fellow citizens in need. It is 
conservative to insist on responsibility and on results. And with this 
hopeful approach, we can make a real difference in people's lives.
    Compassionate conservatism places great hope and confidence in 
public education. Our economy depends on higher and higher skills, 
requiring every American to have the basic tools of learning. Every 
public school should be the path of upward mobility.
    Yet, sadly enough, many are the dead end of dreams. Public schools 
are some of the most important institutions of democracy. They take 
children of every background, from every part of the world, and prepare 
them for the obligations and opportunities of a free society. Public 
schools are Americans great hope, and making them work for every child 
is America's great duty.
    The new education reforms we have passed in Washington give the 
Federal Government a new role in public education. Schools must meet new 
and high standards of performance in reading and math that will be 
proven on tests and posted on the Internet for parents and everyone to 
see. And we're giving local schools and teachers unprecedented freedom 
and resources and training to meet these goals.
    It is conservative to let local communities chart their own path to 
excellence. It is compassionate to insist that every child learns, so 
that no child is left behind. By insisting on results and challenging 
failure where we find it, we'll make an incredible difference in the 
lives of every child in America.
    Compassionate conservatism offers a new vision for fighting poverty 
in America. For decades, our Nation has devoted enormous resources to 
helping the poor, with some great successes to show for it: basic 
medical care for those in need; a better life for elderly Americans. 
However, for millions of younger Americans, welfare became a static and 
destructive way of life.
    In 1996, we began transforming welfare with time limits and job 
training and work requirements. And the Nation's welfare rolls have been 
cut by more than half. But even more importantly, many lives have been 
dramatically improved.
    One former welfare recipient here in California--happened to be a 
mother of a chronically ill child and the victim of domestic violence--
describes her experience upon leaving welfare. She said, ``I feel like 
an adult again. I have my dignity back.''
    We need to continue to fully transform welfare in America. As 
Congress takes up welfare reform again in the coming weeks, we must 
strengthen the work requirements that prevent dependency and despair. 
Millions of Americans once on welfare are finding that a job is more 
than a source of income; it is a source of dignity. And by helping 
people find work, by helping them prepare for work, we practice 
compassion.
    Welfare reform must also, wherever possible, encourage the 
commitments of family. Not every child has two devoted parents at home--
I understand that. And not every marriage can or should be saved, but 
the evidence shows that strong marriages are good for children. When a 
couple on welfare wants to break bad patterns and start or strengthen a 
marriage, we should help local groups give them counseling that teaches 
commitment and respect. By encouraging family, we practice compassion.
    In overcoming poverty and dependence, we must also promote the work 
of charities

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and community groups and faith-based institutions. These organizations, 
such as shelters for battered women or mentoring programs for fatherless 
children or drug treatment centers, inspire hope in a way that 
Government never can. Often, they inspire life-changing faith in a way 
that Government never should.
    Our Government should view the good Americans who work in faith-
based charities as partners, not rivals. We must provide new incentives 
for charitable giving, and when it comes to providing Federal resources 
to effective programs, we should not discriminate against private and 
religious groups.
    I urge the Senate to pass the Faith-Based Initiative for the good of 
America. It is compassionate to aggressively fight poverty in America. 
It is conservative to encourage work and community spirit and 
responsibility and the values that often come from faith. And with this 
approach, we can change lives one soul at a time and make a real 
difference in the lives of our citizens.
    The same principles of compassion and responsibility apply when 
America offers assistance to other nations. Nearly half of the world's 
people still live on less than $2 a day. When we help them, we show our 
values, our belief in universal human dignity; we serve our interests 
and gain economic partners. And by helping the developing nations of the 
world, we offer an alternative to resentment and conflict and terror.
    Yet, the old way of pouring vast amounts of money into development 
aid without any concern for results has failed, often leaving behind 
misery and poverty and corruption. America's offering a new compact for 
global development. Greater aid contributions from America must be and 
will be linked to greater responsibility from developing nations.
    I have proposed a 50-percent increase in our core development 
assistance over the next 3 budget years, money that will be placed in a 
new Millennium Challenge Account. At the end of this 3-year period, the 
level of our annual development assistance will be $5 billion higher 
than current levels.
    This is a record amount of spending. And in return for these funds, 
we expect nations to rout out corruption, to open their markets, to 
respect human rights, and to adhere to the rule of law. And these are 
the keys to progress in any nation, and they will be the conditions for 
any new American aid.
    It is compassionate to increase our international aid. It is 
conservative to require the hard reforms that lead to prosperity and 
independence. And with this approach, we'll make a real difference in 
the lives of people around the world.
    Compassionate conservatism guides my administration in many other 
areas. Our health care policies must help low-income Americans to buy 
health insurance they choose, they own, and they control. Our 
environmental policy set high standards for stewardship while allowing 
local cooperation and innovation to meet those standards. Our housing 
programs moved beyond rental assistance to the pride and stability of 
homeownership. Our reforms in Social Security must allow and encourage 
and help working Americans to build up their own asset base and achieve 
independence for their retirement years.
    All of these policies and all of these areas serve the same vision. 
We are using an active Government to promote self-government. We're 
encouraging individuals and communities and families to take more and 
more responsibility for themselves, for their neighbors, for our Nation. 
The aim of these policies is not to spend more money or spend less 
money; it is to spend on what works.
    The measure of compassion is more than good intentions; it is good 
results. Sympathy is not enough. We need solutions in America, and we 
know where solutions are found. When schools are teaching, when families 
are strong, when neighbors

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look after their neighbors, when our people have the tools and the 
skills and the resources they need to improve their lives, there is no 
problem that cannot be solved in America.
    By being involved and by taking responsibility upon ourselves, we 
gain something else as well: We contribute to the life of our country. 
We become more than taxpayers and occasional voters; we become 
citizens--citizens, not spectators; citizens who hear the call of duty, 
who stand up for their beliefs, who care for their families, who control 
their lives, and who treat their neighbors with respect and compassion. 
We discover a satisfaction that is only found in service, and we show 
our gratitude to America and to those who came before us.
    In the last 7 months, we've been tested, and the struggle of our 
time has revealed the spirit of our people. Since September the 11th, we 
have been the kind of nation our Founders had in mind, a nation of 
strong and confident and self-governing people. And we've been the kind 
of nation our fathers and mothers defended in World War II: a great and 
diverse country, united by common dangers and by common resolve.
    We, in our time, will defend our Nation, and we will deliver our 
Nation's promise to all who seek it. In our war on terror, we are 
showing the world the strength of our country, and by our unity and 
tolerance and compassion, we will show the world the soul of our 
country.
    May God bless America.

Note: The President spoke at 10:35 a.m. at Parkside Hall. In his 
remarks, he referred to Gloria Duffy, chief executive officer, 
Commonwealth Club; and Wall Street Journal journalist Daniel Pearl, who 
was kidnaped January 23 in Karachi, Pakistan, and later killed by his 
captors.