[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1998, Book I)]
[March 27, 1998]
[Pages 448-454]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
[[Page 448]]
The President's News Conference With President Nelson Mandela of South Africa in Cape Town
March 27, 1998
President Mandela. Thank you, Please sit down.
President Clinton, a visit by a foreign head of state to a country
is, broadly speaking, one of the most significant developments in
entrenched strong political and economic relations between the countries
concerned. During this last 4 years, we have received a record number of
heads of states and heads of government. They have come from all
continents and practically from every country. They have come from the
industrial nations; they have come from the developing world. Some have
advanced democratic institutions; in others, such institutions are just
developing--are only just developing; in others, there are none at all.
We have received all of them, and we have welcomed those visitors
because that they have taught us things which we have not known before.
We have democratic countries, but where poverty of the masses of the
people is rife. We have had countries where there are no popular
institutions at all, but they are able to look after their people better
than the so-called democratic countries.
I have visited one which is a creditor nation, which has got one of
the highest standards of living in the world, which is tax-free, which
has got one of the best schemes of subsidy for housing, for medical
services, and where education is free and compulsory. And yet, the
people in that country have no votes; they have no parliament. And yet
they are looked after better than in so called democratic countries. We
insist that even in those countries that people must have votes. Even
though they may enjoy all the things which the masses of the people in
other countries don't enjoy, democratic institutions are still critical.
So we have received heads of states and heads of government from all
those countries. But the visit to our country by President Clinton is
the high watermark. And I hope that the response of our parliamentarians
yesterday has indicated that very clearly.
Our people have welcomed President Clinton with open arms. And it is
correct that that should be so, because President Clinton, as well as
the First Lady, Hillary, they have the correct instincts on the major
international questions facing the world today. Whatever mistakes that
they may have made--and we have made many--but there is one thing that
you cannot be accused of: of not having the right instincts. And for
that reason, I hold him, and almost every South African, in high
respect. The fact that we have high respect for him does not mean that
we have no differences. But I would like to declare that when we have
differed on an issue, at the end of that, my respect for him is enhanced
because I fully accept his integrity and his bona fides, but such
differences are unavoidable.
One of the first heads of state I invited to this country was Fidel
Castro. I have received in this country ex-president Rafsanjani of Iran.
I have also invited the leader Qadhafi to this country. And I do that
because our moral authority dictates that we should not abandon those
who helped us in the darkest hour in the history of this country. Not
only did they support us in rhetoric, they gave us the resources, for us
to conduct the struggle, and the will. And those South Africans who have
berated me for being loyal to our friends, literally, they can go and
throw themselves into a pool. [Laughter] I am not going to betray the
trust of those who helped us.
The United States is acknowledged far and wide as the world leader,
and it is correct; that should be so. And we have, today, a leader, as I
have said, whose instincts are always correct. I would like to draw
attention to a very important provision in the United Nations Charter,
that provision which enjoins, which calls upon all member states to try
and settle their differences by peaceful methods. That is the correct
position which has influenced our own approach towards problems.
We had a government which had slaughtered our people, massacred them
like flies, and we had a black organization which we used for that
purpose. It was very repugnant to think that we could sit down and talk
with these people, but we had to subject our blood to our brains and to
say, without these enemies of ours, we
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can never bring about a peaceful transformation in this country. And
that is what we did.
The reason why the world has opened its arms to South Africans is
because we're able to sit down with our enemies and to say, ``Let us
stop slaughtering one another. Let's talk peace.'' We were complying
with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. And the United States
as the leader of the world should set an example to all of us to help
eliminating tensions throughout the world. And one of the best ways of
doing so is to call upon its enemies to say, ``Let's sit down and talk
peace.'' I have no doubt that the role of the United States as the world
leader will be tremendously enhanced.
I must also point out that we are far advanced in our relations with
the United States as a result of the efforts of Deputy President Thabo
Mbeki and Vice President Al Gore. That biennial commission has
achieved--has had a high rate of performance far beyond our dreams. And
today, America has become the largest investor in our country. Trade
between us has increased by 11 percent.
And we have the president of the ANC who carefully pushed me out of
this position--[laughter]--and took it over. The president of the ANC
and the Deputy President of this country is one of those who, more than
anybody else in this country, is committed to the improvement of
relations between South Africa and the United States. I hope that when
he succeeds in pushing me to step down from the Presidency, that the
country will put him in that position, so that he can be in a position
further to improve relations between us. And I have no doubt that we
have no better person than him to complete this job.
President Clinton, you are welcome. This is one of our proudest
moments, to be able to welcome you. You helped us long before you became
President, and you have continued with that help now as the President of
the greatest country in the world. Again, welcome.
President Clinton. Thank you very much, Mr. President. Thank you and
all the people of South Africa for the wonderful welcome you have given
to Hillary and me and to our entire delegation. We have felt very much
at home here.
As I have said yesterday in my address to the Parliament, I was very
honored to be the first American President to visit South Africa on a
mission to Africa to establish a new partnership between the United
States and the nations of Africa and to show the people of America the
new Africa that is emerging, an Africa where the number of democratic
governments has quadrupled since 1990, where economies are beginning to
grow, where deep-seated problems, to be sure, continue to exist, but
where hope for the future is stronger than it has been in a generation.
It is in our profound interest to support the positive changes in
Africa's life. Nowhere is this more evident than in the miracle you have
wrought here in South Africa.
The partnership between our nations is only 4 years old, but already
we are laying the foundation for a greater future. And I think everyone
knows that the most important reason for our success is President
Mandela.
His emergence from his many years on Robben Island is one of the
true heroic stories of the 20th century. And more importantly, he
emerged not in anger but in hope, passion, determination to put things
right in a spirit of reconciliation and harmony. Not only here but all
over the world, people, especially young people, have been moved by the
power of his example.
Yesterday, Mr. Mandela said that the only thing that disappointed
him about our trip was that Hillary and I did not bring our daughter.
[Laughter] Last night our daughter called us and said the only reason
she was really sorry not to have made her second trip to Africa was that
she didn't get to see President Mandela.
I think that the impact he has had on the children of the world who
see that fundamental goodness and courage and largeness of spirit can
prevail over power lust, division, and obsessive smallness in politics,
is a lesson that everybody can learn every day from. And we thank you,
Mr. President, for that.
Today we talked about how the United States and South Africa can
move into the future together. We have reaffirmed our commitment to
increasing our mutual trade and investment, to bringing the advantages
of the global economy to all our people. South Africa is already our
largest trading partner in Africa, and as the President said, America is
the largest foreign investor in South Africa. And we want to do more.
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The presence here of our Commerce Secretary
M. and leaders from our business community underscores, Mr.
President, how important these ties are to us and our determination to
do better. Our Overseas Private Investment Corporation is creating three
new investment funds for Africa which will total more than three-
quarters of a billion dollars. The first of these, the Africa
Opportunity Fund, is already supporting transportation and
telecommunications projects here in South Africa. The largest of the
funds, worth $500 million, will help to build the roads, the bridges,
the communication networks Africa needs to fulfill its economic
potential.
Increasing trade does not mean ending aid. I am proud that we have
provided almost a billion dollars in assistance to South Africa since
1991. I am committed to working with Congress to return our aid for all
of Africa to its historic high levels. We will target our assistance to
investing in the future of the African people. If people lack the
fundamentals of a decent life, like education or shelter, they won't be
able to seize opportunity.
I announced in Uganda a new $120 million initiative to train
teachers, increase exchanges, bring technology into classrooms
throughout Africa. We're also working to help provide better housing for
those who have never had it. Yesterday Hillary, with me in tow, went
back, a year later, to visit the Victoria Mxenge Housing Project in
Gugiiletu, where women are building their own houses and living in
decent homes for the first time. I'm proud that through our aid projects
and our Binational Commission with Mr. Mbeki and
Vice President Gore we are providing seed
money and technical assistance for this effort. And I want to do more of
that throughout this country and throughout the continent.
President Mandela was also kind enough to speak with me at some
length about other nations in Africa and our common goals for Africa in
the future. We are determined to help countries as they work to
strengthen their democracies. We agree human rights are the universal
birthright of all people. I also had a great chance to talk to President
Mandela about the progress we made at the regional summit in Entebbe.
And he had read the communique we put out, and I think that we both
agree it was a remarkable document. And if we can make it real, it will
change things in a profound way in all the countries that signed off on
the statement.
We're also working on security issues, and let me just mention a
couple. We are committed to preventing the spread of weapons of mass
destruction, to strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention, because
we both believe disease must never be used as a weapon of war. We are
both at the forefront of the effort to eliminate the scourge of
landmines. And now we are joining together to speed this work.
As I said yesterday, and I'd like to emphasize again, I am very
pleased that our Department of Defense has decided to purchase now South
Africa demining vehicles, called the Chubbies. The vehicles will help us
to remove mines more quickly, more safely, and more effectively. And I
might say, that's been a terrible problem the world over. Even in
Bosnia, where there are so many people, we're not taking enough mines
out of the land every week. And the new South African technology will
help us immensely.
Mr. President, for centuries the winds that blow around the Cape of
Good Hope have been known for strength and danger. Today, the winds
blowing through Cape Town and South Africa, and indeed much of this
continent, are winds of change and good fortune. I thank you for being
so much the cause of the good that is occurring not only in your own
country but throughout this continent.
I am deeply pleased that we're committed to harnessing the winds of
change together. And as we meet in your nation, which has seen such
remarkable hope arise from the ashes of terrible tragedy, let me again
thank you. And let me ask your indulgence as I close just to make a few
personal remarks about the terrible tragedy we had in the United States,
in my home State, where four children and a school teacher were killed
and many others were wounded in a horrible shooting incident.
First of all, I have called the Governor,
the mayor, and last night I had quite a
long conversation with the school principal,
to tell them that the thoughts and prayers of people, not only in our
country but indeed throughout the world, were with them. I hope, as I
have said before, that all of us, including the Federal authorities and
the members of the press corps, will give the people in Jonesboro the
chance to grieve and bury those who have died.
And then after a decent period, after I return home, the
Attorney General and I and others have got to
compare this incident with the other two that have occurred in the last
few months
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in America to try to determine what they have in common and whether
there are other things we should do to prevent this kind of thing from
happening. There is nothing more tragic, for whatever reason, than a
child robbed of the opportunity to grow up.
Thank you, and thank you again, Mr. President, for everything.
Nigeria
Q. Mr. President, you expressed regret the other day that the United
States supported authoritarian regimes in Africa during the cold war.
Today, we buy about 50 percent of the oil from Nigeria, propping up a
regime the United States says is one of the most oppressive in Africa.
[Inaudible]--what will the United States do--[inaudible]?
President Clinton. Well, first of all, let me restate what I said
because I think it's worth saying again. I said that I did not believe
the United States had ever been as good a partner to the African nations
and the African people as we could have been and that during the cold
war, when we and the Soviets were worried about the standoff that we had
between us, we tended to evaluate governments in Africa and to pick and
chose among them and to give aid to them based far more on how they
stood in the fight of the cold war than how they stood toward the
welfare of their people. I stand by that. And I think now we're free to
take a different course.
President Mandela and I actually talked at some length about this
today, and I, frankly, asked for his advice. And Nigeria is the largest
country in Africa in terms of population. It does have vast oil
resources. It has a large army. It in capable of making a significant
contribution to regional security, as we have seen in the last several
months. My policy is to do all that we can to persuade General
Abacha to move toward general democracy and
respect for human rights, release of the political prisoners, the
holding of elections. If he stands for election, we hope he will stand
as a civilian.
There are many military leaders who have taken over chaotic
situations in African countries but have moved toward democracy. And
that can happen in Nigeria; that's, purely and simply, what we want to
happen. Sooner, rather than later, I hope.
Cuba
Q. President Clinton, I wonder, was the Dow Chemical dispute
discussed anywhere, and if so, has there been a resolution of the
problem that affects South Africa in particular?
President Clinton. We only discussed it very briefly. You know what
American law is. It was passed by our Congress by almost 90 percent in
both Houses, after two American planes with American citizens were
illegally shot down in international waters by the Cuban Air Force, and
basically says American companies can't do business there.
We are--the Pope's recent visit to Cuba
gave us the hope that we might do more to help the welfare of the Cuban
people and to promote alternative institutions, like the church in Cuba,
that would move the country toward freedom. And I hope that will happen.
But the law is what it is.
Slavery
Q. On regret again, sir, why are you resisting those who are seeking
a formal apology from the United States for America's own shame of
slavery?
President Clinton. Well, let me say, first of all, there are two
different issues here on the slavery issue. Most of the members of the
African-American community with whom I talk at home advise me to keep
our race initiative focused on the future.
I don't think anybody believes that there is a living American--I
don't think that anyone believes that any living American today would
defend, feel proud of, or in any way stand up for the years where we had
slavery or the awful legacy which it left in its wake. But we have moved
through now in the last 130, almost 140 years, the 13th, 14th, and 15th
amendments, a spate of civil rights legislation. We're now focused on
what still needs to be done, and it's considerable.
So at home we're looking to the future, to closing the opportunity
gap, to dealing with the discrimination that still exists, trying to
lift up those communities that have done better than others, as we
become not primarily just a divided society between blacks and whites
but increasingly multiracial, not only with our large Hispanic and
Native American populations but with people from all over the world.
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Now, in addition to that, what I tried to do the other day in Uganda
is to recognize that the role of Americans in buying slaves, which were
taken out of Africa by European slave traders, had a destructive impact
in Africa, as well as for the people who were enslaved and taken to
America. And I think that was an appropriate thing to do. I don't think
anybody would defend what we did in terms of its destructive impact in
Africa. No American President had ever been here before, had a chance to
say that. And I think we want more and more African leaders to do what
President Museveni did the other day
when we were in Entebbe, and he said, ``I am not one of those leaders
that blames everybody else for our problem.'' I think we've got--you
know, you've got to quit going back to the colonial era; we've got to
look to the future.
If you want more African leaders to do that, which I do, then it
seems to me that we have to come to terms with our past. And stating the
facts, it seems to me, is helpful. If we're going to be a good partner
with people who are taking responsibility for their own future, we can't
be blind to the truths of the past.
That's what--I think Mr. Mandela has done a remarkable job of
balancing those two things here in South Africa. That's why I made the
statement I did in Uganda, and I'm glad I did it.
African Debt Relief
Q. President Clinton, I wonder whether you could tell us whether
debt relief for Africa has been a topic in your discussions with
President Mandela, and whether you will be taking South Africa's views
on the subject back into the G-7 and into other international arenas to
argue for such debt relief?
President Clinton. Well, the answer to that question is, we
discussed debt relief. I've also discussed debt relief with all the
other leaders with whom I have met. We have--there is presently a
proposal, as I think you're aware, that includes not only bilateral debt
but debt to the international institutions, which would permit African
countries that are pursuing economic reform to get debt relief to up to
80 percent of their debt.
And I think it's a sound proposal in the sense that, if it's
properly administered by the international authorities--for this
reason--we supported the idea that people should be eligible for debt
relief, more debt relief if they were moving toward economic reform but
not saying that everybody had to reach the same point, because people
start from--they start from different places, different countries do--
different per capita incomes, different economic systems, different real
possibilities.
So I think that the framework is there. Now, what I pledged to do
after talking to all the people with whom I have met, President Mandela
and the other leaders that I saw on the way down here, is to take a look
at how this thing is going to work in fact, and see what I could do to
make sure that we give as much aid as we possibly can under this
proposal. But I do think it is legitimate to say, if you want debt
relief to unleash the economic potential of a country, so you take the
burden off of it, then when it's all said and done, there has to be--two
things have to exist: Number one, you've got to have a set of policies
that will produce better results in the future than you had in the past,
in any country; and number two, the country has to be able to attract
investment, both private and public investment, in the future.
So, for example, if you just had uncritical, 100 percent debt
relief, you wouldn't guarantee that there would be better policies,
number one. Now, that doesn't apply to South Africa, where you do have a
good strong economic policy, but generally. Number two, if we did that,
other people would be reluctant to loan money in the future because they
would think they would never get any of their money back.
So I think the trick is to get enough debt relief to countries to
get the debt burden down so they can grow and they're not just crushed
and kept from making any progress, but to do it in a way so that the
debt relief produces longer term prosperity. And that's my goal. And
yes, we're going to talk about it at the G-8 meeting in Great Britain.
And I will stay on top of this to make sure that what we're trying to
get done is actually accomplished. Everybody talked to me about it.
Jonesboro Incident
Q. Mr. President, during this trip you've spoken out about genocidal
violence in Africa, but the sort of random killings you referred to in
the Jonesboro killings has terrified people in the United States with
alarming frequency. How do you explain that? What can you say now
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and what can you do now as America's leader to root out such violence
from the culture?
President Clinton. Well, we worked on it very hard for 5 years, and
the crime rate's gone down for 5 years. The violent crime rate has gone
down for 5 years quite dramatically in many cities.
And I saw an analysis, actually, just before I left home, in the
documents that I read every Sunday, I saw an analysis of the declining
crime rate which essentially said that, obviously, the improving
American economy contributed to the crime rate going down because more
people had jobs, and particularly with regard to property crimes, it was
more attractive to work than to steal. But the other reason was that
policing and law enforcement and prevention is better now than it was 5
years ago. And crime is a problem that many societies, especially many
more urbanized societies, have.
And all I can tell you is that the violent crime rate is going down
in our country; it's still way too high. What I'm concerned about in the
Jonesboro case or in the Paducah case or in the case of the Mississippi
issue is whether we are doing enough to deal with the question of
violence by juveniles and is there something else we can do to get it
down even more?
Ask President Mandela a question. I'm tired. [Laughter]
President Mandela. No personal questions. [Laughter]
African Trade Legislation
Q. Not today, Mr. President.
Mr. President, have you raised with President Clinton the question
of the United States-Africa growth and opportunity--[inaudible]--and the
large number of conditionality clauses in that, and pointed out to him
that this would appear to be in conflict with the United States
commitment to free trade?
President Mandela. Well, this matter has been fully discussed
between President Clinton and our Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki. And I
fully endorse the point of view that was placed before the President by
the Deputy President. These matters are the subject of discussions, and
they are very sensitive matters. And I appreciate the curiosity of the
media, but it is better sometimes merely to say this is a matter over
which we have serious reservations, this legislation. To us, it is not
acceptable. But nevertheless, we accept each other's integrity, and we
are discussing that matter in that spirit. Yes, we are taking it up.
President Clinton. If I could just say one thing about it, though.
If you all actually go read the bill, I think you will find two things.
First, and the most important thing is, if the bill becomes law, it will
increase the access of all African nations to the American market,
without conditionality. The bill opens up more of the American market to
all African trade. The bill then says, for countries that make greater
strides toward democracy, human rights, and economic reform, there will
be greater access still.
But since we are not imposing new burdens on anybody or picking and
choosing winners among countries and instead saying, ``Okay, we're going
to unilaterally make an effort to give more access to all Africa
countries but we'll do even better for the countries that are trying
harder on democracy, human rights, and economic reform,'' it seemed to
me to strike the right kind of balance.
I, myself, would not have supported it if it had gone in reverse, if
it had imposed new burdens on some countries while giving new benefits
to others.
U.S. Response to Genocide in Africa
Q. [Inaudible]--genocide in Rwanda, and you said that the United
States should have acted sooner to stop the killing. Do you think that
American racism, or what you described as American apathy toward Africa,
played a role in its inaction? How have you grappled personally with
that experience 2 days ago? And have you considered any specific policy
changes, given that this isn't the first time in this century America
has been slow to act, that would compel a faster American response in
the future, besides early warning systems?
President Clinton. Let me say, first of all, I do not believe that
there was any--I don't believe there was any racial element in our slow
response. I think that--keep in mind, I don't think anybody on the
outside was prepared for somewhere between 800,000 and a million people
to die in 90 days. And look how long it took the United States and
Europe, through NATO and then through the U.N., to put together the
machinery to go in and deal with the Bosnia problem.
So I would just say to you, I think that--the point I was trying to
make is I do believe that generally America has been and the whole
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American policy apparatus has been less responsive and less involved in
Africa than was warranted. I think that's a general problem.
But I think in the case of Rwanda, what I believe we have got to do
is to establish a system, hopefully through the United Nations, which
gives us an early warning system, that gives us the means to go in and
try to stop these things from happening before they start, and then, if
it looks like a lot of people are going to die in a hurry, that kicks in
motion some sort of preventive mechanism before hundreds of thousands of
people die.
I mean, if you look at the sheer--the military challenge presented
by those who were engaging in the genocide, most of it was done with
very elemental weapons. If there had been some sort of multinational
response available, some sort of multinational force available, to go in
pretty quickly, most of those lives probably could have been saved. And
we're going to have to work this out through the U.N. and then figure
out how to staff it and how to run it and whether it should be permanent
or something you can call up in a hurry, how such people would be
trained, what should be done. But my own view is, if we think that that
sort of thing is going to happen, it would be better if the U.N. has a
means to deal with it in a hurry. And I would be prepared to support the
development of such a mechanism.
Q. That brings up the subject of the African Crisis Response Team,
who is responsible, and I wondered how your discussions, both of you,
went on that?
President Mandela. We had a long program of very important matters
to discuss, and unfortunately, we did not discuss that one. Our attitude
toward this question is very clear; we support the initiative very
fully. All that South Africa is saying is that a force which is intended
to deal with problems in Africa must not be commanded by somebody
outside this continent. I certainly would never put my troops under
somebody who does not belong to Africa. That is the only reservation
I've had. Otherwise, I fully accept the idea. It's a measure of the
interest which the United States takes in the problems of Africa, and
the only difference is this one about the command of that force.
Note: The President's 156th news conference began at 12:08 p.m. in the
Garden of Tuynhuis. In his remarks, he referred to Gov. Mike Huckabee of
Arkansas; Mayor Hubert A. Brodell of Jonesboro, AR; Karen Curtner,
principal, Westside Middle School, Jonesboro, AR; Gen. Sani Abacha of
Nigeria; and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda. President
Mandela referred to President Fidel Castro of Cuba; Hashemi Rafsanjani,
former President of Iran; Col. Muammar Qadhafi of Libya; and Deputy
President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, president, African National
Congress (ANC).