[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1999, Book I)]
[April 1, 1999]
[Pages 485-489]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks to the Military Community at Norfolk Naval Station
April 1, 1999

    The President. Thank you very much. I'm just curious, can you all 
hear me out there?
    Audience member. No!
    The President. No? The echo is pretty bad, isn't it? Well, if I 
speak louder, is it better or worse? No difference. I'll do the best I 
can.
    First, I'd like to thank Secretary Cohen and General Shelton for their 
truly outstanding service in our administration at a difficult time. I'd 
like to thank Admiral Gehman, Admiral 
Reason, General Pace, 
General Keck, and the other leaders of all the 
forces represented here.
    I thank Secretary Danzig, National 
Security Adviser Berger, and others who 
came with me from the White House. Mayor Oberndorf, thank you for welcoming me to Virginia Beach.

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    I'd like to say a special word of appreciation to the Members of 
Congress who are here: your representatives, Congressmen Scott and Sisisky; Senator 
Levin, our ranking member of the Armed Services 
Committee; and a special thanks to my longtime friend Senator Chuck 
Robb, who is one of the most courageous 
Members of the United States Congress, and Virginia is very fortunate to 
be represented by him.
    Let me say to all of you, I came here today primarily to thank two 
groups of people, our men and women in uniform and their families, for 
the service and sacrifice that makes America strong.
    I just met a few moments ago with several members of families, 
spouses and children of members of four different services who are 
deployed away from here now. They're all over here to my right. And 
whatever it is you would like to say to me today, I think there's a very 
good chance they said it. They did a very good job for you, and I'm very 
proud of them.
    I heard about the financial sacrifices, and I heard about the human 
sacrifices. I don't think that anyone could say it better than this lady 
over here with this beautiful baby in the red hat, with the ``I miss 
you, Daddy'' sign. I thank you. And this sign, ``I love my TR sailor. 
Support our troops.''
    I wanted to come here today because I want America to know that the 
sacrifices made by our men and women in uniform are fully mirrored by 
their families back home, by the opportunities that are missed to be 
with wives and husbands and children on birthdays and holidays, and just 
being there for the kids when they're needed at night and in the morning 
as they go off to school. They are fully felt in terms of the financial 
sacrifices of the family members left at home to pay the bills and see 
to the health care and other needs of the children.
    And America should know that and should be very, very grateful to 
all of you. We are grateful, and we think all Americans will be grateful 
as they know what you do.
    Let me also say I had a chance to speak, just before I came out 
here, with the 510th Fighter Squadron at Aviano Air Base in Italy, part 
of our Operation Allied Force in Kosovo, to thank them and to hear of 
their immense pride and determination in their mission.
    I know that many, many people here have friends or family members 
who are working hard in our mission in Kosovo. I know this port is home 
to 100 ships, not only the powerful battle groups now at sea led by the 
Enterprise and the Theodore Roosevelt but also ships in the Adriatic, 
guided missile destroyers like the Gonzalez, fast-attack submarines like 
the Norfolk. [Applause] Yes, you can clap for your ships; that's okay. 
[Applause]
    I can't name every ship or every unit, but I know that all of you 
are proud of all of them. Again, let me say, too, a special word of 
thanks to the family members of those who are deployed in the Kosovo 
operation now.
    And let me say to all of you, we spend a lot of time--perhaps more 
time than you would think--in the White House, and at the Pentagon, 
talking about our obligations to the families of our service members. We 
know that we are asking more and more of you as we have downsized the 
military and diversified and increased the number of our operations 
around the world. We know that the more we ask of you, the greater our 
responsibilities to you.
    We know that we owe you the support, the training, the equipment you 
need to get the job done. We know we owe you fair pay, decent housing, 
and other support. Our new defense budget contains not only a 
substantial pay raise but increased funding to keep our readiness razor 
sharp. It is our solemn obligation to those of you who accept the 
dangers and hardships of our common security.
    Since the cold war ended, we have asked more and more of our Armed 
Forces, from the Persian Gulf to Korea to Central America to Africa--
today, to stand with our allies in NATO against the unspeakable 
brutality in Kosovo.
    Now, this is not an easy challenge with a simple answer. If it were, 
it would have been resolved a long time ago. The mission I have asked 
our Armed Forces to carry out with our NATO Allies is a dangerous one, 
as I have repeatedly said. Danger is something the brave men and women 
of our country's Armed Forces understand because you live with it every 
day, even in routine training exercises.
    Now, we all know that yesterday three Army infantrymen were seized as they were carrying out a peaceful 
mission in Macedonia, protecting that country from the violence in 
neighboring Kosovo. There was absolutely no basis for them to be taken. 
There is no basis for them to be held. There is certainly no basis for 
them to

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be tried. All Americans are concerned about their welfare.
    President Milosevic should make no 
mistake: The United States takes care of its own. And President 
Milosevic should make no mistake: We will hold him and his government 
responsible for their safety and for their well-being.
    But I ask you also to resolve that we will continue to carry out our 
mission with determination and resolve.
    Over the past few weeks, I have been talking with the American 
people about why we're involved with our NATO Allies in Kosovo and the 
risks of our mission and why they're justified. It's especially 
important that I speak to you and, through you, to all men and women in 
uniform about these matters.
    The roots of this conflict lie in the policies of Mr. 
Milosevic, the dictator of Serbia. For 
more than 10 years now, he has been using ethnic and religious hatred as 
a path to personal power and a justification for the ethnic cleansing 
and murder of innocent civilians. That is what he did first in Bosnia 
and Croatia, where the United States, with our allies, did so much to 
end the war. And that is what he is doing in Kosovo today. That is what 
he will continue to do to his own people and his neighbors unless we and 
our allies stand in the way.
    For months, we tried and tried and tried every conceivable peaceful 
alternative. We did everything we could through diplomacy to solve this 
problem. With diplomacy backed by the threat of NATO force, we forged a 
cease-fire last October that rescued from cold and hunger hundreds of 
thousands of people in Kosovo whom he had 
driven from their homes.
    In February, with our allies and with Russia, we proposed a peace 
agreement that would have given the people of Kosovo the autonomy they 
were guaranteed under their constitution before Mr. Milosevic came to power and ended the fighting for good.
    Now, the Kosovar leaders, they signed that agreement, even though it 
didn't give them the independence they said they wanted and that they 
had been fighting for. But Mr. Milosevic 
refused. In fact, while pretending to negotiate for peace, he massed 
40,000 troops and hundreds of tanks in and around Kosovo, planning a new 
campaign of destruction and defiance. He started carrying out that 
campaign the moment the peace talks ended.
    Now the troops and police of the Serbian dictator are rampaging through tiny Kosovo, separating men 
from their families, executing many of them in cold blood, burning 
homes--sometimes, we now hear, with people inside--forcing survivors to 
leave everything behind, confiscating their identity papers, destroying 
their records so their history and their property is erased forever.
    Yesterday Mr. Milosevic actually said 
this problem can only be solved by negotiations. But yesterday, as he 
said that, his forces continued to hunt down the very Kosovar leaders 
with whom he was supposed to be negotiating.
    All together now, more than half a million Kosovars have been pushed 
from their homes since the conflict began. They are arriving at the 
borders of the country, shaken by what they have seen and been through. 
But they also say--as a delegation of Albanian-Americans, many of whom 
have relatives in Kosovo, told me personally in the White House 
yesterday--that NATO's military action has at least given them some hope 
that they have not been completely abandoned in their suffering.
    Had we not acted, the Serbian offensive would have been carried out 
with impunity. We are determined that it will carry a very high price, 
indeed.
    We also act to prevent a wider war. If you saw my address to the 
country the other night and the maps that I showed, you know that Kosovo 
is a very small place. But it sits right at the dividing line of Europe, 
Asia, and the Middle East; the dividing line between Islam and 
Christianity; close to our Turkish and Greek allies to the south; our 
new allies, Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic, to the north; 
surrounded by small and struggling democracies that easily could be 
overwhelmed by the flood of refugees Mr. Milosevic is creating.
    Already, Macedonia is so threatened. Already, Serbian forces have 
made forays into Albania, which borders Kosovo. If we were to do 
nothing, eventually our allies and then the United States would be drawn 
into a larger conflict, at far greater risks to our people and far 
greater costs.
    Now, we can't respond to every tragedy in every corner of the world. 
But just because we can't do everything for everyone doesn't mean that 
for the sake of consistency we should do nothing for no one.

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    Remember now, these atrocities are happening at the doorstep of 
NATO, which has preserved the security of Europe for 50 years because of 
the alliance between the United States and our allies. They are 
happening in violation of specific commitments Mr. Milosevic gave to us, to our NATO Allies, to other European 
countries, and to Russia. They are happening to people who embrace peace 
and promise to lay down their own arms. They put their trust in us, and 
we can't let them down.
    Our objective is to restore the Kosovars to their homes with 
security and self-government. Our bombing campaign is designed to exact 
an unacceptably high price for Mr. Milosevic's present policy of repression and ethnic cleansing 
and to seriously diminish his military capacity to maintain that policy.
    We've been doing this for 7 days now--just 7 days. Our pilots have 
performed bravely and well in the face of dangerous conditions and often 
abysmal weather. But we must be determined and patient. Remember, the 
Serbs had 40,000 troops in and around Kosovo and nearly 300 tanks when 
they began this, before the first NATO plane got in the air. They had a 
sophisticated air-defense system. They also have a problem which has 
been festering for a decade, thanks to the efforts of Mr. 
Milosevic to make people hate each other 
in the former Yugoslavia because they are Muslims instead of Orthodox 
Christians or Catholics; because they're Albanians instead of Serbians 
or Croatians, or Bosnian Muslims, or Macedonians, or you have--whatever. 
It is appalling.
    For decades, those people lived in peace with one another. For 10 
years and more, now, a dictator has 
sought to make himself powerful by convincing the largest group, the 
Serbs, that the only way they can amount to anything is to uproot, 
disrupt, destroy, and kill other people who don't have the same means of 
destruction--no matter what the consequences are to everybody around 
them, no matter how many innocent children and their parents die, no 
matter how much it disrupts other countries.
    Why? Because they want power, and they want to base it on the kind 
of ethnic and religious hatred that is bedeviling the whole world today. 
You can see it in the Middle East, in Northern Ireland. You can see it 
in the tribal wars in Africa. You can see that it is one of the dominant 
problems the whole world faces. And this is right in the underbelly of 
Europe.
    We have to decide whether we are going to take a stand with our NATO 
Allies and whether we are prepared to pay the price of time to make 
him pay the price of aggression and 
murder. Are we, in the last year of the 20th century, going to look the 
other way as entire peoples in Europe are forced to abandon their 
homelands or die? Are we going to impose a price on that kind of conduct 
and seek to end it?
    Mr. Milosevic often justifies his 
behavior by talking about the history of the Serbs going back to the 
14th century. Well, I value the history of this country, and I value 
what happened here in the 18th century. But I don't want to take America 
back to the 18th century. And he acts like he wants to take Serbia back 
to the 14th century, to 14th century values, 14th century ways of 
looking at other human beings.
    We are on the edge of a new century and a new millennium, where the 
people in poor countries all over the world, because of technology and 
the Internet and the spreading of information, will have unprecedented 
opportunities to share prosperity and to give their kids an education 
and have a decent future, if only they will live in peace with the basic 
human regard for other people. That is absolutely antithetical to 
everything that Mr. Milosevic has done.
    So I ask you--you say, what has this got to do with America? 
Remember, we fought two World Wars in Europe. Remember that the unity, 
the freedom, the prosperity, the peace of Europe is important to the 
future of the children in this room today. That is, in the end, what 
this is about.
    We're not doing this on our own. We could not have undertaken it on 
our own. This is something we're doing with our NATO Allies. They're up 
there in the air, too. If there's a peace agreement, they've agreed to 
provide 85 percent of the troops on the ground to help to monitor the 
peace agreement and protect all the ethnic groups, including the Serbs.
    This is something we are doing to try to avoid in the 21st century 
the kind of widespread war, large American casualties, and heartbreak 
that we saw too much of in the century we are about to leave.
    So this is not just about a small piece of the Balkans. But let me 
ask you something. When we are moved by the plight of three servicemen, 
when we stay up half the night hoping that our rescue teams find that 
fine pilot

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who went down when his plane was hit, when we see a sign that says, ``I 
love my TR sailor'' or ``I miss my Daddy,'' we remember that all 
political and military decisions ultimately have a human component that 
is highly individualized.
    Think how you would feel if you were part of the half million people 
who lived peaceably in a place, just wanted to be let alone to practice 
your religion and educate your children and do your work, if people came 
to your house and your village and said, ``Pack up your belongings and 
go. We're going to burn your property records; we're going to burn your 
identity records. And if your husband or your son is of military service 
age, we might take them out behind the barn and shoot them dead''--just 
because you have a different religion, just because you have a different 
ethnic background. Is that really what we want the 21st century to be 
about for our children?
    Now, that is what is at stake here. We cannot do everything in the 
world, but we must do what we can. We can never forget the Holocaust, 
the genocide, the carnage of the 20th century. We don't want the new 
century to bring us the same nightmares in a different guise.
    We also want to say again how proud the United States is that each 
of NATO's 19 members is supporting the mission in Kosovo in some way--
France and Germany, Turkey and Greece, Poland and Hungary, the Czech 
Republic, Britain, Canada, all the others. And this is also important.
    Let me finally say--I'd like to read you something. Near the end of 
the Second World War, President Roosevelt prepared a speech to give at a 
holiday honoring Virginia's famous son Thomas Jefferson. He never got to 
give the speech. But it still speaks to us, his last words. And to those 
of you who wear the uniform of our Nation and to those of you who are 
part of the families of our Uniformed Service members. I ask you to heed 
these words.
    After the long war was almost drawing to a close, these were 
Franklin Roosevelt's last words that he never got to deliver: ``We as 
Americans do not choose to deny our responsibilities. Nor do we intend 
to abandon our determination that within the lives of our children and 
our children's children, there will not be a third world war. We seek 
peace, enduring peace. More than an end to war, we want an end to the 
beginnings of all wars.''
    That is what we are trying to achieve in Kosovo. That is what many 
of you in this room, perhaps, and your colleagues, did achieve in 
Bosnia. We want to end a war that has begun in Europe and prevent a 
larger war. And we want to alleviate the burdens and the killing of 
defenseless people. Let us heed President Roosevelt's last words.
    Let me say again, for those of you who serve and for those of you 
who serve as family members and who sacrifice as wives and husbands and 
children: I thank you for your service and your sacrifice, and America 
thanks you.
    God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 1:17 p.m. in Hangar SP2. In his remarks, he 
referred to Adm. Harold W. Gehman, Jr., USN, Supreme Allied Commander 
Atlantic; Adm. J. Paul Reason, USN, Commander in Chief, U.S. Atlantic 
Fleet; Lt. Gen. Peter Pace, USMC, Commander, U.S. Marine Corps Forces, 
Europe; Lt. Gen. Thomas Keck, USAF, Vice Commander, Air Combat Command; 
Mayor Meyera E. Oberndorf of Virginia Beach; President Slobodan 
Milosevic of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro); 
and Staff Sgt. Andrew A. Ramirez, USA, Staff Sgt. Christopher J. Stone, 
USA, and Specialist Steven M. Gonzales, USA, infantrymen in custody in 
Serbia.