    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2001, Book II)]
    [July 23, 2001]
    [Pages 898-904]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    [[Page 898]]

    The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Silvio
    Berlusconi of Italy in Rome, Italy
    July 23, 2001

        Prime Minister Berlusconi. Good afternoon, everyone. I am very happy
    to extend my welcome to President Bush during his first visit to Rome.
    It's as a friend that I receive him in a free country, a democratic
    country, that has always been a friend of the United States of America,
    which with the United States of America has had for over 50 years a very
    special cooperation based on the feelings of the Atlantic Alliance, the
    European Union.
        Our country is a country that looks to the United States of America
    with a recognition that must be steadfast, a recognition that derives
    from a very profound feeling, Mr. President, of those who are aware of
    the fact that precisely thanks to your country, to your great democracy,
    to the young lives that the Americans sacrificed in Italian territory
    over 50 years ago, Italy ended a very dark moment where totalitarianism
    had got rid of freedom. And thanks to the sacrifice of the United States
    and its Allies, we were able to reach democracy, freedom, and we had a
    period of over half a century in freedom, democracy, and in prosperity.
        Therefore, with the feelings of a very great friend, where we
    recognize the feelings that are at the basis of the American feelings,
    with the same values that are the basis of your political action, that
    we receive you, Mr. President. And we, as we know in Genoa, have spent
    very special moments in Genoa, moments that I will always remember with
    great pleasure.
        And I must tell you that in Genoa I admired the way that you opened
    up towards others. I have to tell you that you conquered American
    journalists. You conquered everyone, because you were so spontaneous, so
    natural. It was such a frank way to say things, because yes is yes, no
    is no.
        In politics, we weren't used to seeing all this, and we were always
    beating around the bush, and we were taking things from the left or the
    right, up, down, and so on. With President Bush, everything is simple.
    And at the very end, all the other leaders truly appreciated the manner
    in which you were pragmatic. You were concrete, and that is how you
    faced all of the problems.
        And I also must add--and here I will end--I, who had already
    directed a G-8 in Naples 7 years ago, found a new atmosphere, a more
    positive atmosphere with a greater closeness amongst leaders. And I made
    this reflection: I said, ``It is almost a miracle today, at the
    beginning of a new century, at the beginning of a new millennium, of
    having around a table people looking at each other in their eyes, with
    faith and with friendship.'' We have the Prime Minister of Japan, the
    President of the United States of America, the Prime Minister of
    Germany, and the Presidents of England, France, and Italy, and again,
    the United States President and the President of the Russian Federation.
        Only 13 years ago the world was divided in two. There were two
    ideologies, a wall in the middle, and we thought that planned and
    collective economies could be a competitive economy against our system
    of free markets and free enterprise. How the world has changed.
        And therefore, I have to tell you that as a citizen, an anybody, I
    must say that from Genoa, from the talks with President Bush and the
    other leaders, just by the way you had these relationships with the
    other leaders in such a frank and open way, we have greater hope. The
    world today is much more safe than it was a

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    few years ago. And we can truly build, construct for our peoples, but
    for other peoples as well, calling them within the virtuous cycle of
    trade, of exchanges, as friends, with faith, with confidence. We can
    definitely build a better world.
        And thank you to history, in this sense. And in this specific
    instance, I must say thank you to President Bush.
        President Bush. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you very much. Perhaps the
    interpreter got it wrong when she says that my performance at the G-8
    conquered the American press. [Laughter] If so, I would expect their
    stories to reflect it from now on. But one thing is for certain: On
    this, my first trip as President to Italy, I've really enjoyed myself. I
    can see why so many Americans choose Italy as a place to visit--its
    fantastic history, beautiful buildings and monuments, and wonderful
    people.
        Mr. Prime Minister, I appreciate your leadership, as well. We share
    an entrepreneurial spirit. We understand the role of the entrepreneur in
    our societies. After all, this good man came from humble beginnings to
    not only build a business enterprise that employs thousands of people
    but also had the courage to seek political office. And I firmly believe
    the people of Italy will be well-off with my friend as their leader.
        And I've got some experience to say that, because I saw him at the
    G-8. We had meetings where there was nobody else in the room except the
    leaders of the industrialized world. We had good and honest discussions.
    But the Prime Minister was a pro, an expert at encouraging dialog and
    expressing his opinion.
        I want to thank the people of Genoa again for the sacrifices they
    made. I want to thank the law enforcement officials for providing
    security. I appreciate the Prime Minister and his government for making
    available the opportunity for those of us who lead our respective
    nations to come together and have a good, frank dialog, to talk about
    ways to improve relations amongst ourselves, as well as ways to help
    those nations not as fortunate as we are. You deserve a lot of credit,
    Mr. Prime Minister.
        Secondly, we've had good discussions today about our bilateral
    relations. We've got great trade between our nations, and we work
    together to make sure that trade continues. We've got good military
    cooperation between our respective lands, and we'll continue to do so. I
    reconfirmed to the Prime Minister that which I said in NATO, that
    America came into the Balkans with our friends, and we will leave with
    our friends. And I appreciate so very much the Italian leadership in the
    Balkans, not only the general who led our troops at one point in time
    but, as well, the troops that are still there. Our two nations comprise
    a large part of the force in keeping the peace.
        I also want to say something about the development in Indonesia. The
    people of Indonesia, by addressing their leadership crisis under their
    Constitution and laws, have shown commitment to the rule of law and
    democracy. We hope all parties will work together to maintain peace,
    support the Constitution, and promote national reconciliation.
        We appreciate President Wahid's work
    the last 2 years in leading Indonesia through its democratic transition.
    We look forward to working with President Megawati and her team to address Indonesia's challenges
    of economic reform, peaceful resolution of separatist challenges, and
    maintaining territorial integrity.
        Mr. Prime Minister, once again, thank you for your friendship, and
    thank you for the friendship of the Italian people with the American
    people.
        Prime Minister Berlusconi. Thank you. There were agreements, and we
    drew the journalists that are going to ask the questions. The name that
    was given to me is the name ``Mr. Dennis Ismore.''

    [[Page 900]]

    Meeting With Pope John Paul II/Italy-U.S.
    Relations

        Q. Mr. President, was it a surprise for you to hear today from the
    Holy Father on his declarations on manipulations of embryos? And how do
    you intend to take it into consideration as you examine the decision
    about Federal funds to research, especially in view of what you've said
    before regarding your decision?
        And to Prime Minister Berlusconi: The relationship between Italy and
    the United States, does it go through Europe, or on what topics do you
    believe that Italy has a privileged and specific role? Because the
    communique was not very precise on this.
        President Bush. We have the two-question strategy. [Laughter] A
    person is allowed to ask one question, but they manage to convert it to
    two. I suspect that may be the case with some of the American press, as
    well.
        First, let me say how honored I was to be able to be in the presence
    of the Holy Father. It was a moment I was looking forward to because of
    his profound impact on the world. He's an extraordinary man who is, by
    virtue of his leadership and his conscience and his presence, has not
    only affected political systems but affected the hearts and souls of
    thousands of people all around the world. And it's hard to describe--I'm
    not poetic enough to describe what it's like to be in his presence.
        Nor was I surprised to hear his strong, consistent message of life.
    It's been his message ever since he's been the Holy Father. He's never
    deviated. He sent a consistent word throughout the church and throughout
    society that we ought to take into account the preciousness of life. I
    hear that message from his cardinals and bishops throughout our country.
    One of the things about the Catholic Church that I admire, it's a church
    that stands on consistent and solid principle. And of course, I'll take
    that point of view into consideration as I make up my mind on a very
    difficult issue confronting the United States of America. It's the need
    to balance value and respect for life with the promise of science and
    the hope of saving life.
        And so I will go back home, after what has been a very successful
    trip, continue to listen to points of view, and make up my mind when I'm
    ready to. And when I do, I'll make the case to the American people.
        Prime Minister Berlusconi. As far as the question that was asked, I
    think that the statement comprises all of the sectors where we all have
    the same views, and therefore, we have the same political identity that
    derives from the same values, from the same way of looking at things and
    the events in the world. I think that this is the basis of a cooperation
    that can be a very tight one, indeed.
        As far as the European Union, we know that the European Union wants
    to have a task force that will cooperate and work with NATO. It asks
    NATO to provide the elements that the task force in the beginning would
    not have on its own, but again, with cooperation and working with NATO.
    And I do believe that this is something positive, because it would not
    be logical, it would not be possible to continue, for NATO to come in,
    intervene on its own in all of those situations that arise in the world
    in order to make sure that they go in to take care of those wounds that
    become chronic ulcers.
        Therefore, I think that it's fair that if Europe wants to become
    politically strong, that it wants to express itself with a single voice,
    I was saying it should have its own military force. However, I believe
    that this military force must be fully synchronized with the NATO
    forces. And it might be able to intervene by itself with preventative
    agreements with NATO, so that NATO does not have to face every single
    situation in the world.
        As far as the United States, it's a very intense trade relationship
    in both directions. Last week we signed an agreement

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    for a greater cooperation in technological and scientific research. I
    believe that this can be useful even in difficult situations, like the
    situations of the factors that increase the temperature on the planet. I
    think that every single topic, every single situation should go back to
    the fundamental agreement that is born from the historic reasons that I
    mentioned, and which consolidates itself due to the fact that we have a
    common basis of values and principles and today also due to the human
    liking and the sympathy that we have, that has developed between the
    President of the Italian Government and the President of the United
    States.
        President Bush. This man is from NBC, Mr. Prime Minister, NBC.

    Stem Cell Research

        Q. Mr. President, I'd like to return to the issue of your decision
    regarding stem cell research. I was struck by the fact that the Pope
    specifically condemned the creation of embryonic stem cells for the
    purpose of research, when in fact one central element of what you're
    grappling with is the research on existing stem cells. Can you elaborate
    on what you two discussed in that regard? Are there areas that you're
    considering that he did not address? And I'm not asking you to provide
    us with what you're going to do, but can you at least share with us what
    options are out there, what compromises you might be looking at?
        President Bush. David [David Gregory, NBC News], I think it's
    important for the American people to know that I take this issue very
    seriously, because it is an issue that, on the one hand, deals with so
    much hope, hope that perhaps through research and development we'll be
    able to save lives. It's also an issue that has got serious moral
    implications. And our Nation must think carefully before we proceed. And
    therefore, my process has been, frankly, unusually deliberative for my
    administration. I'm taking my time.
        I frankly do not care what the political polls say. I do care about
    the opinions of people, particularly someone as profound as the Holy
    Father. But I will tell you that the first
    time the subject came up was when he read his statement at the palace,
    at his summer palace. And my discussions with the Holy Father were more
    about foreign policy. He was interested in my view of the world and my
    discussions with President Putin, for
    example. He was most interested in what went on at Genoa.
        And so his statement was very consistent, a consistent part of the
    philosophy that the Catholic Church has embraced. But that's the only
    time it came up, Dave.
        Q. [Inaudible]--options----
        President Bush. Well, I'm thinking about all options, but I'm
    thinking about them privately. In all due respect to a great--one of
    several great news organizations, I'd rather not be expressing, laying
    my options out on the air, because I have yet to reach a conclusion. And
    when I do, I will lay it out to you. I don't know if you'll be first,
    but I'll lay it out to the American people.
        And the American people will know that this decision has been made
    in all due deliberations, with sound deliberations, that it's an
    important decision. And I think people understand that it is that way,
    and it's important for America to fully understand the ramifications.
    And time has helped people understand the complexities of the issue. And
    when I get back, I will continue my deliberations, and when I'm ready, I
    will lay out my decision.

    National Missile Defense

        Q. Mr. President, yesterday there was a step ahead made in the
    relations between Russia and the United States for the defense missile
    systems. Don't you think that the United States and President Bush
    perhaps need a better--a more explicit support from its European Allies
    in this type of dialog? Are you willing to do this, as opposed to other
    European countries? You

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    have been talked for about $60 billion to $100 billion of investment for
    the strategic missile defense. Will you share some of that money with
    European companies, in investments in technology and, especially, with
    some of the Italian companies? They're very advanced in that.
        Thank you.
        President Bush. We did have a major discussion about how best to
    keep the peace. I was really pleased with the conversation I had with
    President Putin. It was the second such
    conversation I've had, and we're making good progress toward
    understanding. And the understanding is that the cold war is over:
    Russia is not the enemy of the United States and that freedom-loving
    people should address the true threats of the 21st century. And those
    threats are, amongst other things, the ability of a rogue nation to have
    weapons of mass destruction, which could affect the United States or
    Italy or Russia or anybody else who embraces freedom.
        And it seems to me that we must do the research and development
    necessary, research and development prohibited by the current treaty
    that codifies the old cold war mentality of distrust. And we have yet to
    do that. We have yet to fully explore the opportunities and options
    available to not only the United States but our allies as to how to keep
    the peace.
        So it's premature for me to answer not only how much the systems
    will cost but who will participate. I will tell you this: The spirit of
    collaboration and cooperation should indicate to our friends and allies
    that we're more than willing to cooperate. We've discussed the issue,
    and I'm so much thankful to my friend for being supportive and forward-
    leaning when others have been skeptical.
        And in the appropriate time, when we figure out the best way to
    address the true threats, which is the ability to intercept twos--
    launches of twos or threes that could hold us hostage and affect all our
    foreign policies--then we will work on the development. And the
    development of the systems may very well entail cooperation with our
    friends and allies. I'm very openminded on this subject.
        Prime Minister Berlusconi. As President Bush has just mentioned, in
    Brussels, during the NATO meeting, I spoke, and then I spoke at Goteborg
    during the dinner that we shared. And I said that I was in agreement
    with what President Bush had said very clearly. The world scene has
    changed. There is no antagonism between Europe and the United States, on
    the one hand, and the Soviet Union on the other hand. The Soviet Union
    is something different.
        And we're very interested as Europeans with the support of the
    United States; we look to a progressive journey of the Russian
    Federation. Maybe tomorrow, the day after, the Russian Federation might
    even become part of the European federation, where we have countries
    that share a common Christian civilization. And I believe that in the
    future we will also be able to speak of a Russian Federation that
    becomes part of the Atlantic Alliance.
        Our enemies are elsewhere. Potentially, our enemies are elsewhere.
    Of course, we know that we will need some time before certain countries
    that do not give us full confidence will be able to build strategic
    weapons with a range that allows them to go to far-off places like the
    United States. But undoubtedly, the situation is worrisome, and I
    believe that it would be logical to preserve the security of Europe and
    the United States, making sure that we keep an eye on these
    potentialities, on these dangers.
        I think that President Bush was extremely clear when he said that
    these topics the United States is willing to talk about with the
    European Allies. On our side, I think that this is something that must
    be done. We have said this. We will always be next to the United States
    in order to take part in this discussion, going well beyond the
    attitudes of certain European states, which still, today, have not, in
    my

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    opinion, understood how the world has changed and how we should start
    worrying about the future.
        Q. Mr. President, if I could follow up on missile defense. It seems
    there was a little bit of ambiguity about what happened yesterday. Does
    the agreement that you reached with President Putin yesterday commit
    your administration to slowing down or in any way delaying the
    development of missile technologies and the withdrawing from the ABM
    Treaty until after the two nations have reached an agreement about both
    offensive and defensive systems? Or will you just continue to develop
    these technologies and withdraw from the treaty when you see fit?
        And Mr. Prime Minister, if I could just follow up, how important is
    an agreement, a formal agreement between Russia and the United States on
    these matters to Europe-wide support of the U.S. developing these
    technologies?
        President Bush. Since it's your country, I'll give you the last
    word. I have told President Putin that time
    matters, that I want to reach an accord sooner rather than later, that
    I'm interested in getting something done with him. That's my first
    priority. The American people, our friends and allies, and others should
    take me for my word when I said in the campaign, and since being the
    President, that I will consult with our friends and allies, that I will
    work with Russia. But make no mistake about it, I think it's important
    to move beyond the ABM Treaty. I would rather others come with us, but I
    feel so strongly and passionately on the subject about how to keep the
    peace in the 21st century, that we'll move beyond, if need be.
        But first things first, Terry [Terry Moran, ABC News], and that is
    to give President Putin and our friends and
    allies ample time to discuss, consider, and understand what I'm trying
    to say. My friend has been quick to grasp the notion about changing the
    security arrangements in the world. But others who have said that
    mutually assured destruction will keep the peace in the future--it's
    worked in the past; therefore it should be around in the future--need
    some time to understand the full implications about which we're
    discussing. And I understand that--particularly President Putin, his
    nation has been bound by the treaty. It's a treaty, of course, that--
    from which either party can withdraw with ample notice. And I can
    understand why he wants time, and I'm going to give him some time.
        But I also want to emphasize to you that time is of the essence. It
    is time to move beyond. It is time to begin the research and
    development, which we have yet to do--the research and development,
    constrained by the ABM Treaty, to determine that which is feasible. And
    it's important to do so for a couple of reasons.
        One, it's important to discard the old cold war mentality. And I
    explained that to President Putin, and I
    believe he understands that America is no longer Russia's enemy, that we
    have a chance to fashion a new strategic framework beyond just missile
    defenses, a strategic framework that says we'll reduce our own offensive
    weapons, a strategic framework that says we'll cooperate on security
    matters, particularly as it relates to terrorist activities, a security
    relationship where we'll work for safer nuclear storage and safer
    nuclear energy. It is a different framework, a different frame of mind
    that I truly believe will make the world a more peaceful place.
        And since I feel it so strongly, if we can't reach an agreement,
    we're going to implement. It's the right thing to do. It's what I told
    the American people we're going to do. It's what I've explained to our
    allies we're going to do.
        But I believe we've got a great opportunity to welcome others into
    the strategic framework. You saw the President yesterday. I thought he was very forward-leaning, as
    they say in diplomatic-nuanced circles. We signed an agreement. That
    should say something about the intentions and about how far we've
    progressed on this issue.

    [[Page 904]]

        Mr. Prime Minister.
        Prime Minister Berlusconi. I have to confirm the judgment on the
    President on this, and I can also bear witness to the fact that during
    the G-8 Summit, we spoke about this topic. In fact, in a bilateral
    meeting, I met President Putin and, with the invitation of the other
    allies, I, in fact, spoke about the problem of the atomic potential in
    his country. I began expressing the preoccupation of the Western world
    vis-a-vis the nuclear stations in Russia, because here we're talking
    about the maintenance of the old ones and the building codes for new
    nuclear stations.
        President Putin said that he would face this very openly. He spoke
    to us about their plans for these places, and he also said that he will
    continue to cooperate with Western technicians as far as the building
    codes of the new plants. And after that, we spoke, and I must say that I
    spoke to him directly on the atomic potential. But here I would like to
    digress.
        We also have to understand the physiological aspect for the
    President and for his people. They come from a past. They were a world
    power. They had a very strong fall, as far as their economy was
    concerned. Their global revenue is well below the other countries of the
    G-7, but they still have that old pride. And above all, they have that
    atomic stockpile that is still an extraordinary one. It's huge.
    Therefore, we must be very tactful.
        We must take the entire situation into account, the psychological
    and actual situation. We must proceed with patience on a road, which is
    the one expressed by President Bush, that cannot be hurried on. But the
    reactions that we saw from President Putin make us believe that we will
    be able to cooperate. And I think that we're on the right path in order
    to reach an agreement that would obviously imply certain modifications
    in the existing treaty. And I believe that this can all be done without
    unilateral measures.
        On the other hand, President Bush also confirmed the will of the
    United States of America to talk with the allies, to not do anything
    without having a discussion with the allies first. So I believe that
    this is an issue that has been well placed and is on the right path.
        President Bush. Thank you.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 2:52 p.m. at the Villa
    Dona Pamphilj. In his remarks, he referred to former President
    Abdurrahman Wahid and President Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia;
    President Vladimir Putin of Russia; and Pope John Paul II. Prime
    Minister Berlusconi referred to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of
    Japan; Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany; Prime Minister Tony
    Blair of the United Kingdom; President Jacques Chirac of France; and
    President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi of Italy. Prime Minister Berlusconi spoke
    in Italian, and his remarks were translated by an interpreter.