[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1999, Book I)]
[May 14, 1999]
[Pages 767-773]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at a Democratic National Committee Luncheon in Seattle, 
Washington
May 14, 1999

    Thank you. I couldn't help but thinking when Jack was up here talking and saying all those wonderful things, 
that Joe Andrew had just said that we would 
win every election in 2000, from dogcatcher to President. And my 
immediate reaction was, that's not such a great distance. [Laughter] 
That's because I spend too much time in Washington. [Laughter] Now, when 
I'm in Seattle, it feels great.
    Let me first of all say how grateful I am that the Governor and the mayor are here. Thank 
you both for coming; our State party chair; 
your former mayor and my good friend, Norm Rice, and his fine wife. I thank our 
officers for coming out here to Washington. And Jack, to you and Ron, my long-time friend, 
and Ted and Ben and the 
others who are here who have helped so much, Mr. Marshall and others, I thank you all.
    I was thinking when I got on the airplane today--you know, when a 
politician tells you a true story, your immediate reaction is, it 
couldn't be true--[laughter]--but this is a true story. The first time I 
ever came to Washington, when I was running for President in 1992, I 
came rather late. I'd been out there running

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for quite some time, and I was nervous as a cat. And I knew that Senator 
Tsongas had been here a lot and had built a lot of support. And I really 
wanted to make a good impression, and there was this event planned, and 
we had a very nice crowd.
    And I came into the airport in my modest little plane, and, 
coincidentally, the Seattle police force, under Mayor Rice, who has been trying to pay me back ever since--
[laughter]--they were practicing how to provide security and rapid 
transportation to dignitaries. So here I arrived, you know, as President 
Bush used to say, a Governor of a small southern State--[laughter]--in 
an airplane not quite as grand as the Boeing I fly in today. [Laughter] 
And I look up--I swear, there were more than 50 motorcycle police 
officers there. [Laughter]
    And we go, and you know, I know how MacArthur felt with his ticker-
tape parade in New York City now at the end of the war. And we're going 
in, you know, and I've got this little 2-car motorcade--[laughter]--and 
50 motorcycles. I mean, I couldn't breathe. I thought, my God, there 
won't be a person in this town that votes for me. [Laughter] And sure 
enough, I lost the primary in Washington State. [Laughter] And I've 
often thought it was because of those--it was quite a grand thing, you 
know. I don't have 50 motorcycles today when I go anywhere. [Laughter]
    But the Seattle police were well-trained, and they've always been 
very polite to me, and I never will forget it, though. Every time I land 
on the tarmac, I get a little nervous. [Laughter]
    Let me seriously say the people of Washington State have been very 
good to Hillary and me and the Vice President, to our administration, in 
two elections, in 1992 and 1996. We suffered a terrible setback here in 
the congressional elections in 1994, and then made up a great deal of 
ground in 1996 and 1998. And I think we will more than make up the rest 
of the ground in the year 2000, thanks to people like you.
    I would like to just--you know, I just made myself a few notes here 
on the way in. Sometimes I don't even do that. But I've got some 
things--I don't get to come here as much as I'd like, and I would like 
to say a few things.
    When I made the long trip out here the first time in 1992, I did so 
with some mixed feelings, because I had a job I loved in a place I loved 
and my family was doing well and things were going great for us. But I 
was very concerned that our country was drifting and divided, that we 
had all kinds of problems, and that no one seemed to be offering a clear 
vision about what kind of country we were going to be in the 21st 
century and how we proposed to get there.
    And I had in my own mind a very simple idea of the world I wanted 
our daughter to grow up to live in. I wanted 21st century America to be 
a place where there was opportunity for every responsible citizen, where 
we were joined together, across all the lines that divide us, into an 
American community united by our common humanity and where my country 
was still the world's strongest force for peace and freedom and 
prosperity.
    In short, I wanted to find a way to take advantage of the two great 
things that are happening in the world today, the explosion of 
technology and the increasing interdependence of people across national 
lines--both of which are perfectly embodied in this room, in this city, 
and in this State--in a way that would give everybody a chance to 
participate in it and give us a chance to let go of the problems that 
besiege us.
    And it seemed to me in order to do that we had to move beyond the 
old political debate in Washington. And so I went around the country 
saying, ``I believe if we're committed to opportunity and responsibility 
and community and to being a 21st century democracy, then we have to 
find a way to reward entrepreneurship and build the middle class and 
help the poor work themselves into it. I believe we have to find a way 
to grow the economy and protect the environment.
    ``I believe we have to find a way to help people succeed at work and 
at home, because everybody's most important work is still raising good 
children. I believe that we have to find a way to reform welfare that 
requires able-bodied people who can work, to work; but doesn't require 
them to sacrifice their responsibilities as parents because they can't 
afford child care or health care.
    ``I believe we have to find a way to reduce the crime rate, not 
simply by better enforcement but also by better prevention. I believe 
that we have to find a way not only to increase the quantity but the 
quality of education. I believe we can expand trade and lift the 
environmental and labor standards of the world instead of driving them 
lower. I believe that we can

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be a force for peace in the world and still be willing to use force if 
it is the only way to achieve legitimate, indeed, compelling 
objectives.''
    I believed all that. I also believed that we could do it with a 
Government that was markedly smaller, but more active, if we focused on 
what a 21st century mission would be. And for me, it is overwhelmingly 
the mission of establishing the conditions and then giving people the 
tools to solve their own problems, but not alone--working together.
    Now, all the work that those of us in our administration have done 
in the last 6 years has been a labor of love to try to take those basic 
ideas and make them real, working facts of life in America. And I am 
profoundly grateful for the results. I literally get up and try to live 
with the spirit of gratitude every day for the good things that many of 
you have played a large role in bringing to our country: the longest 
peacetime expansion in our history, over 18 million new jobs, the lowest 
minority unemployment rate we have ever recorded, welfare rolls about 
half of what they were before, a 25-year low in the crime rate, the 
highest homeownership in history, over 90 percent of our children 
immunized against serious childhood diseases for the first time ever, 
dramatic progress in the quality of our air and water, more land set 
aside in perpetuity under this administration than under any 
administration in the history of the country except those of Theodore 
and Franklin Roosevelt.
    We're almost there with our goal of hooking up all our classrooms to 
the Internet by the year 2000. We have now over 1,000 and will soon have 
3,000 charter schools, which I think are the most exciting new 
innovation in public education. There was one when I became President. 
We have 100,000 young people who have now served in AmeriCorps, serving 
their communities as service volunteers. It took us 4 years to get to 
100,000; it took the Peace Corps 20 years to get to 100,000 volunteers.
    I am grateful for the work we've been able to do in the world to 
help our friends when they're in trouble, to try to reform the global 
financial system, to be a force for peace from Northern Ireland to the 
Middle East to Bosnia and now in Kosovo. And I am grateful that I had 
the chance to serve in this job at this time to bring these changes and 
for the role our Government had, as well as for the role all of you and 
others like you all across America had.
    But I am here today to tell you that the important thing is the 
ideas--the ideas. If we had the right ideas rooted in the right vision 
and we had the right attitude about our work, then we can continue that.
    You know, I won't be on the ballot in 2000. It's the first time in a 
long time I haven't been on a ballot. But it is terribly important to me 
that everyone in America understand that this, on the one hand, didn't 
happen by accident, but on the other hand, is not dependent upon any 
person alone, including the President. What matters is that we have the 
right ideas based on the right vision and that we have the right 
attitude about our work.
    There was a wonderful article in the Christian Science Monitor in 
the last couple of days, which pointed out that even though I have had 
what some people might characterize as a fairly tumultuous 6\1/2\ 
years--[laughter]--I had enjoyed more stability in my Cabinet and senior 
staff than most other Presidents have. There is a reason for that. The 
people that work on our team know why they're there. They're not there 
to occupy offices or sit at certain places behind certain name cards at 
tables or wonder who is leaking on whom in the paper the next morning. 
They're there because they passionately believe in what we are doing, 
and they understand that this is a job. It is not about political 
positioning; it's about putting the people of this country first and 
having a vision of where you want to go, having guiding ideas, and 
making them real. That's why I'm here. That's what I want you to 
understand.
    When somebody asks you why you were here today, tell them it's 
because you like what happened in the last 6 years; we've got a lot more 
to do, and the vision and the operating ideas of the Democratic Party 
should continue to guide the United States of America. That is what I 
believe.
    We've got a lot of things to do. We've got to deal with the aging of 
America. We've got to deal with Social Security and Medicare and long-
term care, and people have to be able to save more for their own 
retirement. We have to continue to tend to the world economy, and I 
badly want to prevail in my argument that we must use this surplus in a 
way that both deals with the aging of America and pays down the debt of 
the country.

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    My plan, in 17 years, would give us a debt that's the smallest 
percentage of our economy we've had since before World War I broke out. 
And that means lower interest rates, less dependence on foreign capital, 
higher investment, higher growth, more opportunities for people in high-
tech havens like this and in small rural towns like those I represented 
for so many years. It's very important.
    We still haven't come to grips with all the challenges of education. 
We cannot pretend that we can be the country we want to be until we can 
offer a world-class education, not just in our universities but in our 
kindergarten through 12th grades, to all Americans. We still haven't 
done everything we have to do to help people balance work and family by 
a long shot. We need to do more with child care; we need to do more with 
family leave; we need to pass a Patients' Bill of Rights. We have a lot 
of things we have to do.
    We have big environmental challenges. Several of you discussed 
environmental issues with me today. I'm very proud of the livability 
initiative we have, to try to bring environmental issues into the 
practical lives of people in urban communities; and the lands legacy 
issue we have, to try to add more lands to the permanent legacy of the 
United States. And I will continue to try to persuade my friends in the 
other party in Washington, DC, that the crisis of climate change is a 
real issue that demands a real response from the United States, and that 
we cannot expect others to do their part unless we're ready to do ours.
    But the most important issues we have, I would argue--and if we get 
this right; the rest of it will work out all right; people in this room 
will solve half the problems that are out there--the most important 
thing we have to decide is what kind of country we are going to be. In 
the last several days, couple of weeks, the headlines have been 
dominated by two pieces of sobering news--notwithstanding the Dow going 
to 11,000 and having 18\1/4\ million jobs and all of that. One, of 
course, was the tragic killings in Littleton; the other is the ongoing 
conflict in Kosovo.
    I would like to just say a couple of words about that, kind of 
picking up on what Ron said. I talked with Hillary for a long, long time about what happened in 
Littleton. And we had a family conversation about it, too. And we talked 
with Al and Tipper Gore about it, because they've worked on a lot of these 
cultural and family issues for years.
    And then I talked with people all around America. I have to tell 
you, I do not believe that there is a single thing for us to do; I think 
there are a lot of big things for us all to do. When we had our meeting 
Monday to say that we're going to have a national campaign against 
violence against children, Pam Eakes was there, 
and I want to thank her for the wonderful work she's done with Mothers 
Against Violence.
    I think that you have to understand that we live in a world where 
there are a lot of people who are alone even when they're in a crowd, 
where there are a lot of children who never knew they were the most 
important person to anyone. And when you have large numbers of 
vulnerable people, then things that other people can't imagine would be 
problems can be big problems. So if it's easier for a kid in America to 
get an assault weapon, whereas it's impossible in most other countries, 
and you have a higher percentage of vulnerable, disconnected kids, more 
bad things will happen. If it is easier for a child in America to play 
an interactive video game where you score by how many innocent people 
you kill, and you have more vulnerable kids, then it's more likely to 
have a bad impact.
    If we have 300 studies now which show that hours and hours and hours 
a week after years and years and years and years of watching sustained, 
indiscriminate violence makes young people less sensitive to violence 
and to its consequences, if there are a larger number of disconnected 
kids, then it will have a more destructive impact than in other 
countries.
    So all of us--not pointing the finger at anybody--we've got 
something to do to rebuild this web of support to build that village 
that Hillary always talks about it takes to raise a child. There are 
things for families to do, things for schools to do, things for 
communities to do, things for the gun industry to do, things for the 
entertainment industry to do, things for Congress to do.
    I hope Congress finally, next week, will get around to passing that 
bill that closes the loophole on background checks for gun sales at gun 
shows. They did pass yesterday, in the Senate bills, to raise the age of 
handgun ownership to 21 and to close the loophole in the assault weapons 
ban, which has allowed the sale of large ammunition clips if they're 
imported since 1994. They voted for that, and I applaud them.

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    But we need to pass all these common-sense measures. We've moved a 
long way since we had Democrats from Washington State losing elections 
in 1994 because they voted for the crime bill, with the assault weapons 
ban, and the Brady bill. We've come a long way. The voters in Florida--
not exactly a raving liberal State--voted 72 percent to close the gun 
show loophole on the ballot. So we're moving in the right direction.
    But I don't want to see our attempts to save our children turn into 
chapter 57 of America's ongoing culture war for someone's political 
advantage. What I want to see is to see every single segment of our 
society stand up and say not, ``It's someone else's fault,'' but, ``What 
can I do?'' And let's work through it.
    How we deal with this issue--you know, we had all those school 
killings last year. We did a lot of things. We sent out these wonderful 
handbooks to every school in the country, and they're very, very good. 
And people were horrified by it, but somehow, when Littleton happened, I 
think it finally, like, broke a dam in the psyche of America. I think 
finally people said, ``My goodness, this really can happen anywhere.''
    And we cannot--we owe it to those families and those children who 
perished not to let this opportunity pass from us and not to let it 
disintegrate into finger pointing. Everybody needs to just stand up and 
say, ``Okay, what can I do?''
    But we have to be honest about how every one of these things--look, 
I can make a case that no single thing--whatever you say the problem 
is--I've heard all these arguments. I can stand up and debate you and 
say, ``No, that's not the problem; something else is the problem.'' And 
I've heard it all. And you know, I could take either side in the guns-
versus-culture argument.
    But the truth is, start with the facts. There are disconnected 
children in America, some of them in crowds every day. There are a 
higher percentage of them in our country--for whatever reason--getting 
killed every year than in other countries, in spite of all of our 
prosperity and all of our intelligence and all of our technology and all 
of our everything else. It's a fact. It's a human fact.
    And all the things that happen to a person in life, and all the 
opportunities that are present or absent, they all have an impact. And 
we need to unpack it and quit saying it's not our problem, and just have 
everybody show up and say, ``Well, what can I do?''
    If there was a fire down the street today and we heard the fire bell 
ring, every one of us would walk outside; we'd walk up to the firemen 
and say, ``What can I do?'' That's the way we ought to look at this. It 
ought to be an occasion for bringing this country together.
    We were talking at lunch, here. I was down in Texas a few days ago 
with the daughter of James Byrd, the man who 
was dragged and dismembered to death in Texas, trying to help pass the 
hate crimes legislation there. And I hope we can pass it in Washington, 
and the ``Employment Non-Discrimination Act.'' Why? Because it will make 
a big statement about what kind of people we are and what our level of 
mutual respect for people who are different from us is.
    And you ask me, ``Well, what has that got to do with Kosovo?'' Let's 
just move into that.
    It is the supreme irony of this new millennium--I mean, here we are. 
We've got all these folks here from Microsoft and Boeing, first one 
place and the other, and everybody's got all these great--you know, all 
of you are more technologically literate than me, doubtless. But isn't 
it ironic that you can simulate virtually every problem in the world 
with a software package. You can do things and communicate with people 
in ways that already are unimaginable. And within 5 years, there'll be 
things that we're not even thinking about now. And these will be 
accompanied by breathtaking advances in the biological sciences, as the 
mysteries of the human genome are unlocked. And then the interaction of 
computer technology and the genome project will be completely explosive 
in ways that I can't even imagine.
    Isn't it ironic that in this world we're going to live in, where 
we'd like to think, ``Gosh, you know, we'll finally run the average life 
expectancy up to 120 years, and we'll all be flying around on safe, fast 
planes, and we'll be able to get into cars that won't have traffic jams 
because we'll be able to program them all, and they will all run right. 
And what a fabulous world it will be. And we're now building an economy 
that actually requires less energy, not more--if we do it right--so 
we're not going to have to burn the planet up after all.''
    We have all these grand dreams for our children's future, and it is 
threatened by the oldest

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problem of human society, which is that we have a hard time getting 
along with people who are different from us--because we're afraid of 
them. And once we get our crowd together, it's easy for somebody to stir 
us up and turn our fear into hatred. And once we start hating somebody, 
then it's easy for somebody else to come along and turn our hatred into 
violence.
    And there's a little of that in the reported accounts of Littleton. 
There was certainly that in the death of James Byrd or in the death of 
Matthew Shepard. And it is the thing that most bedevils the world in 
global politics today.
    What is consuming the world today? Fights over technology? Not on 
your life. What happened in Rwanda? Why is the Northern Ireland conflict 
unresolved? What are they fighting about in the politics of the Middle 
East today? What are the Balkans about? Who gets the right to sell Apple 
computers? Whether somebody represents Microsoft in Belgrade? That's not 
what they're fighting about, is it?
    They're fighting about religion and ethnicity and imagined history 
and old slights--real and imagined. That's what the whole thing's about.
    And I ask you to think about that. Look at Seattle. Next time--just 
walk down the street, here. That's what you want America to look like, 
isn't it? Look around this room here. That's what you want America to 
look like, and that's what you'd like the world of your children to be 
like.
    Now, I don't ask all these ethnic groups, many of whom are still 
very poor and early on experiencing their democracies--anywhere--to like 
each other. Don't even ask them not to fight. But I do not think it is 
too much to ask, as we have first in Bosnia and now in Kosovo, that 
there be no ethnic cleansing and slaughter, or to recognize that if that 
becomes an acceptable basis of behavior in the world, especially in 
Europe right at the doorstep of our closet allies and trading partners, 
that it bodes very ill for the future. We made a terrible mistake with 
the bombing of the Chinese Embassy, and I regret it more than I can say. 
I talked to the President of China today and told 
him that. But you can see that on CNN.
    What you do not see on television is the tales told by the refugees 
of the little village where 15 men had a rope wrapped around them and 
were burned alive because they happened to be Albanian Muslims, of all 
the young girls that were systematically raped because they happened to 
be Kosovar Albanian Muslims and because the people who were oppressing 
them knew that even though that is horrible in any culture, it is 
especially awful in theirs.
    So I say to you: The reason I talk about all this stuff all the time 
and the reason we have joined with our NATO Allies and we're doing what 
we're doing in Kosovo is, I don't want to let the promise of the 21st 
century be overcome by the oldest poison in human society's history. And 
America is about to get it right.
    The framers of the Constitution knew when they said all of us were 
created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights, 
including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness--they were smart 
people. They were not dummies. They knew we were nowhere near living 
that.
    You go to the Jefferson Memorial and you see one of Thomas 
Jefferson's great quotes: ``When I think of slavery, I tremble to 
consider that God is just.'' They knew that. Well, we're about to get it 
right. And that's why we have to fight to give all our children a safe 
future. That's why we have to fight against the last vestiges of 
discrimination, and that's why we are right to stand with our NATO 
Allies against ethnic cleansing and manslaughter in Kosovo. It is the 
world we want our children to live in.
    I want to close with this story. A couple of days ago, I had 19 
Indian tribal leaders in the White House representing the Dakotas and 
Montana, the northern high plains tribes. They are the poorest tribes in 
America. And you can imagine that their geographical position doesn't 
make them very well positioned to get a lot of new and modern 
investment. You want to put a data center there, they'd be glad to have 
it.
    So anyway--and I got a lot of my Cabinet there, and they asked if we 
could sit in a circle in the Roosevelt Room, as was their custom. And so 
we did. And the tribal leaders, each in their turn, got up and talked, 
and they talked about housing and education and economics and all of 
that. And then at the end of the meeting, their spokesperson, a very 
tall man whose name was Tex, believe it or not, the 
chief of his particular tribe, he pulls out this scroll, and it is a 
proclamation where the tribal leaders are signing an endorsement of the 
United States position in Kosovo. And he said to me, ``We know

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something about ethnic cleansing. And America has come a very long way. 
And we think we should stand with you.''
    And then another young tribal leader 
asked if he could speak. And he stood up; he had a beautiful Indian 
silver necklace on. And with great dignity he said, ``Mr. President, I 
had two uncles. One of them was on the beach at Normandy; the other was 
the first Native American fighter pilot in the United States military. 
My great-great grandfather was slaughtered by the 7th Cavalry at Wounded 
Knee. I now am the father of a young son. We have come a long way from 
my great-great grandfather to my uncles to my son. I love my son more 
than anything. But because of the distance we have come, I would gladly 
have him serve to save the people of Kosovo from having their culture 
and their lives destroyed.''
    And there was not--you couldn't breathe in this room because we knew 
that this dignified man representing people with all kinds of problems 
was the living embodiment of everything that this country ought to be. 
And his people were here first. All the rest of us are latecomers.
    So I say to you: The best politics for our party is to do what is 
right for our children and our country for the new century.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 2:35 p.m. in the Kirtland Cutter Room at 
the Rainier Club. In his remarks, he referred to event chair Jack J. 
Spitzer; Joseph J. Andrew, national chair, and Wayne C. Marshall, 
regional finance director, Democratic National Committee; Gov. Gary 
Locke of Washington; Mayor Paul Schell of Seattle; Paul Berendt, chair, 
Washington State Democratic Party; former Mayor Norman B. Rice of 
Seattle and his wife, Constance; King County Executive Ron Sims; event 
cochairs Ted Johnson and Ben Waldman; Pamela Eakes, founder and 
president, Mothers Against Violence in America; Renee Mullins, daughter 
of murder victim James Byrd, Jr.; President Jiang Zemin of China; Tex 
Hall, chairman of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara Nation (the Three 
Affiliated Tribes); and Gregg Bourland, chairman, Cheyenne River Sioux 
Tribe.