[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: WILLIAM J. CLINTON (1999, Book II)]
[October 8, 1999]
[Pages 1734-1740]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
Remarks to the Forum of Federations Conference in Mont-Tremblant, Canada
October 8, 1999
Thank you. Thank you so much. Prime Minister Chretien; to the Prime Minister of Saint Kitts and Nevis, Denzil
Douglas; Premier Bouchard; cochairs of this conference, Bob Rae and Henning Voscherau; to
distinguished visitors; Governors--I think the Lieutenant Governor of
South Dakota, Carole Hillard, is here--and to
all of you: I think it is quite an interesting thing that we have this
impressive array of people to come to a conference on federalism, a
topic that probably 10 or 20 years ago would have been viewed as a
substitute for a sleeping pill. [Laughter]
But in the aftermath of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia; the
interesting debates--at least I can say this from the point of view as
your neighbor--that has gone on in Quebec; the deepening, troubling
efforts to reconcile different tribes who occupy nations with boundaries
they did not draw in Africa; and any number of other issues, this topic
of federalism has become very, very important.
It is fitting that the first global conference would be held here in
North America, because federalism began here--a founding principle
forged in the crucible of revolution, enshrined in the Constitution of
the United States, shared today by all three nations on our continent,
as I'm sure President Zedillo said.
It is also especially fitting that this conference be held in
Canada. A land larger than China, spanning 5 times zones and 10 distinct
provinces, it has shown the world how people of different cultures and
languages can live in peace, prosperity, and mutual respect.
In the United States, we have valued our relationship with a strong
and united Canada. We look to you; we learn from you. The partnership
you have built between people of diverse backgrounds and governments at
all levels is what this conference is about and, ultimately, what
democracy must be about, as people all over the world move around more,
mix with each other more, live in close proximity more.
Today I would like to talk briefly about the ways we in the United
States are working to renew and redefine federalism for the 21st
century; then, how I see the whole concept of federalism emerging
internationally; and finally, how we--how I think, anyway--we should
judge the competing claims of federalism and independence in different
contexts around the world.
First let me say we are 84 days, now, from a new century and a new
millennium. The currents of change in how we work and live and
[[Page 1735]]
relate to each other, and relate to people far across the world, are
changing very rapidly.
President Franklin Roosevelt once said that new conditions impose
new requirements upon government and those who conduct government. We
know this to be the case not only in the United States and Canada, Great
Britain and Germany, Italy and France, Mexico and Brazil, but indeed, in
all the countries of the world. But in all these places there is a
federalist system of some form or another. We look for ways to imbue old
values with new life and old institutions with new meaning.
In 1992, when I ran for President, there was a growing sense in the
United States that the compact between the people and their Government,
and between the States and the Federal Government, was in severe
disrepair. This was driven largely by the fact that our Federal
Government had quadrupled the national debt in 12 years, and that had
led to enormous interest rates, slow growth, and grave difficulties on
all the States of our land which they were powerless to overcome.
So when the Vice President and I ran for national office, we had no
debate from people who said, ``Look, this is a national priority, and
you have to deal with it.'' But we talked a lot to Governors and others
about the necessity to create again what our Founding Fathers called the
laboratories of democracy. We, frankly, admitted that no one knew all
the answers to America's large welfare caseload, to America's enormous
crime rate, to America's incredible diversity of children and challenges
in our schools. And so we said we would try to give new direction to the
Nation and deal with plainly national problems, but we would also try to
build a new partnership that would make all of our States feel more a
part of our union and more empowered in determining their own destiny.
Now, people develop this federalist system for different reasons. It
came naturally to the United States because Great Britain set up
colonies here as separate entities. And the States of our country
actually created the National Government. So we always had a sense that
there were some things the States were supposed to do and some things
the Federal Government were supposed to do.
Our Founding Fathers gave us some indication in the Constitution,
but the history of the United States Supreme Court is full of cases
trying to resolve the whole question of what is the role and the power
of the States as opposed to what is the role and the power of the
National Government in ever new circumstances.
There are different examples elsewhere. For example, in the former
Yugoslavia when it existed before, federalism was at least set up to
give the appearance that all the different ethnic groups could be fairly
treated and could have their voices heard.
So in 1992 it appeared that the major crisis in federalism was that
the States had been disempowered from doing their jobs because the
national economy was so weak and the fabric of the national society was
fraying in America. But underneath that I knew that once we began to
build things again we would have to resolve some very substantial
questions, some of which may be present in your countries, as well.
As we set about to work, the Vice President and I, in an effort that
I put him in charge of, made an attempt to redefine the mission of the
Federal Government. And we told the people of the United States that we
actually thought the Federal Government was too large in size, that it
should be smaller but more active, and that we should do more in
partnerships with State and local governments and the private sector,
with the ultimate goal of empowering the American people to solve their
own problems in whatever unit was most appropriate, whether it was an
individual citizen, the family, the community, the State, or the Nation.
And we have worked at that quite steadily. Like Canada, we turned
our deficit around and produced a surplus. We also shrank the size of
the Federal Government. The size of the United States Federal Government
today is the same as it was in 1962, when John Kennedy was President,
and our country was much, much smaller.
In the economic expansion we have been enjoying since 1993, the
overwhelming majority of the jobs that were created were created in the
private sector. It's the largest percentage of private sector job
creation of any economic expansion in America since the end of World War
II.
Meanwhile, many of our State and local governments have continued to
grow in size, to meet the day-to-day demands of a lot of the domestic
issues that we face in our country. And I think that is a good thing.
[[Page 1736]]
In addition to shrinking the size of Government, we've tried to
empower the States to make more of their own decisions. For example, the
Department of Education has gotten rid of two-thirds of the rules that
it imposed on States and school districts when I became President.
Instead, we say, ``Here are our national objectives; here is the money
you can have. You have to make a report on the progress at meeting these
national objectives, but we're not going to tell you how to do it
anymore.'' And it's amazing what you can do if you get people to buy
into national objectives with which they agree, and you stop trying to
micromanage every instance of their lives and their daily activities. So
we found some good success there.
We've also tried to give the States just blanket freedom to try more
new ideas in areas where we think we don't have all the answers now,
from health policy to welfare reform to education to fighting crime.
We have always felt--this has been easy in the United States,
though, compared to a lot of places because we've had this history of
believing from the time of our Founders that the National Government
would never have all the answers, and that the States should be seen as
our friends and our partners because they could be laboratories of
democracy. They could always be out there pushing the envelope of
change. And certain things would be possible politically in some places
that would not be possible in others.
And we have been very well served by that. It has encouraged a lot
of innovation and experimentation. Here is the problem we have with the
basic business of government and federalism today. In the 21st century
world, when we find an answer to a problem, very often we don't have
time to wait for every State to agree that that's the answer. So we try
to jumpstart the federalist experience by looking for ideas that are
working and then embodying them in Federal legislation and giving all
the States the funds and other support they need to do it.
Why do we do this? Well, let me give you one example. In 1787, in
the United States, the Founding Fathers declared that all the new
territories would have to set aside land for public schools and then
gave the responsibility for public education to the States. Now, then,
in the next few years, a handful of States mandated education. But it
took more than 100 years for all of our States to mandate free public
education for all of our children. That was 19th century pace of change.
It's inadequate in the 21st century.
So I have tried to do what I did as a Governor. If something is
working in a State, I try to steal it, put it into Federal law, and at
least give all the States the opportunity and the money necessary to
implement the same change. But it's very, very important.
Since our Ambassador is a native of
Georgia, I'll give you one example. One of my goals is to make universal
access to colleges and universities in America, and we now have
something called the HOPE scholarship, modeled on Ambassador Giffin's
home State program, which gives all students enough of a tax subsidy to
at least afford the first 2 years of college in America, because we
found in a census that no matter where you come from in the United
States, people with at least 2 years of education after high school
tended to get jobs where their incomes grew and they did better. People
with less than that tended to get jobs where their incomes stayed level
or declined in the global economy.
Now, we've also tried to make dealing with Washington less of a
problem. We've ended something that was very controversial, at least
prospectively, called unfunded mandates, where the Federal Government
would tell the States they had to do something and give them about 5
percent of the money it cost to do it. That, I think, is a problem in
every national Federal system. We continue to give the States greater
freedom and flexibility. And this summer I signed a new Executive order
on federalism which would reaffirm in very specific ways how we would
work in partnership and greater consultation with State and local
officials.
Federalism is not a fixed system; it, by definition, has to be an
evolving system. For more than 200 years, the pendulum of powers have
swung back and forth one way or the other. And I do want to say--for
those of you who may be looking outside in, thinking the Americans could
never understand our problems, they don't have any problems like this--
it is true that, by and large, in our State units we don't have people
who are of just one racial or ethnic or religious groups. But to be
sure, we have some of that. I'll give you one example that we're dealing
with today.
The United States Supreme Court has to decide a case from the State
of Hawaii in which
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the State has given native Hawaiians, Pacific Islanders, the right to
vote in a certain kind of election--and only native Hawaiians. And
someone in Hawaii has sued them, saying that violates the equal
protection clause of the United States Constitution. We disagree because
of the purpose of the election.
But you can see this is a federalist issue. We basically said the
National Government would give that to the States, the States want to do
it this way; then a citizen says, ``No, you can't do that under national
law.''
Another example that causes us a lot of problems in the West--what
happens when the Federal Government actually owns a lot of the land and
the resources of a State? The National Government is most unpopular in
America in States like Wyoming or Idaho, where there aren't very many
people; there's a lot of natural resources. Cattlemen, ranchers have to
use land that belongs to the Federal Government, and we feel that we
have to protect the land for multiple uses, including environmental
preservation as well as grazing or mining or whatever. And so it's an
impossible situation.
It's very funny; in these States, when we started, the Federal
Government was most popular in the areas where we own most of the land,
because we built dams and channeled rivers and provided land for people
to graze their cattle. And within 50 years, the Federal Government has
become the most unpopular thing imaginable. Now, I used to go to Wyoming
on vacation just to listen to people tell me how terrible the job I had
was. [Laughter] But it's a problem we have to face.
And let me say one other thing I think might be interesting to you
is that the Democratic Party and the Republican Party in the United
States tend to have different ideas about federalism depending on what
the issue is, which is why it's always good to have a dynamic system.
For example, we Democrats, once we find something working at the
local level that advances our social policy, or our economic policy, we
want to at least make it a national option, if not a national mandate.
When I became President, crime was going up, but there were cities where
crime was going down. I went there and found out why it was going down.
And it was obvious to me we didn't have enough police officers
preventing crime in the first place, so I said we're going to create
100,000 police at the national level and give them to the cities.
The conservatives were against that. They said, ``You're interfering
with State and local rights, telling them how to fight crime.'' Of
course, I wasn't; I was giving them police. They didn't have to take
them if they didn't want them. [Laughter] And it turned out they liked
it quite well; we have the lowest crime rate in 26 years. But there was
a genuine federalism dispute.
Now we're having the same dispute over teachers. We have the largest
number of children in our schools in history; lots of evidence that
smaller classes in the early grades yield permanent learning gains to
children. So I said, now let's put 100,000 teachers out there. And they
say I'm trying to impose this terrible burden on State and local
governments, sticking my nose in where it doesn't belong.
On the other hand, in the whole history of the country, personal
injury law, including economic injuries, commercial law has always been
the province of State and local government except for things like
securities, stocks, bonds, things that required a national securities
market. But many people in the Republican Party believe that since there
is essentially a national economy and an international economic
environment, that we should take away from the States all their States'
rights when it comes to determining the rules under which people can sue
businesses. And they really believe it.
And I have agreed with them as it applies to securities litigation
because we need a national securities market. But I have disagreed with
them as it applies to other areas of tort reform where they think it's a
bad thing that there is State rights.
And I say this not to attack the other party, but only to illustrate
to all of you that in whatever context you operate, there will always be
differences of opinion about what should be done nationally and what
should be done at the State level. That cannot be eliminated. The
purpose of federalism, it seems to me, is to, number one, take account
of the genuinely local feelings which may be in the United States a
result of economic activities and ties to the land and history; or it
may be in another country the result of the general segregation of
people of various racial, ethnic, or religious groups into the provinces
in the Federal system.
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So the first process is to give people a sense of their identity and
autonomy. And then you have to really try to make good decisions so that
the system works. I mean, in the end, all these systems only have
integrity if the allocation of decisionmaking authority really produces
results that people like living with, so they feel that they can go
forward.
Now, let me just discuss a minute what is sort of the underlying
tension here that you see all across the world, which is what is the
answer to the fact that on the edge of a new millennium--where we would
prefer to talk about the Internet, and the decoding of the human gene,
and the discovery of billions of new galaxies in outer space--those of
us in politics have to spend so much time talking about the most
primitive slaughter of people based on their ethnic or racial or
religious differences?
The great irony of the turning of the millennium is that we have
more modern options for technology and economic advance than ever
before, but our major threat is the most primitive human failing: the
fear of the other and the sense that we can only breathe and function
and matter if we are somehow free of the necessity to associate with and
deal with and maybe even, under certain circumstances, subordinate our
own opinions to the feelings of them, people who are different from us,
a different race, a different religion, a different tribe.
And there is no answer to this that is easy. But let me just ask you
to look in the context of the former Yugoslavia, where we are trying to
preserve a Bosnian state--Prime Minister Chretien and I and our friends--which serves Croatians and
Muslims, after 4 years of horrible slaughter until we stopped it in
1995; or in Kosovo, where we're exploring whether Kosovo can continue to
be an autonomous part of Serbia, notwithstanding the fact that the Serbs
ran all of them out of the country and we had to take them back.
Why did all this happen? Partly because it was an artificially
imposed federalism. Marshal Tito was a very smart man who basically
said, ``I'm going to create federalism out of my own head. I'm going to
mandate the participation of all these groups in government. And I'm
going to forbid my government from talking about ethnic superiority, or
oppression, or problems.'' He wouldn't even let them discuss the kind of
ethnic tensions that are just part of the daily life in most societies
in this world. And it all worked until he died. And then it slowly began
to unravel.
So one of the reasons you have all these people clamoring for the
independence of ever smaller groups is that they had a kind of phony
federalism imposed from the top down. So the first lesson I draw from
this is every federalist system in the world today--a world in which
information is widely shared, economic possibilities are at least--
always, to some extent, based on global forces, certainly in terms of
how much money you can get into a country--the federalism must be real.
There must be some real sense of shared authority. And people must know
they have some real range of autonomy for decisions. And it must more or
less correspond to what they perceive they need to accomplish.
On the other hand, it seems to me that the suggestion that a people
of a given ethnic group or tribal group or religious group can only have
a meaningful communal existence if they are an independent nation--not
if there is no oppression, not if they have genuine autonomy, but they
must be actually independent--is a questionable assertion in a global
economy where cooperation pays greater benefits in every area of life
than destructive competition.
Consider, for example, the most autonomous societies on Earth,
arguably, the tribes still living in the rainforests on the island of
New Guinea. There are 6,000 languages still existent in the world today,
and 1,000 of them can be found in Papua New Guinea, and Irian Jaya,
where tribes living 10, 20 miles from one another have compete self-
determination. Would you like that?
On the other hand, consider the terrible problems of so many African
peoples where they're saddled with national borders drawn for them at
the Conference of Berlin in 1885, that took no reasonable account of the
allocation of the tribes on certain lands and the history of their
grazing, their farming, their moving.
So how to work it out? There is no answer. We have to provide a
framework in which people can work it out. But the only point I want to
make to you today--I don't want to beat this to death, because we could
stay here for a week discussing this--is that at the end of World War I,
the European powers I think and America sort of withdrew, so we have to
share part of the blame. But our record is not exactly spotless in how
we went about carving up, for
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example, the aftermath of the Ottoman Empire. And so we have spent much
of the 20th century trying to reconcile President Woodrow Wilson's
belief that different nations had the right to be free--nations being
people with a common consciousness--had a right to be a State and the
practical knowledge that we all have that, if every racial and ethnic
and religious group that occupies a significant piece of land not
occupied by others became a separate nation--we might have 800 countries
in the world and have a very difficult time having a functioning economy
or a functioning global polity. Maybe we would have 8,000. How low can
you go?
So that doesn't answer any specific questions. It just means that I
think when a people thinks it should be independent in order to have a
meaningful political existence, serious questions should be asked: Is
there an abuse of human rights? Is there a way people can get along if
they come from different heritages? Are minority rights, as well as
majority rights, respected? What is in the long-term economic and
security interests of our people? How are we going to cooperate with our
neighbors? Will it be better or worse if we are independent, or if we
have a federalist system?
I personally believe that you will see more federalism rather than
less in the years ahead, and I offer, as exhibit A, the European Union.
It's really a new form of federalism, where the States--in this case,
the nations of Europe--are far more important and powerful than the
Federal government, but they are giving enough functions over to the
Federal government to sort of reinforce their mutual interest in an
integrated economy and in some integrated political circumstances.
In a way, we've become more of a federalist world when the United
Nations takes a more active role in stopping genocide in places in which
it was not involved, and we recognize mutual responsibilities to
contribute and pay for those things.
So I believe we will be looking for ways, over and over and over
again--the Prime Minister and I have endorsed
the Free Trade Area of the Americas--we'll be looking for ways to
integrate our operations for mutual interest, without giving up our
sovereignty. And where there are dissatisfied groups in sections of
countries, we should be looking for ways to satisfy anxieties and
legitimate complaints without disintegration, I believe.
That's not to say that East Timor was wrong. If you look at what the
people in East Timor had been through, if you look at the colonial
heritage there, if you look at the fact that the Indonesians offered
them a vote, they took it, and nearly 80 percent of them voted for
independence, it seems that was the right decision there.
But let us never be under the illusion that those people are going
to have an easy path. Assuming that those of us that are trying to
support them help them; assuming we can stop all the pro-integrationist
militias from oppressing the people, and we can get all the East
Timorese back home, and they'll all be safe--there will still be less
than a million of them, with a per capita income among the poorest in
the world, struggling to make a living for their children in an
environment that is not exactly hospitable.
Now, does that mean they were wrong? No. Under the circumstances
they faced, they probably made the only decision they could have. But
wouldn't it have been better if they could have found their religious,
their cultural, their ethnic, and their economic footing and genuine
self-government in the framework of a larger entity which would also
have supported them economically and reinforced their security instead
of undermined it? It didn't happen; it's too bad.
But I say this because I don't think there are any general rules,
but I think that, at the end of World War I, when President Wilson
spoke, there was a general assumption, because we were seeing empires
break up--the Ottoman Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire; there was the
memory of the Russian Empire; British colonialism was still alive in
Africa and so was French colonialism--at that time, we all assumed--and
the rhetoric of the time imposed the idea--that the only way for people
to feel any sovereignty or meaning was if they were independent.
And I think we've spent a lot of the 20th century minimizing the
prospects of federalism. We all have recoiled, now, so much at the abuse
of people because of their tribal, racial, and religious
characteristics, that we tend immediately to think that the only answer
is independence.
But we must think of how we will live after the shooting stops,
after the smoke clears, over the long run. And I can only say this, in
closing:
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I think the United States and Canada are among the most fortunate
countries in the world because we have such diversity; sometimes
concentrated, like the Inuits in the north; sometimes widely dispersed
within a certain area, like the diversity of Vancouver. We are fortunate
because life is more interesting and fun when there are different people
who look differently and think differently and find their way to God
differently. It's an interesting time. And because we all have to grow
and learn when we confront people who are different than we are, and
instead of looking at them in fear and hatred and dehumanization, we
look at them and see a mirror of ourselves and our common humanity.
I think if we will keep this in mind--what is most likely to advance
our common humanity in a smaller world; and what is the arrangement of
government most likely to give us the best of all worlds--the integrity
we need, the self-government we need, the self-advancement we need--
without pretending that we can cut all the cords that bind us to the
rest of humanity--I think more and more and more people will say, ``This
federalism, it's not such a bad idea.''
Thank you very much.
Note: The President spoke at 2:25 p.m. in the Chateau Mont-Tremblant. In
his remarks, he referred to Prime Minister Jean Chretien of Canada;
Premier Lucien Bouchard of Quebec; President Ernesto Zedillo of Mexico;
and U.S. Ambassador to Canada Gordon Giffin. The Executive order on
Federalism is listed in Appendix D at the end of this volume.