[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1998, Book I)]
[May 18, 1998]
[Pages 791-800]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
The President's News Conference With European Union Leaders in London,
United Kingdom
May 18, 1998
Prime Minister Tony Blair. Thanks very much,
ladies and gentlemen. Do sit down. I'm sorry there isn't a text yet, but
you'll be provided with one shortly.
Can I, first of all, set out what I believe that we have achieved at
this summit, and then ask the President of the European Commission and,
finally, the President of the United States to speak to you?
As you know, there have been, for some years, serious differences
over the U.S.'s sanctions policy and the EU's extraterritoriality. And
what we established today is at least a basis for a lasting solution to
these problems. We've avoided a showdown over sanctions with which we
don't agree, and we've done it in a way that at least provides the
chance of a solution to the problem in the future. And the President of
the United States will set out the U.S. position in a moment. So there's
still more work to do, but it is a real step forward.
In addition, today we have launched a major new transatlantic trade
initiative, the Transatlantic Economic Partnership, which will further
add momentum to the process of developing what is already the most
important bilateral trade relationship in the world. We've also agreed
to work ever more closely together to promote multilateral trade
liberalization.
Finally, we have welcomed the very substantial report presented to
us by our senior officials on the progress achieved since our last
summit towards further implementation of the 1995 new transatlantic
trade agreement. Some examples of this are: cooperation to prevent drug
smuggling through the Caribbean; a joint decision to give awards to
those in Central and Eastern Europe who have helped in recent years to
entrench democracy and civil rights in those countries; and a joint EU-
U.S. program in the Ukraine and Poland to warn women of the dangers of
being lured into the sex trade in Western Europe.
So there are a series of measures that we have put together and
agreed, and we have made very substantial progress on both the issues of
sanctions and extraterritoriality, and of course, in taking forward our
trade partnership through a major new trade initiative. And I'm
delighted to be able to make those announcements to you today.
Jacques, do you want to add some words?
President Jacques Santer. Ladies and
gentlemen, our summit today is the sixth between the European Union and
the United States since the adoption of the new transatlantic agenda.
These summits are becoming more and more important to the development of
the transatlantic relationship. The breadth of issues we covered today
and the substantial agreements we came to prove how worthwhile these
meetings now are.
The 1995 new transatlantic agenda has led to much more intense
cooperation across the Atlantic. It is not just a question of warm words
but complete agreements. For example, today's signature of the mutual
recognition agreement offers real benefits to business and consumers on
both sides of the Atlantic.
Today's summit is particularly important because we and the United
States have struck a deal on the U.S. sanctions laws. This agreement,
after weeks of intense negotiations with the U.S. administration,
finally brings peace in this longstanding dispute.
The European Union has opposed the United States sanctions laws on
investments in Iran, Libya, and Cuba not only because we believe they
are illegal but also because they are counterproductive. We in Europe
have always taken very seriously the fight to curb terrorism and the
spread of weapons of mass destruction. But the U.S. sanctions laws make
our cooperation on these issues more, rather than less difficult.
The deal today means that European companies and businessmen can
conduct their business
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without the threat of U.S. sanctions hanging over their heads. It's a
deal that is good for European companies who now have protection from
the sanctions. It's a deal that is good for the European Union which has
shown that it can act together, united in important foreign policy
issues. And it is good for the transatlantic relationship which can now
develop further, free of this longstanding dispute.
There are obviously still some further steps that need to be taken
before the deal can be completely implemented, but I am hopeful that
these will be concluded as soon as possible. By getting rid of the
biggest problem in our relationship with the United States, the door is
now open to further deepen and enhance our cooperation across the
Atlantic.
Today at the summit we agreed to a substantial new initiative to
deepen the trade relationship called the Transatlantic Economic
Partnership. In this initiative, first we address the further removal of
barriers in our bilateral trade. It also says that the United States and
the European Union will work together to achieve a substantial, further
trade liberalization on a multilateral basis.
Today's agreement will add to the prosperity of both the United
States and the European Union and, more generally, in the world. It
will, thus, create better prospects for future jobs.
President Clinton, Prime Minister Tony Blair, and I will be in
Geneva to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the GATT, an organization
which has contributed so much to the stability and prosperity of the
postwar world. Our agreements this morning sends a powerful message of
transatlantic support to that meeting and to the further development of
multilateral liberalization.
But of course, today's summit, as is usual on these occasions, was
also an opportunity to discuss many key foreign policy issues including
Turkey, Cyprus, Kosovo, and Ukraine. On Ukraine, we agreed to call on
the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to play its part in
the implementation of the memorandum of understanding on nuclear safety
concluded between the G-7 and the Ukraine.
In conclusion, this summit has placed the transatlantic relationship
on an even stronger footing. We can now look forward to an even deeper
partnership in the future.
Thank you.
President Clinton. Thank you very much. I'd like to begin by
thanking Prime Minister Blair for the creative
and strong leadership that he has provided to the European Union and to
the U.S.-EU partnership. And I thank President Santer for his years of work for European unity.
America welcomes a strong partnership with a strong and united
Europe to improve the lives, the security, the well-being of our own
people and others around the world. The EU, as I'm sure all of you know,
is America's largest trade and investment partner. Two-way trade
supports more than 6 million jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.
Today I am very pleased that we have agreed to new steps to
strengthen that economic partnership. First, we will work to dismantle
trade barriers, both bilateral and multilateral trade barriers, in areas
such as manufacturing, services, and agriculture, about a dozen in all,
while maintaining the highest standards of labor and environment.
Now, let me also say that we have agreed in this effort that we will
make an effort to give all the stakeholders in our economic lives--
environmental stakeholders, labor stakeholders, other elements of civil
society--a chance to be heard in these negotiations, in these
discussions. And I believe that is a new paradigm which ought to be
mirrored in trade negotiations throughout the world.
Indeed, as President Santer said, when we conclude here, I am going
to Geneva, where I will speak about how we can work together to
strengthen the world trading system on the occasion of its 50th
anniversary. And I will argue that the WTO ought to embrace the kinds of
things that we and the EU have agreed to do here, to give all the
stakeholders a role and to do a better job of respecting the importance
of preserving the environment and of making sure trade works for the
benefit of all the people in all the countries involved.
I am also pleased that we have reached agreement today, as the Prime
Minister and President Santer said, on an issue of vital importance to
our own security and well-being. We share an interest in combating
terrorism and limiting the spread of weapons of mass destruction. We
understand, always, the problems with weapons of mass destruction, but
we are, I hope, all more sensitive to them in light of the recent events
in South Asia.
Here in London, the EU countries have committed to enhance their
cooperation with us with
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regard to Iran. They will step up efforts to prevent the transfer of
technology that could be used to develop weapons of mass destruction.
They have agreed to work toward the ratification of all 11
counterterrorism conventions. We've agreed to cooperate in the
development of Caspian energy resources.
I'd also like to emphasize that Russia, too, has taken important
steps to strengthen controls over the export of sensitive technology,
notably but not exclusively to Iran, in effect establishing Russia's
first comprehensive catchall export control system. We'll be watching
and working closely with the Russians to help make sure this system
works.
The actions taken by the EU and Russia advance Congress' objective
in enacting the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act. It is not primarily a
sanctions act. It is an act that is designed to give the incentives for
all of us to work together to retard the spread of weapons of mass
destruction and to support more aggressive efforts to fight terrorism.
Therefore, the waivers we have granted today are part of our overall
strategy to deter Iran from acquiring weapons of mass destruction and
promoting terrorism. And it is an important new stage in our
partnership.
We have also forged a pathbreaking common approach to deter
investment in illegally expropriated property around the world,
including but not limited to Cuba. Our governments will deny all forms
of commercial assistance for these transactions, including loans,
grants, subsidies, fiscal advantages, guarantees, political risk
insurance. This understanding furthers the goals of protecting property
rights in Cuba and worldwide, advances the interests of U.S. claimants,
and protects U.S. investors, and does so far more effectively than the
United States could have done alone.
It also furthers, as the Prime Minister said and as President Santer
did, the objectives of the European Union in getting away from the
unilateral sanctions regime.
We have finally agreed to work together with Russia to strengthen
nuclear safety. This is also very important, especially with regard to
nuclear waste removal and storage in northwest Russia. We will act
together to encourage Ukraine to embark on bold economic reform and to
speed the closure of the Chernobyl reactors that threaten safety and
health.
Let me finally add that today we will honor 50 exceptional
individuals from Europe's new democracies for their work in helping
freedom take strong root across the continent. I believe about half a
dozen of them are here today. From protecting human rights in Belarus to
preserving the environment in Slovakia, these dedicated men and women,
like so many others, are helping to make Europe free, peaceful,
prosperous, and united. I thank them, and again, I thank the Prime
Minister for his truly outstanding leadership.
Thank you very much.
Northern Ireland Peace Process
Q. All three of you have spoken of the economic benefits which could
flow to Northern Ireland, and in some cases, you've announced specific
packages; in view of the polls which clearly show that the majority of
the Unionist community has yet to be convinced. How conditional are
those benefits on convincing the ``yes'' vote in the referendum on
Friday?
Prime Minister Blair. Well, I don't think
anyone is trying to say that investment is conditional on how people
vote. But what people are saying is: It's a matter of common sense; if
there's peace and stability in Northern Ireland, there is a far greater
chance of attracting investment; that people from Europe, from the
United States, from right around the world see Northern Ireland as an
immensely exciting investment opportunity. But obviously, it's far
easier from them to come and invest if they're investing in the context
of peace and stability.
And I know that there are still people in Northern Ireland yet to
make up their minds. And in the end the decision has got to be for
people in Northern Ireland. But I have answered very clearly and
specifically some of the questions that people have put to me. I have
tried to tell people why it is so important that they recognize that the
choice is not between the future that we've outlined in this agreement,
which is the only chance I've seen of a peaceful, successful future for
Northern Ireland, and the status quos that exist now. The danger that we
foresee is that the real choice is between the agreement and everything
slipping back. And we want to do as much as we possibly can to avoid
that, because we recognize, as your question implies, that if we can get
real peace and stability there, well, the chances for people in Northern
Ireland are just amazing. And we would like them to take advantage of
that.
Mr. President.
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President Clinton. Well, I agree with that. There's no sort of quid
pro quo here. It's just a fact that, for example, the Irish community in
America, both Protestant and Catholic, which desperately wants to see an
end to the Troubles, will be more interested in trying to make sure that
a courageous effort on behalf of peace by the people of Northern Ireland
has a better chance to succeed by greater investment. I don't think
there's any question about that.
I also would just say that I think that if the majority community--
in any vote to change, you might argue that the majority will always be
willing to change because they're in the majority; they say, ``Well, we
have what we like now.'' But they don't have peace now. They don't have
maximum prosperity now. And if you think about the next 10 to 20 years,
if I were an Irish Protestant, which I am, living in Northern Ireland
instead of the United States, I would be thinking about my daughter's
future and her children's future. And I'd say, ``If you look at the
framework, this protects us, no matter what happens to population
patterns, no matter what happens to immigration patterns, no matter what
happens. We're all going to be able to be protected and have a role in
the democracy of our country, and I like that.''
So I'm hoping that everyone will be thinking that way, thinking
about the future, thinking about their children. And I think the risk of
doing this is so much smaller than the risk of letting it blow apart,
that I believe in the end a lot of the undecided voters will go in and
vote their hopes instead of their fears.
President Santer. I only would add that
the European Commission launched several years ago, as you remember, the
peace program and also for the reconciliation for Northern Ireland and
the surrounding counties. And I was very impressed, on my last trip in
Northern Ireland several weeks ago, how many people are working across
community levels in these schools, these programs. There are more, at
this moment, more than 11,000 applications of this program, more than
200,000 people across the community working in these programs, and they
are supporting, from grassroot levels, these peace and reconciliation
programs.
Therefore, I think we have to support, also from an economic side,
this peace process. It is a longstanding process, but nevertheless, I
think that through our structures and programs that people are coming
closer together and the cross-border community complying also to a
lasting peace. And I wanted also that it would happen on Friday, and we
ask that you would also have the possibility to support it for the next
time.
Middle East Peace Process
Q. Mr. President, Secretary Albright and Dennis Ross are here in
London after the talks in Washington with Prime Minister Netanyahu. Has
the Prime Minister softened his resistance to the American proposal for
Israeli troop withdrawals, pull-backs from the West Bank? What will
Secretary Albright take to the meeting today when she sees Yasser
Arafat? Could you give us some kind of update on these talks?
President Clinton. On a few occasions in the past I have given you
an answer like this, and I hope you will abide my having to do so again.
The posture of the talks now is such that anything I say publicly to
characterize the position taken by Mr. Netanyahu or anybody else in the back-and-forth would almost
certainly reduce the chances of our being able to get an agreement which
would move the parties to final status and reduce dramatically tensions
in the region.
So I think I should reaffirm what I said earlier today. The parties
are working. They have been working hard. In my judgment, they have been
working in honest, earnest good faith. And we have our hopes, but I
think it is important not to raise false hopes or to characterize the
talks at this time. They are just in a period when anything we say
publicly will increase the chances that we will fail. And if we get
something we can say, believe me, I'd be the first one to the
microphone. I'd be very happy. But I think it's important not to do more
than that now.
Chequers Golf Outing
Q. Mr. President, we gather it's not been all work today and that
you are reported to have introduced our Prime Minister to the mysteries
of golf. How did he do?
President Clinton. You know, there's a golf course across the street
from Chequers, and the first nine holes were a part of the Chequers
estate until 1906. So it's at least 100 years old, the first nine holes.
So this morning I got up early, and the Prime Minister went with me, and we walked about four and a half holes
of the golf course. And he says, mind you, that
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he has never hit a golf ball before in his life. And he asked me to
drive two balls off of every tee of these four holes we played, and that
he would play the rest of the way in.
So I told him how to hold the club, how to stand, how to swing. And
it was embarrassing how good he was. And the guy that was going around
with us was a four handicap. For those of you who play, that's nearly
scratch; it's very good. And he thought, he just couldn't believe the
Prime Minister was telling the truth, that he never hit the ball before.
It was amazing.
All I had to do was get him off the tee, and he did very well. He
three-putted no greens; he two-putted every green, all four greens. And
he only just missed two shots. The rest of it, it was unbelievable.
Either he is an unbelievable athlete, or I have a career as a golf
instructor after I leave the White House. [Laughter] One of the two
things must be true.
Prime Minister Blair. It's true. I'm ashamed
to say I haven't played golf. But I had the best teacher I could
possibly have. It's not everyone who says he's been given golfing
lessons by the President of the United States of America. But we will
put it down to beginner's luck, a bit like politics. [Laughter]
Nuclear Proliferation in South Asia
Q. Mr. President, have you or will you contact the Indian or
Pakistani Prime Ministers concerning the nuclear programs they're
developing? What factors are you weighing in deciding whether to go
ahead with your trip planned for later this year to those two countries?
And did the agreement that you announced today, or understanding on
sanctions that you announced today, provide any way through to resolving
the dispute, that you had up at the G-8, on how to properly respond to
India and Pakistan's programs?
President Clinton. The answer to the latter question is, no. The
answer to the first two questions you asked is, I would like to talk to
the Pakistani Prime Minister just to reassure
him of my support for a decision not to test and my understanding of the
difficulty of his position and what I think is the way out of this. I
think Prime Minister Blair feels the same way.
I have made no decision about my travel plans. But keep in mind,
what we need here is a way to break out of this box. What we need here
is a way for both the national aspirations for security and for standing
on the part of the Indians and the national aspirations for security and
for standing on the part of the Pakistanis to be resolved in a way that
is positive.
I mean, this is, indeed, a very sad thing because it has the
prospect of spreading not just to Pakistan, but to others in a way that
could reverse decades of movement away from the nuclear precipice, in
ways that clearly will not increase the security of countries, no matter
how many times they say over and over and over again they only want
these weapons for defensive purposes.
And so that's what we have to do. And it's too soon for quick, easy
answers on that. But I can tell you that my view is, we need--instead of
saying, ``We're not going to talk. We're not going to go here. We're not
going to go there,'' what we really need to think of is Pakistan has
been a good ally of ours, India has been, arguably, the most successful
democracy in history in the last 50 years because they preserved the
democracy in the face of absolutely overwhelming diversity and
difficulty, and pressures internal and external, and they can't get
along over Kashmir, and they have some other tensions. And then their
neighbors sometimes turn up the tensions a little bit.
We've got to find a way out of this. We can't have a situation where
every country in the world that thinks it has a problem, either in terms
of its standing or its security, believes that the way to resolve that
is to put a couple of scientists in a laboratory and figure out how to
conduct a nuclear explosion. We just--that is not the right thing to do.
But we have to find the right way, offer it, and work it through with
these folks. And I think maybe we can.
But the answer to your question is, I'd like to talk to the
Pakistani Prime Minister, not because I think I
can pressure him into doing that--I don't think for a moment I can do
that--but just because I would like to express my personal conviction
about this in a way that I hope would allow them to think about it.
Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus
Q. Mr. President, did you have a chance to talk about Turkey's
European case and, related with that, the Cyprus question with Mr. Blair
and other world leaders?
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President Clinton. Yes, I did. And if I had any sense, I'd just stop
there. That's the answer to your question.
You know what I think, what the United States believes. The United
States believes that there ought to be a path for Turkey to keep moving
toward closer union with Europe. The United States supports the fact
that Turkey and Greece are in NATO. The United States believes that
there should be an honorable settlement to the Cyprus impasse because it
is keeping Turkey and Greece, and the other Aegean issues--keeping
Turkey and Greece from being genuine allies and being genuinely
available to spend their time, their energy, and their resources
promoting peace and development for their own people, and being
enormous, stabilizing forces in their respective regions of Europe.
So, for me, this is a very important thing. To get there, I think
we'll have to proceed on many fronts at once, and I think both the Turks
and Greeks will have to make difficult decisions, which I believe the
European Union and I know the United States will strongly support. But I
don't think we can solve one problem in isolation from the other. I
think we have to move forward on all these problems, the Cyprus, the
Aegean jurisdictional disputes, the role of Turkey in Europe's future;
all of that we have to move forward on. But I think that both the Greeks
and the Turks have a bigger interest in a comprehensive resolution of
that, and I know the rest of us do, than it appears just from following
daily events. We have got to resolve this.
Prime Minister Blair. Can I just add to that,
on behalf of the European Union, that I agree entirely with what the
President has just said. And I think it's important to emphasize yet
again that Europe wants a good and close relationship with Turkey. We
want Turkey to feel included in the family of European nations. We have
a deep concern over what has happened and is happening in Cyprus. And we
believe it is essential that we make progress in this area.
Now, we know the difficulties that Turkey felt that it had following
the Luxembourg conclusions last year, but I think we should and will
redouble our efforts to give a very clear signal to Turkey about our
proper and true intentions and also to do what we can to bring hope in
the conflict in Cyprus.
Nuclear Proliferation in South Asia
Q. Thank you very much, Mr. President. If I could ask the Prime
Minister and President Santer, Pakistan is complaining about the lack of
response to India's nuclear explosions. Specifically, at the G-8, there
was no call for sanctions. Britain and the European Union are not
following the lead of the United States, Canada, and Japan and calling
for sanctions. Will Britain and the European Union impose sanctions on
India for its nuclear explosions?
And to you, Mr. President, beyond words to Pakistan and beyond the
possible delivery of those F-16's that Pakistan has already paid for,
what specific concrete steps will you take to reassure the Pakistanis
that might convince them not to go ahead with their own nuclear test?
Prime Minister Blair. Well, in respect to the
first point, I mean, as the G-8 statement made clear, obviously,
individual countries have their own individual positions vis-a-vis
sanctions. But do not underestimate two very clear points of agreement
that were established in our G-8 discussions. The first is our
condemnation of the Indian nuclear tests. The second is our desire to
see India integrate itself unconditionally into the Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty process.
And I believe, if we need to look at the way forward from here, it
is not merely a question of expressing our dismay and concern, which I
did personally to the Indian Prime Minister last Friday; it is also
finding the best way forward from now. And we expressed that very
clearly at the G-8. I'm sure that is the position of all of the European
Union countries, as well. And I think the most persuasive argument with
Pakistan is to say very clearly to them that if India believes that it
enhances its standing in the world by this action, it does not. And all
of us are deeply conscious of the threat and danger to the security of
the world that nuclear testing poses. So that is why I think it is
important to see where we go from here. And the statement of the G-8
particularly in relation to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty was most
important and significant.
President Santer. I only want to add,
first, that the European Union would, at the next European Ministerial
Council on the 25th of May--so next Monday--discuss the relations about
the European Union with India on the basis of the statements we made at
the G-8 meeting last weekend.
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Second, speaking from the European Commission, I must say that the
main program we have--about 80 to 90 percent of our programs are
humanitarian programs to India. We are focusing to the poorest people of
this country. So I don't think that sanctions for these programs, the
humanitarian programs, would not produce any deeper concern. But we have
to reflect on our attitude and the concerted attitude to India on the
next occasion--on Monday.
President Clinton. First of all, let me say, I think that it's
important to point out that in addition to Japan, Canada, and the United
States, the Dutch, the Swedes have announced that they intend to have
economic--take economic actions, and I believe there will be other
European countries as well.
And everybody who was at the G-8 said that there would be some
impact on their relations with India as a result of this. So I thought
it was quite a strong statement. And given the well-known positions of
all the countries involved, I thought it was stronger than could have
been predicted when we went in.
Now, what I would hope we could work with the Pakistanis on are
specific things that would allay their security concerns and also make
it clear that there will be political and economic benefits over the
long run to showing restraint here. But the Prime Minister mentioned one
of the things that I think could really help us out of this conundrum,
which would be if India would say, ``Okay, now we're ready to sign the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.'' Pakistan has said in the past that, if
India signed, they would sign.
But again, I say somehow we've got to put this back on track.
Remember, it wasn't very long ago that Argentina and Brazil had nuclear
programs. And they just said, ``We're not going to do this. We are not
going to run the slightest risk that some future rift between ourselves
would lead to some kind of explosion. We're not going to sink vast
amounts of our national treasury into this when we have so many poor
people in our country and we need this money freed up to other things.
We are going to find other ways, number one, to take care of our
security and, number two, to consider ourselves and have others consider
us great nations.''
And I think it would be fair to say that both of them have succeeded
very well. I think it would be fair to say that at least all of us who
live in the Americas believe they're enormously important countries and
think more of them, not less of them, because they gave up their nuclear
weapons. They have vigorous militaries, and they certainly feel
themselves secure.
So we have to try to create that kind of condition under admittedly
more difficult circumstances on the Indian subcontinent; that is, the
previous tensions between India and China, the previous tensions between
India and Pakistan. I understand they're different, but the fundamental
fact is the same. So that's what I'm going to try to sell, and whatever
happens, I'm going to work every day I'm President, until I leave office
in 2001, I'm going to work for this because I do not want to see us slip
back away. We're on the right track here as a world. We don't want to
turn back.
Northern Ireland Peace Process
Q. Mr. President, why is it that, if you feel it's so important to
secure a yes vote in Northern Ireland, you decided it would be
counterproductive to visit Northern Ireland before the vote?
And Prime Minister, are you concerned at opinion polls which suggest
a slippage in the yes vote amongst the Unionist community? There is one
in two Northern Ireland newspapers today, which you may be aware of,
which suggests that only 25 percent of young Protestants, who've never
known anything but violence, are prepared to vote yes.
President Clinton. Let me answer your question first, because I
think your question to the Prime Minister is the far more important one.
I decided that I shouldn't go, first of all, because I felt that I'd
have just as good a chance to have my message heard if I did something
like the interview the Prime Minister and I did
with David Frost, that would be widely heard,
under circumstances that would not allow me to become the issue in the
election for those that are opposed to this measure.
I believe--you have to understand what I believe. I believe that the
voters who actually weigh the merits and the substance and think
rationally about what the alternatives are, if this fails and if it
succeeds, will overwhelmingly vote yes. I believe the voters who will
vote no will be those who, frankly, don't trust the other side and don't
feel that they can trust the other side and who, therefore, can get
distracted. And I do not want to be a distraction.
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The second reason I didn't want to do it is a lot of the leaders in
Northern Ireland didn't think it would help. And my own experience is, I
was the Governor of a State with not many more people than Northern
Ireland had before I became President. And there were several times when
the President of another party came into my State. At one time, I
remember in 1984, President Reagan, who was
immensely popular in my State, campaigning for my opponent. President
Reagan got 62 percent of the vote, and I got 63 percent of the vote. So
it had no impact. I did not want to become the issue. But I did want my
commitment to the welfare of the people of Northern Ireland in both
communities to be heard. So I hope I made the right decision, and I hope
I was heard.
Prime Minister Blair. To answer your
question, I think there's obviously still a tremendous amount of debate
going on. The fear that people have on specific issues--I've addressed
those fears, each one of them--and those fears really revolve around
this question: Is it clear that if people want to take their seats in
the Government of Northern Ireland or to benefits of any of the programs
or an accelerated prison release or any of the rest of it, is it clear
that they will have to have given up violence for good? The answer to
that question is unequivocally yes. It's what the agreement states. And
I've made it clear, we will clarify that and make it clear in the
legislation.
But beyond that, it is a decision that people are going to have to
weigh in their own minds. And the easiest thing in politics is simply to
say no. The easiest thing in politics is to sit there and say, ``Change
is something I'm afraid of, and I'm therefore just going to refuse it.''
But I ask everyone who takes that attitude to reflect upon what the
future holds if there is a ``no'' vote for this agreement. And all the
way through this campaign I've tried to ask people and to say to them,
in order to understand their fears, say to them, ``Well, what is the
alternative to this agreement? Because, after all, what unionism has
fought for for 60, 70 years has been the principle of consent, and that
principle is enshrined in terms in the agreement; in return, fairness
and equal treatment for people from whatever side of the community they
come from.'' Now, those are principles everyone can accept.
That's the agreement. That's the alternative I take to the table. I
still don't know what the alternative is on the other side. And I just
hope people reflect on that and really think about it, because every
generation gets its chances; this is the chance for this generation in
Northern Ireland. And we've all done our best to provide it for people,
but in the end it's their decision. I can't make that decision for
people. I can only tell them honestly what I believe and feel.
Microsoft Antitrust Case
Q. Mr. President, Microsoft has said that preventing it from
distributing its Windows '98 software would cripple the computer
industry and slow U.S. growth. Given the breakdown of talks over the
weekend, do you now see a collision between Microsoft and the Justice
Department as inevitable, and do you concur with their assessment of the
economic consequences?
President Clinton. Well, let me say, as you know, as a general
principle, I have taken the view that I should not comment on matters
within the jurisdiction of the Justice Department that could be the
subject of legal action. At this time, I do not think I should depart
from that policy on this case, even though it obviously will have a big
impact on an important sector of our economy. But I would have to say,
based on what I know to date, I have confidence in the way the antitrust
division in the Justice Department has handled the matter.
I say this, what I said--I want to reserve the right at sometime in
the future, if I think it's appropriate, to make a comment, because this
is not just an open-and-shut case of one party sues somebody else. This
is something that would have a significant impact on our economy. But I
think that, based on what I know, I have confidence in the way the
antitrust division has handled this, and while it's pending at this
time, I think I should stick to my policy and not comment.
European Union-United States Trade
Q. It seems like every 2 or 3 years there's another statement by
European and American leaders that there's been another major
breakthrough in trade relations. Do you now, all three of you, think
it's time to set a clear and firm objective of a full-scale free trade
agreement in goods, services, and capital across the Atlantic?
And, secondly, for Mr. President--I think we're struck by your
repeated use of the word
[[Page 799]]
``stakeholders'' in your comments upon the agreement that you have
reached today. Does this have something to do with your discussions
about the third way that you've been holding with Mr. Blair, and is this
now a keyword in the process?
President Clinton. Well, let me answer, first of all. The question
of whether there should be a U.S.-EU comprehensive trade negotiation is
one more properly directed to the EU because there is--the United States
has supported European Union and any devices, including the EMU, chosen
by the leaders to achieve that union. We have also supported the
broadest possible trade relationship with Europe and, as you know and
have commented on elsewhere, a similar relationship in Latin America and
in the Asia-Pacific region.
Now, as you know, to make full disclosure, I would have to have
fast-track authority from the Congress to do some, but not all, of the
things that we have contemplated in this agreement. I would be for an
even more sweeping one, but I think, to be fair, it's more difficult,
with all the other tensions and debates of unification going on in
Europe, to get much further than we've gotten today, and what we have
agreed to do is very considerable, indeed.
Now, the question you asked about the stakeholders, I have always
believed that our country--that the United States could not succeed, in
the end, economically and socially at home, in providing opportunity for
everyone who is responsible enough to work for it, and in having a
community that's coming together instead of being torn apart, unless we
maintained our level of engagement and involvement in the rest of the
world. I have always believed we could not sustain our involvement in
the rest of the world in trade and other areas unless the American
people thought we were doing it in a way that was consistent with their
values when it comes to basic working standards, basic living standards,
and preserving the global environment.
So what we have tried to do, without prescribing the end, is to set
up a process here for our negotiation which will let all those folks
into the trade debate. And what I am going to argue for at the WTO is an
even more sweeping example of that. But Sir Leon Brittan--I think he's here today--commented earlier this
year that, in the preamble to the WTO, it says that sustainable
development should be the goal of increasing global trade, and that part
of the trade agenda should be providing the means to preserve the
environment and increasing the number of tools to do so.
That's just one example. Is it part of the so-called third way? I
think you could say that, but it's not something that came out of our
dinner conservation last night. This is something Prime Minister
Blair and I have long believed ought to be done.
But you can't--we don't exist as economic animals alone, and in fact, if
we don't find a way to prove that increasing trade will lead to
prosperity more broadly shared in all the countries in which we deal and
will give us the tools to improve the environment, in the end, our trade
policies will prove self-defeating.
President Santer. For our trade
relations, I can only say that since we adopted the new transatlantic
agenda in December 1995, we made a huge progress, a long way together.
And Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, this morning, made a list of
all we have delivered since '95. It is a very impressive list.
Now, it's coming the way how we can deepen these transatlantic
partnership relations further. And that we did this morning. And I think
that this is really a major result for the future. We are the biggest
world partner, the United States and Europe, and we have a balanced
trade relations. And we have also a balanced foreign direct investments
on both sides of the Atlantic, and, therefore, it seems to me that's
very important that we strengthen and that we deepen these relations
step-by-step for the future and that we make it in a very comprehensive
way.
That's not to say that we would not have sometime some difficulties;
the partners always have some difficulties. I remember that also with
the member states in the European Union--that's my daily life--I have to
deal with difficulties. And even with our friends here, in the
Presidency, we are discussing the same problems--[inaudible]--cultural
fields as we are discussing sometimes also with the United States. So,
the thing is only in what spirit we are dealing with these problems. And
therefore, I think we have to be in a partnership-like spirit, and
that's the real sense and the deepness, the depths of our partnership
relation. And therefore, I think this summit, the sixth summit since
1995, is a very important one, and gives a new signal for a new
direction.
[[Page 800]]
Situation in Indonesia
Q. With regard to Indonesia, sir, do you anticipate using U.S.
forces to safeguard the lives of Americans in that country, and would
the United States be prepared to give Soeharto asylum if it would help
ease him from power?
President Clinton. Well, with regard to the first question, I have
been given no indication that it is necessary at this time. And with
regard to the second, the prospect has not been presented. As you
probably know, just as we were fixing to come in here, there are all
kinds of new stories which may or may not be accurate about very rapidly
unfolding developments in Indonesia. And I expect that all of you may
want to come back to me in 2 or 3 hours or 4 hours for comments on
things that may be clearer then than they are now.
Let me just say again what I think the real issue is here. We want
this country to come back together, not come apart. We want the military
to continue to exercise maximum restraint so there will be minimum loss
of life and injury. We want civil society to flourish there. We believe
that Indonesia was headed for some tough times because there has to be
some tough economic decisions taken no matter what government has been
in. But the absence of a sense of political dialog and ownership and
involvement obviously has contributed to the difficulties there. And
then there has been a heartbreaking loss of life of all the people who
burned to death, for example.
So what we're looking for now and what we're going to be working for
is the restoration of order without violence and the genuine opening of
a political dialog that gives all parties in this country a feeling that
they are a part of it. They should decide, the Indonesian people, who
the leader of Indonesia is. And then we're going to do our best, when
things settle down and human needs are taken care of and there's order,
to try to get them back on the road to economic recovery. Because all of
us have a big interest in the future success of a country that has done
some fabulous things in the last 30 years, but it had a very bad few
moments here.
Thank you.
Prime Minister Blair. Thank you very much, indeed.
President Santer. Thank you.
Note: The President's 159th news conference began at 1:20 p.m. at the
Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The President met with Prime Minister
Tony Blair of the United Kingdom, in his capacity as President of the
European Council, and President Jacques Santer of the European
Commission. In the news conference the following people were referred
to: Ambassador Dennis B. Ross, Special Middle East Coordinator; Prime
Minister Binyamin Netanyahu of Israel; Chairman Yasser Arafat of the
Palestinian Authority; Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral of India; Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan; Sir Leon Brittan, Vice President of
the European Commission; President Soeharto of Indonesia; and the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).