[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: WILLIAM J. CLINTON (2000, Book II)]
[July 26, 2000]
[Pages 1469-1474]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
Remarks on Fiscal Responsibility and an Exchange With Reporters
July 26, 2000
The President. For more than 7 years now, our Nation has stuck to a
course of fiscal discipline, making tough choices that have resulted in
the elimination of record deficits, investing in our people, and paying
down our debt.
Clearly, the strategy is paying off. It has given us the longest
economic expansion in our history, over 22 million new jobs, and the
largest budget surplus in history. Now, we have the chance to pass
responsible tax cuts, continue to pay off the national debt, and keep
our prosperity going.
Instead of following the path that got us here, congressional
Republicans want America to take a U-turn. Over the past 2 weeks, they
have pushed through a series of expensive tax bills,
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one after another. They've been in a rush to get these bills passed
before their convention, but they've been in no rush to get them to my
desk, because they fear what will happen when the American people have a
chance to add them all up and do the math.
Taken together, Republican tax bills now stacking up from this
Congress would cost nearly $2 trillion over 10 years. By our accounting,
that would put America back into deficits. Even by their own rosy
scenario, the Republican tax bills consume every dime of the surplus the
American people have worked so hard to create. That's what this chart
shows.
However you add it up, a $2 trillion tax plan is too big, too
reckless, too irresponsible. It leaves nothing for lengthening the life
of Social Security and Medicare to make provision for the baby boomers'
retirement. It leaves nothing for adding a prescription drug benefit to
Medicare. It leaves nothing for greater investment in education or the
environment or science and technology or health. It would make it
impossible for us to get America out of debt by 2012.
Now, if the congressional Republicans truly think these tax cuts are
good policy, instead of just good politics, they should put them
together and send them down to me right now, before they break for their
convention. Then the American people can add up the costs and draw their
own conclusions. But if they adjourn for the summer and the bills aren't
on my desk, the American people will know that they're playing politics
with our surpluses.
Remember something else--and this is very important--these are
projected surpluses. It's not money we have now but money we might have
over the next 10 years. Think about it. If you got one of those
sweepstakes envelopes from Ed McMahon in the mail saying you may have
won $10 million, would you go out and spend it? Well, if you would, you
should support their tax plan, but if you wouldn't, you should think
again because that's what the congressional Republicans want us to do,
commit right now to spend all the money that we might get over the next
10 years.
In good conscience I cannot sign one of these tax breaks after
another without any coherent strategy for safeguarding our future and
meeting our other national priorities. At this rate, there will be no
resources left for extending the life of Social Security and Medicare,
for adding a real prescription drug benefit to Medicare, for investing
in education, or for getting us out of debt. And getting us out of debt
will keep interest rates low and keep our economy growing. That could
give the American people the biggest tax cut of all.
Lower interest rates, in a way, are the biggest tax cut we can give
to most Americans. Because of the deficit and debt reduction already
achieved, the average American family--listen to this--the average
American family is already paying $2,000 less a year in mortgage
payments, $200 less a year in car payments, and $200 less a year in
student loan payments.
If we keep interest rates just one percent lower over 10 years,
which is about what my Council of Economic Advisers thinks we'll do if
we keep paying down the debt instead of giving it all away in tax cuts,
homeowners--listen to this--homeowners will save $250 billion over the
next 10 years in lower home mortgage rates alone. That's $850 a family a
year in lower mortgage payments.
And then to see what people are getting, you would have to add
proportionally lower car payments, lower college loan payments. And of
course, with lower interest rates, businesses will be able to borrow
more easily and invest more, creating more jobs to sustain our
prosperity. The more you do the math the less sense the Republican tax
plan makes.
Consider this: The typical middle class family will get $220 a year
from the tax cuts the Republicans have passed this year--just the ones
they've passed this year, not in this Congress. If interest rates went
up because of the Republican plan one-third of one percent, just one-
third of one percent, then that average family's mortgage payments would
go up by $270, completely wiping out the tax cut and leaving the average
family worse off than they were before. It does not have to be that way.
I have proposed tax cuts to give middle class Americans more
benefits than the tax bills the Republicans have passed at less than
half the cost. Two-thirds of the relief of our proposal will go to the
middle 60 percent of Americans, including our targeted marriage penalty
tax relief.
Our tax cuts would also help send our children to college with a tax
deduction for up to $10,000 in college tuition a year, help to care for
sick family members with a $3,000 long-term care tax credit, help to pay
for child care and to ease the burden on working families with
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three or more children, to pay for desperately needed school
construction.
And because our plan will cost substantially less than the tax cuts
passed by the Congress, we'll still have enough money--and this is
critical--we'll still have enough money left to provide a Medicare
prescription drug benefit, to extend the life of Social Security and
Medicare, to pay for the baby boomers' retirement, and to stay on track
to be debt-free by 2012, and I might add, to keep interest rates lower
so that we'll have billions of dollars in lower home mortgages, car
payments, and college loan payments.
We should have tax cuts this year. But they should be the right
ones, targeted to working families to help our economy grow, not tax
bills so big they put our prosperity at risk. Now, we've tried it our
way for 8 years, and we've tried it their way for several years before
then. I say to Congress, stop passing tax bills you know I'll have to
veto; start working together with us on a balanced budget that cuts
taxes for middle class families, continues to pay off the national debt,
and invests in America's future.
Over the last 7 years, our country has overcome tremendous odds to
create a moment of unprecedented prosperity and promise. But how we
respond to good fortune is as stern test of our values, our judgment,
and our character as a nation as how we deal with adversity. I think
we'll meet the challenge, and when we do, we'll ensure that America's
best years are still to come.
Thank you.
Q. Are you still going to veto each of the bills if the Republicans
did send them down to you?
The President. That is my plan. You know, a lot of these bills,
individually, have a lot of appeal; I'm sure they do. And maybe,
collectively, they have a lot of appeal until you know what they cost.
But it's obvious that if you look at the income tax bill they passed
last year and all these bills they're passing this year, together, they
just eat up the projected surplus.
And let me say, the projected surplus is based on not only--let me
just make a few more points to you. The projected surplus is based not
only on, I believe, a very rosy scenario by them, a somewhat less
optimistic scenario from us; it's also based on an assumption of
spending which assumes that Federal spending will grow less than the
economy will grow over the next 10 years, which is, at least if you look
at the record of even the Republican Congress over the last 4 years, a
highly questionable assumption.
So keep in mind, this is before they spend money for anything,
before they pay for their proposed national missile defense, before they
pay for the promises being made in this national campaign on the
domestic side, before they may decide that, at least for the things they
like to spend money on, like highways and things, they want the spending
to grow as fast as the economy grows.
This is a prescription, make no mistake about it, for going back to
the economic policy of the past and going back to higher interest rates,
and higher interests rates which will take away the benefit of the tax
cut to the vast majority of Americans and undermine the long-term
economic strength of the country. I know that it's not as appealing in
an election year, maybe, but we're right to pay the debt down. We need
to keep getting America out of debt. We need to get rid of it. It's the
right thing to do for the young people of the country.
Q. Do the increased projected surpluses make it harder for you to
make this case with every headline saying we're going to see this much
more than we thought? Does that make it more difficult for you to argue
that there is no room for these tax cuts?
The President. Well, again, I think in the beginning it does. That's
why I'm here making the argument. But it doesn't change the reality. If
you look at the projected surplus, just look at the spending levels
alone, the projected surplus is based on, by the Congressional Budget
Office, and then just--but the main thing I want to say is, once you put
these tax cuts in, they're in. They're not like spending bills. You
know, if Congress wants to spend money, they come in next year, and they
spend money again.
So if the money turns out to be--let's suppose they spend money in
2001, and they've got a 5-year program. But in 2002 the revenues tail
off; well, they don't have to appropriate as much money. They can always
cut back on spending. But once you put the tax cuts in, they're in. It's
a lot harder to say, ``Well, I made a mistake. I think I'll raise
taxes.''
So there should be a tax cut. No one questions that there should be
a tax cut. The question is, how big should it be and who should
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be helped by it and what are the other interests the country has? We
shouldn't mislead the American people about our obligations to keep
interest rates low, because almost all Americans will be hurt more by
higher interest rates than they can possibly be helped by any of these
proposed tax cuts. And we shouldn't mislead the American people about
the money we think the Congress is really going to have to spend.
This takes into account--what if we have in the next 10 years a
bunch of farm emergencies, like we've had for the last 3? Let's go back
and look at the extra money we've poured into spending on agriculture
alone in the last 3. And if you were in Congress, wouldn't you want to
at least see education spending grow at the rate of the economy growing?
And look at the commitments they've made there.
And so I'd just tell you, the idea that we would say, ``Okay, here's
the surplus. Now let's pass tax cuts which take it all away, and never
mind what might happen to the revenues, and never mind what new
investments we might have to make as a country that we don't even know
about now for the next 10 years''--I think it's very troubling.
Dick Cheney
Q. Mr. President.
The President. Yes.
Q. Do you think Governor Bush played it safe in choosing Dick Cheney
as a running mate? And would you advise Vice President Gore to similarly
play it safe in choosing his running mate?
The President. Well, first of all, I don't know--I think the most
important thing about that decision is that it will--and everything I
know about Mr. Cheney, personally, I like. I actually was kind of
pleased by the decision, because there's no question that he has many
years of experience in the Congress and in the previous Bush
administration.
But the thing I liked about it was, it further clarified the choices
for the American people, and I think that's important. I think the most
important thing you want out of any election is that the voters
understand what they're doing when they vote, and they understand that
there are consequences to their vote. And it further clarifies that
there are significant choices here to be made. There are big differences
on the environment, on gun safety, on a woman's right to choose, on
civil rights enforcement, and on economic policy. That's what I think
the election ought to be about.
I think this ought to be a positive election where people say good
things about their opponents, personally, and say they have honest
differences. And I think having Mr. Cheney coming on the ticket will
help to clarify that there are big, profound differences between the
two leaders and
the tickets, and that those differences will have real consequences for
the country. And I think because he's a good man, we can further
dispense with the 20 years of politics of personal destruction and focus
on the differences between the people that are running and the parties
and how it will change life in America.
So I think anything that clarifies the debate, lifts it up, focuses
it on the issue differences, is positive. And there are real, huge
differences, and I think this will help to clarify them, and I think
that's positive.
Recess Appointments
Q. Mr. President, you've complained that Congress has been slow to
act on your appointments for judgeships and ambassadorial posts. If they
don't act, do you feel in a mood to do this by recess appointments?
The President. Well, first, I have made no decision on this. I
haven't made any kind of--I haven't had a meeting about it. As you know,
I've been otherwise occupied the last couple of weeks. I'd like to begin
by just citing the record here.
I have bent over backwards to respect the constitutional senatorial
appointment process. The record will reflect that I have made less use
of recess appointments than either President Bush or President Reagan,
even when I had a Republican Senate the way they had Democratic Senates.
I think the record will reflect that I have shown more restraint in
that, even when I've had a little more partisan differences with the
Senate than they did on the appointments process--my predecessors.
So I have shown a reluctance to make robust use of that option. And
I just have--to be perfectly candid, I've been so absorbed with other
things, I have not--I don't even know for sure what my options are,
what's out there, what irrevocable consequences could result if I don't
use it during this session, in terms of unfairness to particular
individuals or to the public interest. So I've just got to look at the
facts and make
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a judgment. But I have not made a decision yet.
Q. It does sound like your patience is running out it, though.
The President. No, but I really haven't made a judgment on this.
I've never been--if you just look at the record here, I have not been a
big user of recess appointments, because I respect the whole process by
which the Senate reviews these things, even when I think it's been
strained. But I honestly haven't made a decision yet. I just have to
look and see what the options are.
Middle East Peace Process
Q. On the Middle East, Mr. President, the Palestinians are saying
the deal on the table on Jerusalem is just not doable. If that's the
case, how can there ever be a compromise?
The President. Well, first of all, let me try to frame this in a way
that I think that the Palestinians and the Israelis, and I would hope
other friends of peace around the world, would think about it. We all
know how hard Jerusalem is because it goes to the sense of identity of
both the Palestinian and the Israeli people, and in a larger sense, the
adherence of Islam, Judaism, and Christianity all around the world.
In a sense, therefore, the city of Jerusalem is not just
Yerushalayim for the Israelis and Al-Quds for the Palestinians. It is a
holy place that reaches beyond even the geographical boundaries of the
city.
If there is to be an agreement here, it must be one which meets the
legitimate interests of both parties. And that requires a certain
imagination and flexibility of defining those interests and then
figuring out an institutional and legal framework for them that,
frankly, just takes more time and more reflection and probably less
pressure than was available in our 15 days at Camp David.
But in any negotiation, it must be possible for both sides to say
they got most of what they wanted and needed, that they were not routed
from the field, that there was honorable compromise. And so, therefore,
the issues cannot be framed in a ``you have to lose in order for me to
win, and in order for you to win, I have to lose'' framework. If they
are like that, you're correct, then we can never reach an agreement.
But I have spent a great deal of time, obviously, not only studying
about this but listening to the two sides talk about it, think about it,
and looking at all the options available for a potential resolution of
it. And all I can tell you is, I'm convinced that if the issue is
preserving the fundamental interests of the Palestinians and the
Israelis and the genuine sanctity of the Muslim, Christian, and Jewish
interest in the Holy City, then I think we can do that. I just do. But
we couldn't do it in the 15 days we were there.
The decision that will have to be made is whether there is a way--
for example, in this case, you mentioned the Palestinians--for the
Palestinians to win their fundamental interest without also winning the
right to say they have routed the Israelis, or whether there's a way for
the Israelis to protect their fundamental interests without also winning
the right to say they have stuck it to the Palestinians. I believe there
is, and we're going to explore how we might persuade them, all of them,
that there is and where we go from here.
And I hope that just this kind of thing I've been talking about will
spark a whole range of ``oh'' articles in the press, commentators on the
TV programs, other people talking and thinking this way, trying to be
innovative and open and--you know, I realize the incredible pressure
these people were under in even having this discussion. That is, in the
end, why I realized we couldn't get it done in 2 weeks. You've got to
get used to talking about something for a little bit before you can then
entertain how you can create an edifice that you hadn't previously
imagined. And I think we'll be able to do it.
Q. How long are you going to wait before you give it another shot?
The President. Well, it depends. I can't answer that. I've tried to
make the judgments here for 8 years based on what I thought would aid
the process, and I can't yet tell, Mark, [Mark Knoller, CBS Radio] what
would be most in aid of the process. I just can't tell yet.
Thank you.
Note: The President spoke at 2:10 p.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the
White House. In his remarks, he referred to Publishers Clearing House
Sweepstakes spokesperson Ed McMahon; and Republican Presidential
candidate Gov. George W. Bush of Texas.
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