[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1998, Book I)]
[February 3, 1998]
[Pages 163-167]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
[[Page 163]]
Letter to Congressional Leaders Reporting on Iraq's Compliance With
United Nations Security Council Resolutions
February 3, 1998
Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) and as part of my effort to keep the
Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to
obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC). This report covers the period from
November 26, 1997, to the present.
My last report included the U.N.-Iraq stand-off which began on
October 29, 1997, when the Iraqi government announced its intention to
expel all U.S. personnel working in Iraq for the U.N. Special Commission
(UNSCOM). Iraq's apparent aim was to force UNSCOM's withdrawal or to
significantly restrict its ability to function effectively and
independently, thereby establishing an environment under which Iraq
could restore its capacity to develop weapons of mass destruction (WMD)
without restriction. In November, the members of the U.N. Security
Council thwarted this effort through joint diplomacy and the use of
Secretary Council resolutions--backed by the deployment of forces in the
Gulf. This resulted in the Iraqi government's explicit commitment, on
November 20, 1997, to allow UNSCOM inspectors, including those who are
U.S. citizens, to return unhindered to their duties.
In violation of that commitment and of U.N. Security Council
Resolution (UNSCR) 687 and subsequent resolutions, including 707, 1134,
and 1137, Iraq has attempted again to dictate the composition of UNSCOM
inspection teams and the terms of its compliance with Council
resolutions. In addition, Iraq has persisted in its efforts to defy the
Council by unilaterally imposing unacceptable conditions on the
operations of UNSCOM. This report covering the last 60 days reflects the
failure of the Government of Iraq to live up to its obligations under
all applicable UNSC resolutions and its continued hindrance of UNSCOM's
work.
In December 1997, the Iraqi government reiterated its longstanding
refusal to allow any access to all so-called ``Presidential'' sites, and
said it would limit access to so-called ``sensitive'' sites by UNSCOM
inspectors.
On January 5, 1998, an inert rocket-propelled grenade struck a
building in Baghdad that houses various U.N. elements, including UNSCOM
headquarters, but caused no injuries. The Iraqi government denied
responsibility but has yet to arrest any suspects.
On January 12, the Government of Iraq refused to cooperate with an
UNSCOM inspection team, declaring that the team was dominated by too
many ``Anglo-Saxons''. The team had been investigating, among other
things, allegations that Iraq may have used human beings as experimental
subjects in chemical and biological warfare development.
On January 17, the Iraqi government declared a Jihad (holy war)
against U.N. sanctions and called for 1 million Iraqi citizens to
undergo military training to prepare for any consequences.
During the last 60 days, UNSCOM launched two special inspection
teams that once again targeted Iraq's ``Concealment Mechanism'' in order
to ferret out WMD programs and documents that UNSCOM--and we--believe
Iraq stubbornly retains. It became clear that the Iraqis had no
intention of cooperating with these inspections as specifically called
for in the most recent UNSCRs on the topic--Resolutions 1134 of October
23 and 1137 of November 12. The teams were stopped en route, denied
access, and prevented from video-taping equipment movement or document-
destruction activity at suspect sites.
Ambassador Butler, UNSCOM's Executive
Director, traveled to Baghdad on December 12, 1997, and again on January
19, 1998, to attempt to obtain Iraqi assurance that UNSCOM can resume
its work unhindered, including unfettered access to ``Presidential'' and
``sensitive'' sites. Following the January 19 meetings, the Iraqis
continued to defy and challenge UNSCOM by refusing to discuss access to
``Presidential'' sites until after Technical Meeting talks have
concluded in April. As Ambassador Butler reported to the Security
Council on January 22, the talks were characterized by moments
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``of abuse and denunciation of UNSCOM and its professional officers; an
attempt to apportion literally all blame to UNSCOM, past and present,
for the fact that the disarmament task has not been completed and
sanctions on Iraq remained in force.'' Throughout, the UNSC has
expressed its support for UNSCOM and its mission in five unanimous
Presidential Statements since October 1997.
This record of intransigence is only the latest chapter in the long
history of efforts by the Iraqi regime to flout its obligations under
relevant UNSC resolutions. Without full disclosure and free access to
all sites UNSCOM and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) wish
to inspect, the ongoing monitoring and verification mandated by relevant
UNSC resolutions, including Resolutions 687, 707 and 715, cannot
effectively be conducted. UNSCOM must be allowed to continue to
investigate all of Iraq's programs until it can verify with absolute
certainty that all the equipment has been destroyed and that all the
capabilities have been eliminated. Otherwise, Iraq eventually will be
free to develop the capacity to strike at any city in the Middle East,
delivering biological, chemical and possibly even nuclear weapons.
Biological/Chemical Weapons
Iraqi biological and chemical weapons are currently the most
troubling issues for UNSCOM. This is due to the innate dual-use nature
of the technology: biological and chemical agents can easily be hidden
within civilian sectors, such as the pharmaceutical and pesticide
industries. Iraq continues to prevent full and immediate access to sites
suspected of chemical or biological warfare activities. UNSCOM is still
unable to verify that all of Iraq's SCUD missile warheads filled with
biological agents--anthrax and botulinum toxin--have been destroyed.
Nuclear Weapons and Delivery Systems
The Iraqi regime contends that UNSCOM and the IAEA should ``close
the books'' on nuclear and missile inspections, but there are still many
uncertainties and questions that need to be resolved. Iraq has failed to
answer critical questions on nuclear weapons design and fabrication,
procurement, and centrifuge enrichment; to provide a written description
of its post-war nuclear weapons procurement program; and to account for
major engine components, special warheads, missing propellants, and
guidance instruments that could be used to assemble fully operational
missiles.
U.S. Force Levels
The U.S. has led international efforts to secure UNSCOM the access
and cooperation it must have to do its job. As a demonstration of our
resolve, the aircraft carriers USS NIMITZ, USS GEORGE WASHINGTON, their
accompanying battle group combatant ships, and additional combat
aircraft have remained in the region. On January 15, the Government of
the United Kingdom dispatched the aircraft carrier HMS INVINCIBLE and
escort ships to the Gulf via the Red Sea.
United States force levels in the region include land- and carrier-
based aircraft, surface warships, a Marine amphibious task force, a
Patriot missile battalion, a mechanized battalion task force, and a mix
of special operations forces deployed in support of USCINCCENT
operations. To enhance force protection throughout the region,
additional military security personnel have been deployed for continuous
rotation. USCINCCENT continues to monitor closely the security situation
in the region to ensure adequate force protection is provided for all
deployed forces.
The U.S. and its coalition partners continue to enforce the no-fly
zones over Iraq under Operation Northern Watch and Operation Southern
Watch. In response to a series of Iraqi no-fly zone violations in
October and November 1997, we increased the number of aircraft
participating in these operations. There have been no observed no-fly
zone violations during the period covered by this report. We have
repeatedly made clear to the Government of Iraq and to all other
relevant parties that the U.S. and its partners will continue to enforce
both no-fly zones.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 949, adopted in October
1994, demands that Iraq not use its military or any other forces to
threaten its neighbors or U.N. operations in Iraq and that it not
redeploy troops or enhance its military capacity in southern Iraq. In
view of Saddam's accumulating record of
brutality and unreliability, it is prudent to retain a significant U.S.
force presence in the region to deter Iraq and respond rapidly to
possible Iraqi aggression or threats against its neighbors.
We again take note of and welcome H. Res. 322 of November 13, 1997,
expressing the sense
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of the House that the U.S. should act to resolve the crisis in a manner
that assures full Iraqi compliance with UNSC resolutions regarding the
destruction of Iraq's capability to produce and deliver WMD. While the
increased forces in the region give us a wide range of military options
we remain committed to exhausting all diplomatic options before
resorting to other alternatives.
Sanctions
United Nations sanctions against Iraq were imposed as the result of
Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. It has been necessary to maintain them
because of Iraq's failure to comply with all relevant UNSC resolutions,
including those ensuring the destruction, removal, or rendering harmless
of Iraq's WMD.
The Iraqi regime continues to insist on the need for rapid lifting
of the sanctions regime, despite its record of noncompliance with its
obligations under relevant resolutions, out of alleged concern for the
well-being of the Iraqi people, claiming that malnutrition and
inadequate medical care are the direct result of internationally imposed
sanctions.
To the contrary, since their inception, the sanctions against Iraq
have exempted food and medicines--evidence of the concern of the U.S.
and the international community for the welfare of the Iraqi people. In
August 1991, when Iraq claimed that it was unable to pay for its food
needs, the Security Council adopted UNSCR 706 (and later 712),
authorizing Iraq to sell limited amounts of petroleum on the
international market, with the proceeds to be used to purchase
humanitarian supplies and to fund vital U.N. activities regarding Iraq.
The Government of Iraq, however, ignored the needs of its own people by
refusing to accept UNSCR's 706 and 712.
In April 1995 the Security Council proposed a new oil-for-food offer
to Iraq in UNSCR 986, sponsored by the U.S. and others. UNSCR 986
authorized the sale of up to $1 billion of oil every 90 days for a total
of $2 billion during a 180-day period for Iraq to purchase food,
medicines, and other ``humanitarian items'' for its people, and to fund
specified U.N. activities regarding Iraq. The Government of Iraq delayed
implementation of UNSCR 986 for a year and a half, until December 1996.
Since December 1996, the Iraqi regime has continued to obstruct and
delay the relief plan. The regime delayed oil sales for two months in
June and July 1997 under the second phase of the program (UNSCR 1111),
and again for over one month in December 1997 and January 1998 under the
third phase (UNSCR 1143).
The United States has consistently made clear our openness to
improving the oil-for-food program to better meet the essential needs of
Iraq's civilian population. The Secretary General
has just submitted a report to this effect to the Council. We are
prepared to consider carefully and favorably the Secretary General's
suggestions to improve and expand the program. Expanding 986 would serve
our humanitarian and strategic interests. First, the sanctions regime is
aimed at the threat Saddam poses--not the
Iraqi people. We should do whatever we can to ease their plight,
consistent with our interests. Second, expanding 986 will make it more
difficult for Saddam to use the plight of his people as a propaganda
card in the Middle East and so help us shore up the anti-Saddam
coalition. Third, by expanding oil-for-food, we will broaden and
strengthen the U.N.'s grip on Iraq's revenues and expenditures,
tightening the leash on Saddam and making it more difficult for him to
divert funds to the military and WMD.
Implementation of UNSCR 1051 continues. It provides for a mechanism
to monitor Iraq's efforts to reacquire proscribed weapons capabilities
by requiring Iraq to notify a joint UNSCOM/IAEA unit in advance of any
imports of dual-use items. Similarly, U.N. members must provide timely
notification of exports to Iraq of dual-use items.
The Multinational Interception Force (MIF), operating under the
authority of UNSCR 665, is aggressively enforcing U.N. sanctions in the
Gulf. The U.S. Navy is the single largest component of this
international naval force, augmented by ships and aircraft from
Australia, Canada, Belgium, The Netherlands, New Zealand, and the United
Kingdom. Member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council support the MIF
by providing logistical support and shipriders who ensure that merchant
ships do not deviate from their recorded courses to legal ports and by
pulling vessels caught violating sanctions into member state ports.
Since my last report, the MIF has intercepted five sanctions
violators in the Gulf. Ships involved in smuggling often utilize the
territorial seas of Iran to avoid MIF inspections. We have
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given detailed reports of these illegal activities to the U.N. Sanctions
Committee in New York.
The volume of illegal smuggling of petroleum products from Iraq
continues to increase. Iraq is working to improve loading facilities in
the Shatt Al Arab waterway and the continuing cooperation of the
smugglers with Iran frustrates the naval forces which are restricted to
international waters to carry out their duties. We estimate that over
200,000 metric tons of gasoil and other petroleum cargoes leave Iraq
illegally each month. Profits from this illegal trade support Saddam at
the expense of the Iraqi people.
The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC), established
pursuant to UNSCR 687 and 692, continues to resolve claims against Iraq
arising from Iraq's unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The UNCC
has issued almost 1.3 million awards worth approximately $6 billion.
Thirty percent of the proceeds from the oil sales permitted by UNSCR's
986, 1111, and 1143 have been allocated to the Compensation Fund to pay
awards and to finance operations of the UNCC. To the extent that money
is available in the Compensation Fund, initial payments to each claimant
are authorized for awards in the order in which the UNCC has approved
them, in installments of $2,500. To date, 455 U.S. claimants have
received an initial installment payment, and payment is in process for
an additional 323 U.S. claimants.
Human Rights
The human rights situation throughout Iraq continues to be cause for
grave concern. Reports that the Government of Iraq used humans as
experimental subjects in its chemical and biological weapons programs
have been noted above. Credible reports from numerous, independent
sources indicate that the Government of Iraq also may have summarily
executed anywhere from 800 to 1500 political detainees in November and
December 1997. Opposition groups have alleged that many of those killed
were serving sentences of 15-20 years for such crimes as insulting the
regime or membership in an opposition political party. Max van der
Stoel, Special Rapporteur for Iraq for the
U.N. Human Rights Commission and Bacre Ndiaye,
the Commission's Special Rapporteur for Summary Executions, are
investigating these reports.
Iraq's repression of its Shi'a population continues, with policies
that are destroying the Marsh Arabs' way of life in southern Iraq and
the ecology of the southern marshes. Iraq continues to stall and
obfuscate rather than work in good faith toward accounting for more than
600 Kuwaitis and third-country nationals who disappeared during or after
the occupation of Kuwait, and nearly 5,000 Iranian prisoners of war
captured by Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. The Government of Iraq shows
no sign of complying with UNSCR 688, which demands that Iraq cease the
repression of its own people. The U.N. Human Rights Commission's Special
Rapporteur on Iraq reported to the General Assembly his particular
concern that extra-judicial, summary or arbitrary executions and the
practice of torture continue to occur in Iraq.
Led by various independent Iraqi opposition groups and
nongovernmental organizations, the INDICT campaign--which seeks to
document crimes against humanity and other violations of international
humanitarian law committed by the Iraqi regime--continues to gain
momentum.
Regarding northern Iraq, the cease-fire between the Kurdish parties,
established November 24, 1997, as the result of U.S. efforts, continues
to hold. In recent weeks, both Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and
Jalal Talabani, leader of the Patriotic Union
of Kurdistan (PUK) have made positive, forward-looking statements on
political reconciliation, which may signal a willingness to settle some
of their differences. We will continue our efforts to reach a permanent
settlement through mediation in order to help the people of northern
Iraq find the permanent, stable accommodation which they deserve, and to
minimize the opportunities for Baghdad and Tehran to insert themselves
into the conflict and threaten Iraqi citizens in this region. The Peace
Monitoring Force--sponsored by the U.S., Great Britain and Turkey under
the Ankara process and comprising Iraqi Turkomans and Assyrians--remains
in garrison.
Conclusion
Iraq remains a serious threat to international peace and security.
As I told the American people in my recent State of the Union address,
our country is united in its view that Saddam Hussein cannot defy the will of the world. He has used weapons
of mass destruction before. We are determined to deny him the capacity
to use them again. I remain determined to see Iraq comply fully with all
of its obligations under U.N. Security Council resolutions.
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I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts and shall
continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue.
Sincerely,
William J. Clinton
Note: Identical letters were sent to Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House
of Representatives, and Albert Gore, Jr., President of the Senate. This
letter was released by the Office of the Press Secretary on February 4.