    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: WILLIAM J. CLINTON (1999, Book II)]
    [July 20, 1999]
    [Pages 1264-1266]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks on the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and an Exchange
    With Reporters
    July 20, 1999

        The President. Good morning. I have just had the privilege of
    meeting with the three Apollo 11 astronauts who, 30 years ago, carried
    out the first landing on the Moon: Neil Armstrong, Buzz Aldrin, and Michael
    Collins. They and everyone at NASA over the
    years have made an extraordinary contribution to our Nation and to
    humanity. I am very grateful to them.
        President Kennedy, who set a goal of putting a man on the Moon by
    the late 1960's, was committed to using technology to unlock the
    mysteries of the heavens. But President Kennedy was also concerned that
    technology, if misused, literally could destroy life on Earth. So
    another goal he vigorously pursued was one first proposed by President
    Eisenhower, a treaty to ban for all time the testing of the most
    destructive weapons ever devised, nuclear weapons.
        As a first step, President Kennedy negotiated a limited test ban
    treaty to ban nuclear tests except those conducted underground. But for
    far too long nations failed to heed the call to ban all nuclear tests.
    More countries sought to acquire nuclear weapons and to develop ever
    more destructive weapons. This threatened America's security and that of
    our friends and allies. It made the world a more dangerous place.
        Since I have been President, I have made ending nuclear tests one of
    my top goals. And in 1996 we concluded a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty;
    152 countries have now signed it, and 41, including many of our allies,
    have now ratified it. Today, on Capitol Hill, a bipartisan group of
    Senators is speaking out on the importance of the treaty. They include
    Senators Jeffords, Specter, Daschle, Biden, Bingaman,
    Dorgan, Bob Kerrey, Levin, and Murray. I am grateful for their leadership and their support of
    this critical agreement.
        And today I want to express, again, my strong determination to
    obtain ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. America
    already has stopped nuclear testing. We have, today, a robust nuclear
    force and nuclear experts affirm that we can maintain a safe and
    reliable deterrent without nuclear tests.
        The question now is whether we will adopt or whether we will lose a
    verifiable treaty that will bar other nations from testing nuclear
    weapons. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty will strengthen our national
    security by constraining the development of more advanced and more
    destructive nuclear weapons and by limiting the possibilities for more
    countries to acquire nuclear weapons. It will also enhance our ability
    to detect suspicious activities by other nations.

    [[Page 1265]]

        With or without a test ban treaty, we must monitor such activities.
    The treaty gives us new means to pursue this important mission, a global
    network of sensors and the right to request short notice, onsight
    inspections in other countries. Four former Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs
    of Staff--David Jones, William Crowe, Colin Powell, and
    John Shalikashvili--plus the current
    Chairman, Hugh Shelton, all agree the
    treaty is in our national interests. Other national leaders, such as
    former Senators John Glenn and Nancy Kassebaum
    Baker, agree.
        Unfortunately, the Test Ban Treaty is now imperiled by the refusal
    of some Senators even to consider it. If our Senate fails to act, the
    treaty cannot enter into force for any country. Think of that. We're not
    testing now. A hundred and fifty-two countries have signed, 41 have
    ratified, but if our Senate fails to act, this treaty and all the
    protections and increased safety it offers the American people cannot
    enter into force for any country. That would make it harder to prevent
    further nuclear arms competition, and as we have seen, for example, in
    the nuclear tests in India and Pakistan.
        Do we want these countries and other regional rivals to join a test
    ban treaty, or do we want them to stop nuclear testing? Do we want to
    scrap a treaty that could constrain them? The major nuclear powers,
    Britain and France, Russia and China, have signed the treaty. Do we want
    to walk away from a treaty under which those countries and scores of
    others have agreed not to conduct nuclear tests? I believe it is
    strongly in our interest to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
        The American people consistently have supported it for more than 40
    years now. At a minimum, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should
    hold hearings this fall. Hearings would allow each side to make its case
    for and against the treaty, and allow the Senate to decide this matter
    on the merits. We have a chance right now to end nuclear testing
    forever. It would be a tragedy for our security and for our children's
    future to let this opportunity slip away.
        I thank those Senators in both parties who today are announcing
    their clear intention not to do that.
        I thank you.

    China and Taiwan

        Q. Mr. President, did Jiang Zemin tell you that he would use force
    to counter Taiwan's independence? And would you use force in Taiwan's
    defense?
        The President. First let me tell you I'm going to have a press
    conference tomorrow, and I will answer a lot of questions. The answer to
    that question is, we had a conversation in which
    I restated our strong support of the ``one China'' policy and our strong
    support for the cross-strait dialog, and I made it clear, our policy had
    not changed, including our view under the Taiwan Relations Act that it
    would be--we would take very seriously any abridgement of the peaceful
    dialog. China knows very well what our policy is, and we know quite well
    what their policy is. I believe that the action of the United States in
    affirming our support of the ``one China'' policy and encouraging Taiwan
    to support that and the framework within which dialog has occurred will
    be helpful in easing some of the tensions. And that was the context in
    which our conversation occurred.
        So I thought it was a very positive conversation, far more positive
    than negative. And that is the light in which I meant it to unfold, and
    I think that is the shape it is taking. So----
        Q. The Chinese seemed to make it clear that he would use force----

    Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and Kyoto Treaty

        Q. On the treaty, Senator Helms says that he would be happy to hold
    hearings if you would send up the ABM Treaty and the Kyoto treaty. Will
    you?
        The President. Look, the ABM Treaty--we have to conclude START II
    first; that's in our national interest. The Kyoto treaty--all the people
    who say they're not for the Kyoto treaty insist that we involve the
    developing nations in it; I agree with them. Even the people who are
    against the Kyoto treaty under any circumstances say, well, if you're
    going to have it you've got to have the developing nations in there. So
    it's inconsistent for me to send it up when we're out there working
    ourselves to death to try to get the developing nations to participate.
        Now, this is a relatively new issue, the Kyoto treaty. And the other
    issue is not ripe yet, clearly, not ripe yet. So to take a matter that
    has been a matter of national debate for 40 years

    [[Page 1266]]

    now, and it is finally a reality--a treaty that has been ratified by 40
    other countries, the prospect of dramatically increasing the safety of
    the American people in the future--and hold it hostage to two matters
    that are literally not ripe for presentation to the Senate yet would be
    a grave error, I think. And I hope that we can find a way around that.
        Thank you.

    Note: The President spoke at 11:43 a.m. in the Rose Garden at the White
    House. In his remarks, he referred to President Jiang Zemin of China.