[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: WILLIAM J. CLINTON (2000, Book II)]
[July 10, 2000]
[Pages 1407-1412]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at a Reception for Senatorial Candidate Representative Ron 
Klink in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
July 10, 2000

    Thank you very much. Thank you for the wonderful welcome. I want to 
thank you, Mayor Rendell, for agreeing to 
take this little part-time job I offered you as head of the party--
[laughter]--and for doing it so well. And thank you, Mayor 
Street, for proving beyond doubt that I was 
right when I came up here and campaigned for you. I told them you were 
going to be a great mayor, and you have been. Thank you.
    I thank Chaka Fattah for being here for Ron 
and for always being there for me and for the people of Philadelphia and 
for his truly exemplary leadership in the Congress. One of the things 
that Chaka Fattah will always be known for is getting us to adopt a 
program to put mentors into schools with poor kids, to tell them early 
that if they learned their lessons and took the right courses, they 
would be able to go to college, and we would be able to have the money 
for them. And we owe him a lot for that, and I thank him for that.
    I want to thank Ron Klink for running. [Laughter] You know, I kind 
of identify--he started running, and everybody said, ``Well, nobody can 
win the Senate race. They don't have enough money. They're going to have 
a primary''--blah, blah, blah. It reminded me when I ran for President 
in 1991, only my mother and my wife thought I had a chance to win. 
[Laughter] And on the bad days, they weren't sure. [Laughter]
    So I want to thank him for running, and I would like to thank his 
wife, Linda, for being here and for supporting 
him and for being great. Thank you.
    These races are tough for everybody. I'll tell you, now that I'm 
struggling to become a member of the Senate spouses club--[laughter]--
I'm a lot more nervous about Hillary's campaign than I ever was about mine. [Laughter] I 
mean, you're running, you just sort of suit up and go out and play the 
game. But otherwise, you just sit home and claw the walls and hope it's 
working out all right. [Laughter]
    So I want to thank them for undertaking this. He has been a superb 
Congressman. We've worked together for almost 8 years now. Every time 
the interest of working families, the long-term interests of the 
ordinary citizen of this country were at stake, he was always there with 
me, and I'm grateful. And he could have stayed in the House and never 
been touched. You know, they told him, ``Well, you represent this sort 
of heartland, old-fashioned district. You won't play in Philadelphia.''
    Well, one of the reasons I came here tonight is there is nobody in 
the whole wide world Philadelphia has ever been better to than Bill 
Clinton, and I came to ask you to help Ron Klink play in Philadelphia, 
because we've got to have you to win this race.
    I must tell you, this is somewhat awkward for me tonight to be here 
because, you know, tomorrow morning I'm going up to Camp David to start 
the Middle East peace talks. And we're going to try to agree on a 
resolution of these big, thorny issues that the parties agreed, on the 
White House lawn in September of 1993, they would come to terms with a 
good while before now. And it isn't easy.
    I just got back from Penn State. I went over to Penn State to speak 
to the Governors' conference--they're meeting over there--and to go to 
the Creamery and get my ice cream cone. [Laughter] Anyway, I just got 
back from there. And all these people were saying, that I've known 
forever, saying, ``Gosh, you look tired.'' I said, ``I am tired. I've 
been up studying. Give me a test on some piece of land anywhere in 
Jerusalem or Israel. I know the answer.'' [Laughter] ``Ask me to draw a 
map of the West Bank in my sleep. I can do it.''
    But I say that to make this point. What really matters in our common 
life, when you strip it all away, are things like what Ron said--quoting 
Hubert Humphrey.
    I'm glad these children are here tonight. What will this election 
mean for those who have most of their lives in front of them? Did you 
ever think of that? A lot of people who have the most influence in 
elections are those who have lived most of their lives, but the people 
that will be the most impacted by the decisions are those that have most 
of their lives in front of them.

[[Page 1408]]

    What will this election mean for the people who couldn't afford to 
come to this fundraiser tonight but get up every day and work their 
hearts out, with dignity, and do their very best to raise their children 
and do everything else they're supposed to do, people like the folks 
that served all of you your drinks and helped you come in tonight? What 
about them? [Applause] What about them?
    In a larger sense, I'm here not just because I like Ron Klink and 
I'm grateful for the support he's given to everything we've done for the 
last 8 years but because I think that this election is just as important 
as the two in which I was elected and reelected President and to which 
the Vice President was elected and 
reelected Vice President. I think it's just as important. And I'd just 
like to tell you three things. You only have to remember three things 
about this election, and a few odd details.
    Number one, it really is a big election, for President, for Senator, 
for Congressman. Why? Because how a nation deals with its prosperity is 
just as stern a test of its judgment, its values, and its character as 
how a nation deals with adversity.
    I mean, when I ran for President in '92, the economy was in the 
dumps; the deficit was exploding; crime was going up; welfare was going 
up; social divisions and political paralysis were getting worse. You 
didn't have to be a rocket scientist to figure out we ought to change 
something.
    But now everything is going in the right direction. We've got over 
22 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment rate in more than three 
decades, the lowest crime rate in three decades, the lowest welfare 
rolls in 32 years--half the size they were when I took office--the 
longest economic expansion in history, the lowest minority unemployment 
rate ever recorded, highest homeownerships ever. So what are we going to 
do with this?
    Here's the point. Think about these kids. There's not a person in 
this room tonight, not one over 30, who cannot remember one time in your 
life when you made a mistake, not because things were going so poorly 
but because things were going so well you thought there was no penalty 
for your failure to concentrate. That is what this election is all 
about. This is a huge deal. We may never in our lifetime, ever, get the 
chance we have today to build the future of our dreams for our children. 
That's the first point.
    The second point I want you to know is, there are real and honest 
differences. And I hope and pray for my country's sake that we can have 
an old-fashioned election. I wish it could be like the old Lincoln-
Douglas debates. I wish Governor Bush and 
Vice President Gore could get in a caravan 
and just go around the country and have debates--have 8 or 10 or 20 or 
30. I wish that we could have it in the Senate races.
    And this is an election where we don't have to have the kind of 
things coming out of the candidates, and unfortunately, out of other 
quarters in our society--we've had too much the last 20 years where 
people are afraid the only way they can win is to convince the voters 
that their opponent is just one notch above a car thief. We'd just talk 
about where the differences are and let the folks decide. And we don't 
have to assume there's something wrong with our opponents. We say, 
``They're good people. They really do believe this, and I really do 
believe that, and you decide.'' So there are real differences--important 
election; real differences.
    Here's the third thing you need to know. Only the Democrats want you 
to know what the differences are. What does that tell you about who you 
ought to vote for? [Laughter]
    Now, I see it all over the country, in campaign after campaign after 
campaign, where our guys just want to talk about, ``Here's where I 
stand; here's where my opponent stands. Here's how he voted; here's how 
I would have voted. Here's what the position is on the issues current; 
here's what their position is on the issues.'' And the other guys, they 
complain about a negative campaign. And then they go out and say bad 
things about our side, personally, something wrong with our people, 
personally. But if you just tell the voters, if you give them 
information about how they voted, is that a negative campaign? Beats 
anything I ever saw.
    But I'm just telling you that's why it's so important for you to be 
here. You are giving Ron Klink the ammunition he needs to get the 
evidence out there.
    And look, we don't disagree on everything. I'm working with the 
Speaker of the House, and I hope we can 
pass it in the Senate, pass this new markets legislation that I think 
will have overwhelming bipartisan support to bring more economic 
opportunity to poor areas. We

[[Page 1409]]

voted virtually unanimously to lift the earnings limit on Social 
Security. So there are lots of things that we still can do, that we 
don't disagree.
    But let me just tell you that the areas of disagreement that are 
real and honest are profoundly important. I'll just give you a couple of 
examples--and Ron alluded to them. Let's talk about people in the 
twilight of life, first. We believe, now that we've got this big 
surplus, that one thing we ought to do is to give a Medicare 
prescription drug benefit--voluntary--for all seniors who need it, make 
it affordable. That's what we believe.
    And when we say that we're for it and they're not, they have now all 
been conditioned--there was a survey the other day that said they had 
hired a pollster to give them words and phrases to convince you that 
they're for something they're against. In fact, they actually owned up. 
They didn't even deny it. It was in the press the other day. And they 
act very wounded. They said, ``Oh, how could they say that about me?'' 
[Laughter] ``I am for a Medicare prescription drug benefit,'' or, ``I'm 
for a prescription drug benefit for seniors.'' That's what they say.
    Well, they are. But their plan is a private insurance plan that even 
the health insurance companies say nobody will buy because it won't be 
affordable. A couple of days ago the press reported that Nevada had 
actually adopted a plan exactly like the one the Republicans are 
advocating, and now it's been several months, and there is not a single 
insurance company offering this drug insurance because they know they 
can't offer it to the people who need it at a price they can afford to 
pay.
    Now, look, we've never had a surplus like this before. And if we 
were starting Medicare today instead of 35 years ago, we'd never think 
about having a program for seniors if it didn't cover drugs in it. The 
average person who lives to be 65 has got a life expectancy of 82 years. 
The prescription drugs keep people out of the hospital. They lengthen 
their lives; they make them richer. This is a big deal. You have people 
every single week choosing between food and medicine.
    So I say to you, this is a profound difference. And I believe we're 
right. And they say, ``It's not worth it. We're worried about the 
cost''--I'll come to this later. They say, ``We're worried about the 
cost of this. We don't want to spend all this money here. So that's why 
we just want to help a few people. We want to help people up to 150 
percent of the poverty line.'' That sounds reasonable, doesn't it? You 
know what that is? That's an income of $12,600 for a senior citizen and 
$16,600 for a couple. There are lots of seniors in this country who 
spend that much every year on drugs. This is a big deal. This is not 
rhetoric or hot air. They have differences of opinion. The truth is, 
that's not one of their big priorities. They'd rather spend the money on 
something else, and they ought to just say that and let you decide.
    Or, take the Patients' Bill of Rights. We're for a Patients' Bill of 
Rights, and we do have some Republicans who are for it, and we 
appreciate that. The bill that passed the House of Representatives says 
everybody in an HMO anywhere in the country has got a right to see a 
specialist when they need to see the specialist, that you cannot be 
forced to give up your doctor in the middle of a treatment even if you 
change employers. For example, if you have cancer and you're taking 
chemo or if you're a young pregnant woman and you're about to have a 
baby, just because you change employers, you can't be forced to give up 
your doctor.
    And if you get in an accident in Philadelphia, you don't have to go 
all the way across town. You can stop at the nearest hospital emergency 
room without a financial penalty. And if you get hurt by a bad decision, 
you have a right to redress, in other words, to enforce the Patients' 
Bill of Rights. That's our position.
    Now, this is a big deal. I don't know how many people I've talked to 
in the last 2 years in the health care system who told me horror story 
after horror story after horror story. I was with a man just the other 
day, in the State of Missouri, who introduced me, a male emergency room 
nurse. This guy was amazing. He was about 6 
feet tall, weighed about 230, looks like he could bench-press me on a 
cold day. [Laughter] I could just imagine him just yanking the doors off 
cars to rescue people and stuff. And he told a story about losing a 
patient, that he had to go by two hospital emergency rooms to get to the 
one that was covered by the plan. This is a big deal. Now, in the 
Senate, the Patients' Bill of Rights failed by one vote, 51 to 49. If it 
had been 50-50, the Vice President could have voted, and as he says, 
whenever he votes, we always win.
    Now, this is a big deal, folks. Think about how you'd feel if it was 
somebody that you

[[Page 1410]]

loved. How would you feel if you walked out of this hotel and--God 
forbid--got hit by a car? Would you want the ambulance chasing around 
looking for the approved hospital, or would you want them to go to the 
quickest one? How would you like to know that you could be docked 
because you didn't call for permission? How are these people supposed to 
call when they get hit? What if they get knocked unconscious? Did you 
ever make a phone call with three broken ribs? [Laughter] I know you're 
laughing at this, but I'm very serious. This happens every day.
    So their side has a bill which leaves out 100 million Americans and 
doesn't give you a right to redress and actually weakens some States' 
patients' bill of rights. And we have the one that a couple of hundred 
medical professionals have endorsed, all of these groups, health care 
groups. So when we say we're for the Patients' Bill of Rights and our 
opponents aren't, they look very wounded and they say, ``But we're for a 
patients' bill of rights.'' The operative word is ``a.'' And there is a 
lot of difference between ``a'' and ``the,'' more than two letters let 
me tell you.
    So what you have to do to help Ron Klink, and all you have to do, is 
to say, ``We don't have anything bad to say about the person of his 
opponent. They honestly differ. He's for the Patients' Bill of Rights, 
and his opponent isn't. And if he changed his vote, we'd have it today--
today--that one vote. One hundred million Americans, their livelihood 
and maybe their very lives riding on a vote just cast in the United 
States Senate--one vote. If he had been there, we'd have the Patients' 
Bill of Rights.''
    Like I said, I'll give you just one more example, because I know I'm 
preaching to the saved here, but you've got to think of things you're 
going to say to other people. I'll give you one more example.
    It seems to me that one of the most important things the next 
administration and the next Congress have to deal with is how to keep 
what is already the longest economic expansion in the history of the 
country going, and how to extend it to people in places that still 
aren't fully participating in this prosperity. How are we going to keep 
this thing going?
    Well, I believe that what we ought to do is invest in what we know 
works, in education, in science and technology, and the energy future of 
the country. You ought to take care of the baby boom generation. That 
is, we ought to make sure that when all of us retire, Social Security 
and Medicare are safe so we don't bankrupt our kids and our grandkids. 
We ought to have a tax cut, but it ought to be one we can afford. It 
ought to be targeted toward long-term care, child care, retirement 
savings, savings for a college education, giving people incentives to 
invest in these poor areas of our country. That's what I think. But 
we've got to save back enough money to keep paying the debt down.
    Now, why should the progressive party, the Democratic Party, be for 
getting the country out of debt? Under our plan, you get out of debt in 
12 years, the first time since 1835. Why should we be for that? Well, 
why are we all standing here? How could you afford a ticket tonight? 
Because we've got the longest economic expansion in history. And when 
you drive interest rates down and people can borrow money, they buy more 
cars; they buy more homes; they finance more college educations; they 
start more businesses; they expand more businesses; they create more 
jobs; and they raise more wages. That's why. The most progressive thing 
we can do for ordinary people is to keep this economy going, and that's 
why we are for doing this whole thing in a way that enables us to keep 
paying down the debt.
    Let me just give you one little statistic. If we pay down the debt 
and we keep interest rates just one percent lower than they otherwise 
would have been, just one percent, that amounts to $250 billion in lower 
mortgage payments for the American people over the next 10 years. It's 
the same thing as a $250 billion tax cut.
    Now, that's what I think. That's where we are. That's one reason why 
I want Ron Klink to be there, because the progressive party has become 
the fiscally conservative party. And I don't think that's bad; I think 
that's progressive. In a global economy where people put their money 
anywhere they want, we've got to get the money here, at prices people 
can afford.
    Now, what is their policy? Their policy is to say, ``We've got this 
huge surplus. It's your money. We're going to give it back to you.'' 
Now, that sounds better than what I just said. And I could say it in 3 
seconds, right? It's got to be a political winner. [Laughter]
    Here's the problem. By the time you take their proposed tax cut, 
which includes 100 percent doing away with the estate tax--and I think 
it ought to be changed, by the way; I think

[[Page 1411]]

it's too onerous on people--but they want to get rid of 100 percent of 
it, and that's $100 billion over 10 years, and $50 billion goes to one-
tenth of one percent of the population.
    A friend of mine who is now a billionaire called me last week and 
said, ``What are you guys doing in Washington? I don't need--why are you 
doing this?'' He said, ``Raise the minimum wage. Give people a child 
care tax credit. Why are you cutting my taxes?'' It was very 
interesting.
    But look, that's just part of it. It does need to be changed for 
small businesses and farms. We ought to change it some. But it doesn't 
have to be done away with.
    But here's the main point I want you to know. When you pay for all 
their tax cuts and their privatization of Social Security, it costs a 
lot of money. That is, if you let people keep their own payroll taxes 
and invest it and--you've still got to pay for all the retirees and 
you've got to get the money from somewhere, right? So when you just pay 
for all their tax cuts and the privatization of Social Security, before 
they keep any of their other spending promises, you've already spent the 
entire projected surplus.
    Now, let me just say that, projected. All the people that talk about 
how big the surplus is--the only surplus you really know about is this 
year's $211 billion; and when I leave office, we'll have had 3 years in 
a row, and we'll have paid off $400 billion of the national debt. 
Everything else is projected. That's the important word, ``projected.''
    Now I want to ask you all a question. Don't answer it, just think. 
Think. What is your--the people working here and the people that showed 
up for the fundraiser--everybody think--what is your projected income 
over the next 10 years? That is, what do you think it will be? And I 
want you to think just for 20 seconds, and I want you to arrive at a 
figure that you have 80 percent confidence in; I mean, you're just sure 
over the next 10 years you'll make at least this much. Now, you think 
about it.
    Okay, now, if I asked you to come up here right now and sign a 
contract spending every last penny of your projected income for the next 
10 years, would you do it? [Laughter] Now, if you would, you should vote 
for the incumbent Senator. But if you wouldn't, you better vote for Ron 
Klink and keep this economy going.
    I could go on and on, but you get the picture. The Patients' Bill of 
Rights, the Medicare drugs, the paying down the debt, and there are lots 
and lots of other issues. Senators cast a lot of votes, or they decide 
not to cast votes. Just in the last year, the Republican majority on the 
party-line vote defeated an African-American judge from Missouri I nominated for the Federal court. They said 
he wasn't qualified; he was too liberal. He was the only African-
American ever to serve on the State Supreme Court of Missouri. He had 
the highest recommendations from the American Bar Association. But the 
way they figured it, he wasn't qualified. If Ron Klink had been in the 
Senate, there would have been one less vote against that African-
American judge and one more vote for one America.
    I appointed a Hispanic man from Texas who 
grew up in a poor community in El Paso, a poor neighborhood, went to 
Harvard, graduated summa cum laude. The judges in west Texas said he's 
one of the best three best lawyers in west Texas. He got the highest 
recommendation from the American Bar Association. The Republican Senators from Texas, 
they won't even give him a hearing. They say he's not qualified. And 
when they say ``not qualified,'' what they mean is, he's not rightwing 
enough for me, not part of my America. And the leader of the Republican 
Party in Texas--and you all know who he is--
[laughter]--total silence while this man is denied even the dignity of a 
hearing.
    Now, why did they not want to give him a 
hearing? Because they don't want him on the court, but they don't want 
you to know they don't want him on the court. And they want it to just 
go away. It's a big deal, a vote in the Senate. It's a big deal.
    I'll say something else. You all clapped when I mentioned the 
people, the people that work in this hotel. Their kids ought to have a 
chance to go out and be Federal judges or Senators or Presidents.
    So I came here because Philadelphia has been good to me. You've 
never been better to anybody than you've been to me and the Vice 
President. We're grateful. But these Senate seats are real important, 
and you've got a guy that comes out of a part of this State and has ties 
to people that give him a chance to win this race. It's very difficult 
to beat a well-funded incumbent. He's got a chance to win it, and he's 
worth fighting for.

[[Page 1412]]

    If you want to keep the prosperity going, if you want to extend it 
to people left behind, if you want to take more children out of poverty 
and give more children a world-class education, if you want our seniors 
to have a Medicare drug program, if you want people in managed care 
programs to be protected, if you want to know that everybody will get 
fair consideration and everybody can be represented on our courts and 
other parts of our national life, we really can build one America. It's 
a big deal who you send to the Senate, and I hope you'll send Ron Klink.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 6:45 p.m. in the Grand Ballroom at the 
Warwick Hotel. In his remarks, he referred to Edward G. Rendell, general 
chair, Democratic National Committee; Mayor John F. Street of 
Philadelphia; Republican Presidential candidate Gov. George W. Bush of 
Texas; family nurse practitioner Doug Bouldin; and judicial nominees 
Ronnie L. White of Missouri and Enrique Moreno of Texas. Representative 
Klink was a candidate for U.S. Senate in Pennsylvania.