    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: WILLIAM J. CLINTON (1999, Book II)]
    [November 15, 1999]
    [Pages 2093-2097]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks to the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara
    November 15, 1999

        Thank you, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Deputy
    Speaker, distinguished members, it is a great
    honor for me and my family and for our delegation to appear before this
    body, the repository of Turkish sovereignty which, as the words behind
    me affirm, belongs unconditionally and without exception to the people.
        I have come to express America's solidarity with the Turkish people
    at a time of national tragedy and to reaffirm our partnership for a
    common future. We have been friends for a very long time.
        In 1863 the first American college outside the United States, Robert
    College, opened its doors to the youth of Turkey. It was the only
    foreign institution allowed along the Bosphorus, precisely because
    America had never encroached upon Turkish sovereignty. I'm very proud
    that Prime Minister Ecevit is an alumnus of
    Robert College.
        Earlier in this century, the great founder of the Turkish Republic,
    Kemal Ataturk, captured America's imagination with his bold reforms. He
    was called a second George Washington. He appeared on the cover of our
    Time magazine. He corresponded with Members of our Congress. And we
    moved our Embassy here to Ankara, the capital of his new republic.
        In 1927, in a 6-day speech before this body, Ataturk surveyed
    Turkey's relations with the countries of the world. And he paid America
    what I believe was a compliment when he said, and I quote, ``The United
    States is more acceptable than the rest.'' In an effort to remain more
    acceptable to you, I promise not to speak for 6 days. But I would like
    to review our relationship and our future.
        At the dawn of the cold war, President Truman committed America's
    resources to protect Turkey's sovereignty. The Truman doctrine sealed
    our partnership and laid the basis for the Marshall plan and for
    America's entire postwar engagement with the rest of the world. Over 50
    years now, our alliance has stood the test of time and passed every
    other test, from Korea to Kosovo. On behalf of all Americans, I thank
    you for half a century of friendship, mutual respect, and partnership.
        Since the cold war ended, we have learned something quite wonderful.
    We have learned that our friendship does not depend upon a common
    concern with the Soviet Union, and that in fact, in the post-cold-war
    era, our partnership has become even more important. Together we are
    adapting NATO to the demands of a new century. We are partners for peace
    in the Balkans and the Middle East. We are developing new sources of
    energy to help the entire region. Last year our trade was over $6

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    billion. It has risen 50 percent in the last 5 years alone.
        Thanks to the vision of your former President Turgut Ozal, the
    continuing leadership of President Demirel
    and Prime Minister Ecevit, and the dynamism of
    the Turkish people, Turkey has become an engine of regional growth. In
    the months ahead, together we will launch new projects worth billions of
    dollars, mostly in the energy sector, to bring jobs to Turkey and to
    bring our two nations even closer.
        This assembly has taken bold steps to lead Turkey into the new
    century. I want the American press to listen to this. Between June and
    September, this assembly passed a remarkable 69 laws. I'm going to tell
    our Congress about that when I get home. [Laughter] But I will say this,
    it is not just the quantity of those laws that count; it is the quality:
    landmark legislation on Social Security, an international arbitration
    law, banking reform, laws that took courage and vision. Now, you face a
    difficult budget decision that requires courage and vision. If you do
    pass a sound budget, it will strengthen your economy and advance the
    prospects of a standby IMF agreement, something the United States
    strongly supports.
        On the edge of a new millennium, we have a rare opportunity to
    reflect upon our journey, two nations that started in very different
    places, with a shared commitment to democracy, who now must forge a
    partnership relevant to the new era.
        In a sense, we are all here today because of Kemal Ataturk. Not only
    because he chose Ankara to be the capital, not only because he chose
    Ankara to be your capital, but because he pledged Turkey's future to the
    democracy symbolized by this proud assembly. Ironically, he accomplished
    much of what he did with no help from the Western powers, indeed,
    against the opposition of most of them. Many tried to carve up Turkey,
    to reduce it to a rump state. In the face of this, however, Ataturk
    responded not by closing Turkey up but by opening Turkey to the rest of
    the world, a decision for which we must all be very grateful.
        For better and for worse, the events of that time, when the Ottoman
    Empire disintegrated and a new Turkey arose, have shaped the history of
    this entire century. From Bulgaria to Albania to Israel to Arabia, new
    nations were born, and a century of conflict erupted from the turmoil of
    shifting borders, unrealized ambitions, and old hatreds, beginning with
    the first Balkan war and World War I, all the way to today's struggles
    in the Middle East and in the former Yugoslavia. Turkey's past is key to
    understanding the 20th century. But, more importantly, I believe
    Turkey's future will be critical to shaping the 21st century.
        Today I want to take a few minutes to explain why I believe that is
    true, and what we can do together to realize the future we both want.
        Since people have been able to draw maps, they have pointed out the
    immutable fact of Turkey's geography, that Asia Minor is a bridge
    between continents. Less than a kilometer separates Europe from Asia at
    the nearest point along the Bosphorus. And, in reality, there is no
    separation at all, thanks to the bridges you have built, to the commerce
    that spans Turkey every day to the communications revolution that links
    all parts of the world instantaneously.
        Turkey's ability to bridge East and West is all the more important
    when another fact of Turkey's geography is considered. You are almost
    entirely surrounded by neighbors who are either actively hostile to
    democracy and peace or struggling against great obstacles to embrace
    democracy and peace. To the southeast, Iran is witnessing a remarkable
    debate between proponents of a closed and open society, while Iraq
    continues to repress its people, threaten its neighbors, and seek
    weapons of mass destruction. I thank Turkey for its support of Operation
    Northern Watch, which allows us to deter Saddam's aggression, protect
    the people of northern Iraq, and avoid another refugee crisis like the
    one you so courageously met in 1991.
        To the south, the Middle East is still roiled with violence but
    blessed with an historic opportunity to build a comprehensive, just, and
    lasting peace. Turkey is a force for that peace, as well, through its
    ties to Israel and the Arab States.
        To the northwest lie the Balkans, where in the last decade, seven
    new democracies have been born, and four wars have claimed hundreds of
    thousands of lives. Turkish forces in NATO helped to end those wars and,
    thus, to end this century with a powerful affirmation of human dignity
    and human rights. Today, we are working side by side for an enduring
    peace in the Balkans, one which not only ends ethnic cleansing but
    builds genuine cooperation, progress, and prosperity.
        To the east, 12 independent nations have emerged from the ruins of
    the Soviet empire.

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    There is no more important challenge today than helping them to develop
    stable, independent, democratic societies. Turkey here also has been a
    leader, reaching out in particular to nations that share ties of
    language, culture, and history.
        There is still much to be done. We must help Russia to complete its
    momentous democratic revolution. We must be clear with Russia that its
    fight against terrorism is right but that the use of indiscriminate
    force against civilians is wrong, likely to exacerbate the very tensions
    Russia wants to resolve. We must keep working together to resolve the
    conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. We must secure the region's energy
    resources in a way that protects the Bosphorus, helps newly free states
    to stand on their feet, empowers Turkey and Europe's future growth.
    We'll have a chance to address all these challenges when nearly a third
    of the world's nations gather at the OSCE Summit in Istanbul this week.
        When we step back and look ahead, it is possible to imagine two very
    different futures over the next generation. Without too much trouble, a
    pessimist might foresee a dark future, indeed, a Middle East with the
    peace process shattered, Saddam's aggression unchecked, democracy
    collapsed in the Caucasus in central Asia, extremism and terror
    spreading across the region, more violence in the Balkans, military
    coups, unstoppable nuclear tensions in Pakistan and India.
        But there is another vision, one that requires a strong Turkey
    playing its rightful role at the crossroads of the world, at the meeting
    place of three great faiths. It is possible to see that brighter future,
    one of rising prosperity and declining conflict; one in which tolerance
    is an article of faith, and terrorism is seen, rightly, as a travesty of
    faith; a future in which people are free to pursue their beliefs and
    proclaim their heritage; in which women are treated with equal respect;
    in which nations see no contradiction between preserving traditions and
    participating in the life of the world; a future of growing respect for
    human rights that protect our differences and our common humanity; and,
    specifically, a future in which nations that are predominantly Muslim
    are increasingly partners with nations that are not, acting in concert
    in ways, large and small, to realize the shared hopes of their people.
        I hope that the next time an American President addresses a nation
    with a Muslim tradition, he will be able to say that the progress of
    Indonesia and Nigeria and Morocco, all very different nations, has
    helped all of us put the lie to the tired claim of an inherent clash of
    civilizations. As Ataturk said 75 years ago, ``Countries vary, but
    civilization is one.'' President Kennedy said the same thing in Berlin
    when he said, ``Freedom is indivisible.''
        All told, there are now billions of people around the region and the
    world whose future depends upon decisions made in this very room over
    the next 25 years. Each has a stake in Turkey's success in defining
    itself as a strong, secular, modern nation, proud of its traditions,
    fully part of Europe. That will require hard work and vision. You have
    done much of it already through Ozal's reforms, through the actions of
    this assembly, through the thousands of ways in which the Turkish people
    daily are forging an energetic and responsive civil society.
        The future we want to build together begins with Turkish progress in
    deepening democracy at home. Nobody wants this more than the people of
    Turkey. You have created momentum and edicts against torture and a new
    law that protects the rights of political parties, in the achievements
    and vitality of this assembly. Avenues are opening for Kurdish citizens
    of Turkey to reclaim that most basic of birth rights: a normal life.
        But there still is far more to be done to realize the promise of the
    Universal Declaration of Human Rights, articulate at the very moment our
    two countries entered into close relations 50 years ago. That progress
    will be the most significant sign of Turkey's confidence in looking to
    the new century, and in many ways, the most meaningful measure of your
    progress.
        We agree with something that was never said more clearly than by the
    founder of the Turkish Republic: Sovereignty should not be built on
    fear. Neither America nor Europe nor anyone else has the right to shape
    your destiny for you. Only you have that right; that, after all, is what
    democracy is all about. We raise these issues because for all the
    reasons I have mentioned, we have a profound interest in your success,
    and we consider ourselves your friends.
        Keep in mind, I come from a nation that was founded on the creed
    that all are created equal; and yet, when we were founded, we had
    slavery; women could not vote; even men could

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    not vote unless they owned property. I know something about the
    imperfect realization of a country's ideals. We have had a long journey
    in America, from our founding to where we are, but the journey has been
    worth making.
        And in our own troubled century, about to close, we have clearly
    learned that when writers and journalists freely express themselves,
    they exercise not only a fundamental right but fuel the exchange of
    ideals essential to prosperity and growth. When peaceful outlets exist
    to express normal human differences, the peace is preserved, not
    shattered. When people can celebrate their culture and faith in ways
    that do not infringe upon the rights of others, moderates do not become
    extremists, and extremists do not become misguided heroes.
        A second way to shape the future lies in reducing tensions in the
    Aegean, something that will require hard work by both Turkey and Greece.
    Believe me, I appreciate how much history lies behind this troubled
    relationship. But people are beginning to see the possibilities that can
    be created by a new and better history. Prime Minister Ecevit's government has taken important strides in that
    direction. I agree with something he once said to me, ``There is just as
    much as history and geography uniting you across the Aegean as there is
    dividing you.''
        Greece is also taking some risks for peace and recognizing as never
    before that Turkey's destiny lies in Europe. You came together to
    promote stability in the Balkans, something that was, in fairness, far
    more difficult for them to do than for Turkey or the United States. The
    people of both nations were movingly joined again when tragedy struck
    you both in the form of earthquakes, first in August and then, horribly,
    again last week. Every person who lost a loved one or a home to those
    earthquakes knows that there was no such thing then as a Turkish or a
    Greek tragedy. They were human tragedies, and the world will never
    forget the humanity each nation displayed toward the other.
        We must also work hard to reach a just settlement in Cyprus, and I
    am very pleased that yesterday the parties accepted Secretary-General
    Annan's invitation to start proximity talks in
    New York on December 3d. Their goal is to prepare the ground for
    meaningful negotiations, leading to a comprehensive settlement of the
    Cyprus problem. I hope these talks will bring us a step closer to
    lasting peace. I believe a negotiated settlement is the best way to meet
    the fundamental interests of all the parties, including real security
    for all Cypriots and an end to the island's division.
        Finally, the future we want to build together will require foresight
    on the part of our other allies in Europe. The foresight to see that our
    vision of a Europe that is undivided, democratic, and at peace for the
    first time in all of history will never be complete unless and until it
    embraces Turkey. The United States is not a member of the European
    Union, but I have consistently urged European integration to move
    further and faster, and that includes Turkey.
        There are still those who see Europe in narrower terms. Their Europe
    might stop at this mountain range or that body of water or, worse, where
    people stopped to worship God in a different way. But there is a growing
    and encouraging consensus that knows Europe is an idea as much as a
    place, the idea that people can find strength in diversity of opinions,
    cultures, and faiths, as long as they are commonly committed to
    democracy and human rights; the idea that people can be united without
    being uniform, and that if the community we loosely refer to as the West
    is an idea, it has no fixed frontiers. It stretches as far as the
    frontiers of freedom can go.
        Ten years ago this month the Berlin Wall tumbled; a curtain lifted
    across Europe. The best way to celebrate that anniversary is to rekindle
    the feeling of liberation for a new generation. The best way to complete
    the unity glimpsed in 1989 is to integrate all of southeastern Europe
    into the idea and institutions of Europe in 1999 and the years ahead.
    That means democracy in Serbia. It means peace in the Aegean. It means a
    successful democratic Turkey fully welcomed into the European community.
        At the beginning of this new century, in which we have so much hope,
    there is great optimism for both our countries. We have much to be proud
    of, but we must never forget that Turkey is built on the ruins of many
    ancient civilizations that once were every bit as optimistic as we are
    today. To avoid their fate, we must back up our words and our hopes with
    deeds. We must acknowledge the challenges still before us. We must not
    relinquish the confidence that brought us everything in this century as
    it becomes our history, but we must not lose the

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    humility that this century's great troubles leave to every thinking
    person.
        Turkey has come so far over so many barriers in so short a time. It
    was, after all, only 61 years ago this week that Ataturk died. Prime
    Minister Ecevit was one of the schoolchildren
    who filed into the palace to pay their respects to the fallen leader.
    All of you are the youth he advised in his most unselfish mandate near
    the end: to continue to think for yourselves, to always reexamine your
    beliefs, and to reshape democracy, generation after generation after
    generation.
        What Turkey has generated in this century is a living example of
    what all people can do to claim a better destiny for themselves. A new
    century now lies untested before us. It is an enormous opportunity. By
    deepening the democratic revolution embodied by, and still emanating
    from, this very chamber, Turkey can do more than serve its own people
    well. By your example and your exertion, you can truly inspire the
    world.
        Thank you very much.

    Note: The President spoke at 4:20 p.m. in the General Assembly Hall. In
    his remarks, he referred to Turkish Grand National Assembly Speaker
    Yildirim Akbulut and Deputy Speaker Ahmet Ibrahim; President Saddam
    Hussein of Iraq; Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit and President Suleyman
    Demirel of Turkey; and United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan.