[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: WILLIAM J. CLINTON (2000, Book II)]
[September 11, 2000]
[Pages 1793-1795]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at the Partners in History Dinner in New York City
September 11, 2000

    Thank you very much. Let me say, first of all, Hillary and I are 
delighted to be here with all of you, and especially you, 
Edgar, with all of your family, 
including Edgar, Clarissa, and the about-to-be 22d grandchild here. They are 
probably an even more important testament to your life than this 
important work we celebrate tonight.
    I thank Israel Singer and the World Jewish 
Council leadership, Elie Wiesel, my fellow award 
recipients, especially Senator D'Amato 
and Congressman Leach, without which we could 
not have done our part, and Stuart Eizenstat, without which I could have done nothing. And I thank you 
all.
    I thank the members of the Israeli Government and Cabinet who are 
here and those of you who have come from around the world. But I would 
like to say, not only as President but as an American, a man who studied 
German as a child and went to Germany as a young man in the hopes of 
reconciling my enormously conflicted feelings about a country that I 
loved which had done something I hated.
    Foreign Minister Fischer, I have rarely 
in my life been as moved as I was by your comments tonight. And I thank 
you from the bottom of my heart.
    Edgar once said that, ``in forcing the world to face up to an ugly 
past, we help shape a more honorable future.'' I am honored to have been 
part of this endeavor, and I have tried to learn its lesson. Within our 
country, I have been to Native American reservations and acknowledged 
that the treaties we signed were neither fair nor honorably kept in many 
cases. I went to Africa, to Goree Island, the Door of No Return, and 
acknowledged the responsibility of the United States in buying people 
into slavery. This is a hard business, struggling to find our core of 
humanity.
    As Edgar said, we are here in an immediate sense in part because 
Edgar buttonholed Hillary back in 
1996 and said I had to see him the next day. And that night, she told me 
I had to see him the next day, because the time for redress was running 
out. And I did, as he said.
    I do want to thank Hillary for 
more than has been accounted, because I can't tell you how many times 
she reminded me of her meetings with elderly survivors all around the 
world, and how many times she tried to shine a light on the quest for 
material and moral justice. So thank you for helping me be here tonight.
    I would like to say again what I said before, Senator 
D'Amato and Representative Leach made it possible for us to do what we did together 
as Americans, not as Republicans or Democrats but as Americans. Governor 
Pataki and Alan Hevesi marshal city and State governments all across America, not 
as Republicans or Democrats but as Americans. People like Paul 
Volcker, Larry Eagleburger, and Stan Chesley, 
all of whom could choose to do pretty much whatever they like, chose 
instead to spend their time and their talents generously on this cause.
    And I would like to thank Avraham Burg, 
former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, 
and the current Prime Minister, Ehud Barak, and 
the members of his government who have supported this cause after it had 
begun earlier under a different administration of a different party, not 
out of party reasons but because of humanity. And again, let me say how 
personally grateful I am to the dedication of Stu Eizenstat, who is literally unmatched in his commitment to 
doing the right thing and his skill in actually finding a way to get it 
done.
    I would like to echo what Foreign Minister Fischer said about the 
German Bundeskanzler, Gerhard Schroeder. 
He showed remarkable leadership. He showed a generosity and a courage of 
memory, and no little amount of political prodding could do what his 
country has done. And we are grateful to him, as well.
    Thanks to all of you, humanity begins this new millennium standing 
on higher grounds. Of course, we can never compensate the victims and 
their families for what was lost. It is beyond our poor power to restore 
life or even to rewrite history. But we have made progress towards 
setting history straight and providing compensation for lost or stolen 
assets and forced or slave labor.
    We have an especially sacred obligation to elderly survivors, 
particularly the double victims who endured first the Holocaust and then 
a half century of communism. For their sake,

[[Page 1794]]

there can be no denying the past or delaying the compensation.
    We must also meet our obligations to the future, to seek the truth 
and follow where it leads. That's why it is so terribly important that 
your efforts have led to commissions in the United States and a dozen 
other nations examining their own involvement in the handling of assets 
that rightfully belong to victims of the Holocaust, and why it is so 
important that the horror of the Holocaust never fade from our memories 
and that we never lose sight of its searing lessons.
    We're at the beginning of this new century with all of its promise. 
We still are beset by humanity's oldest failing, the fear of the other, 
the fear that, somehow, people who are different from us in the color of 
their skin or the way they worship are to be distrusted, disliked, 
hated, dehumanized, and ultimately killed. It is a very slippery slope, 
indeed.
    This fear makes us vulnerable in two ways. It makes societies 
vulnerable, as ours have been, to individual crimes of hate by people 
who cannot come to grips with their own sense of failure or rage or 
inadequacy, and so, blame someone else.
    Not very long--a poor demented person blamed a Filipino postal 
worker and killed him dead in California shortly after he tried to blame 
innocent little Jewish children going to their school. A little before 
that, a demented person in the United States, who said he belonged to a 
church that did not believe in God but believed in white supremacy, 
killed an African-American basketball coach walking in his neighborhood 
in Chicago and then shot a young Korean-American Christian walking out 
of his church; James Byrd, dragged to death in Texas because he was 
black; Matthew Shepard, stretched out on the rack of a fence to die 
because he was gay. People still can be quickly brought into the grip of 
that kind of poison hatred. And even more troubling, whole societies 
still can be exploited in their fears by unscrupulous leaders who seek 
to convince them that they should blame their problems on groups within 
or beyond their midst.
    It is unbelievable to me today when German and American and Russian 
and French troops serve together for peace in the Balkans, when Israeli 
rescue teams travel the world to help people of every faith, when Greeks 
and Turks help to dig out one another's dead amid the rubble of 
earthquakes, when the latest breakthrough in genetic science tells us 
that we are all genetically 99.9 percent the same, and that within any 
ethnic group, the genetic differences are greater than they are from 
group to group--still, we have not completely learned this lesson. And 
still, when you strip it all away, at the root of the not-quite-finished 
peace process in Ireland, at the root of the ethnic and tribal wars of 
Africa, at the root of the uprooting of almost a million people in 
Kosovo, and at the root of the hard, unresolved questions in the Middle 
East, is the fear of the other.
    Here in our country, we have tried to make great strides, but we 
have a lot to do. One of the reasons I have so strongly supported the 
hate crimes legislation that is pending in the House is that it gives us 
another chance to say in America we are going to let go of the fear of 
the other. And if anybody can't let it go, we are going to take a strong 
and unambiguous stand against it so it will never infect us as a people 
again.
    I just came back from Africa where I went to Arusha, Tanzania, to 
the Peace Center to meet with Nelson Mandela, 
to meet with all the parties, some 20 of them, in the Burundian peace 
process where, at the beginning of the last decade, somewhere between 
200,000 and 300,000 people were killed in the ongoing ethnic struggle 
between the Hutus and the Tutsis, which cost over 700,000 lives in 
neighboring Rwanda just a couple of years later.
    The point I'm trying to make is, it is not enough for us to do 
everything we can to make whole the Holocaust victims, survivors, and 
their family members. What we have to do, all of us, to merit the 
forgiveness of the Almighty, is to root out the cancer, which gave it 
life, wherever we find it. For it is not something that was localized in 
Germany. How many nations can thank God that at a particularly 
vulnerable point in their history, they did not produce a Hitler or--God 
forbid--they might have done the same thing?
    And so I say to you, we have to fight this everywhere. We can't give 
up on the Balkans and let them go back to slaughtering each other 
because some are Muslim and some are Orthodox Christian and some are 
Catholics. And we cannot give up on the Middle East until the whole 
thing is done.
    Several of you have come up to me tonight and said, ``Well, what do 
you think now? What's

[[Page 1795]]

going to happen?'' I say, ``Well, I'm pretty optimistic.'' The Speaker 
of the Knesset said, ``Ah, yes, but that's your nature. Everyone knows 
it.'' [Laughter] The truth is, we have come to a painful choice between 
continued confrontation and a chance to move beyond violence to build 
just and lasting peace. Like all life's chances, this one is fleeting, 
and the easy risks have all been taken already.
    I think it important to remind ourselves that the Middle East 
brought forth the world's three great monotheistic religions, each 
telling us we must recognize our common humanity; we must love our 
neighbor as ourselves; if we turn aside a stranger, it is as if we turn 
aside the Most High God.
    But when the past is piled high with hurt and hatred, that is a hard 
lesson to live by. We cannot undo past wrongs in the Middle East, 
either. But we are never without the power to right them to some extent. 
And the struggle you have waged and won here for restitution, the 
struggle we honor tonight, shows that the effort is always worth making.
    I thank you for supporting that good work. I salute you for what you 
have accomplished. But I remind you, the demon that has driven so much 
darkness since the dawn of human history has not yet quite been expunged 
from the human soul. And so we all still have work to do.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 9:38 p.m. in the Grand Ballroom at the 
Pierre Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to Edgar Bronfman, Sr., 
president, World Jewish Congress, his son, Edgar Bronfman, Jr., 
president and chief executive officer, Seagram and Sons, and his 
daughter-in-law, Clarissa Bronfman; Israel Singer, secretary general, 
World Jewish Congress; Nobel Prize winner and author Elie Wiesel; former 
Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato; Vice Chancellor Joschka Fischer and 
Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany; Gov. George E. Pataki of New 
York; Alan G. Hevesi, New York City comptroller; Paul A. Volcker, former 
Chairman, Federal Reserve Board; former Secretary of State Lawrence S. 
Eagleburger; attorney Stanley M. Chesley; Speaker Avraham Burg, Israeli 
Knesset; Prime Minister Ehud Barak and former Prime Minister Binyamin 
Netanyahu of Israel; and former President Nelson Mandela of South 
Africa.