    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1998, Book I)]
    [January 20, 1998]
    [Pages 83-88]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks at a Democratic National Committee Dinner
    January 20, 1998

        Thank you very much. I want to begin by expressing my profound
    gratitude to Roy Romer and Steve
    Grossman, to Carol Pensky and Cynthia Friedman, to
    Alan Solomont and Dan Dutko, and to all the other people who have labored in this past
    year, sometimes under enormously difficult circumstances, to make sure
    that our party could celebrate this 150th anniversary year strong, in
    good shape, poised for the future, and proud of the last 5 years. They
    have done a terrific job, and I am very grateful to them.
        I want to thank Melissa Manchester
    for being here tonight. I was thinking, when I told her that Hillary and
    I used to listen to her tapes--over 20 years ago when I became attorney
    general of my State, I had a little tape deck in my car, and one of the
    tapes I used to play over and over again was ``Melissa Manchester's
    Greatest Hits,'' until it actually broke, the tape did, I listened to it
    so many times. And I looked at her and I listened to her, and I thought,
    I'm older and grayer, and she looks just like she did 20 years ago. But
    I thank her for that.
        I want to thank all of you for your loyalty, your support, your
    belief in what we're doing and where we're going. You know, I was very
    moved by what Steve Grossman said a few moments ago, because to me
    politics is about more than winning elections. Power has no value in and
    of itself. What we're here to do is to use what the American people give
    us momentarily to broaden their horizons and deepen their possibilities
    and bring us together.
        Yesterday, on Martin Luther King Day, I had the privilege of going
    to Cardozo High School here in the District of Columbia to be part of
    what was called this year a day on, not a day off, a day of service. And
    there were all these young people there, students at the high school,
    teachers, and AmeriCorps volunteers. I met a young woman from
    Pennsylvania who came right out of high school and joined

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    AmeriCorps because she wanted to do community service before going to
    Colgate next year. I met two other young volunteers who just finished
    college. I met two of the students at this high school--picture of
    America--one born in Panama, the other came here 3 years ago from
    Ethiopia. I met the teacher in the classroom I was helping to paint, who
    had been a dedicated schoolteacher in the District of Columbia since
    1968, and a young man who was her student who now teaches chemistry at
    his old high school.
        It's so easy to forget in Washington, when you read the papers and
    you listen to all the political back and forth, that out there in this
    country there are all these people out there who get up every day and
    try to do something to be worthy of the citizenship that they have been
    given, to work hard to take care of their families, to serve their
    communities, to educate our children. And when I left there, I just felt
    so good about America and about the prospects for our future.
        I can't believe I've been here 5 years. It seems like yesterday when
    we flew out of Arkansas, Hillary and Chelsea and I, and then we went
    down to Monticello, to Thomas Jefferson's home, and took the bus up
    here. We walked across the bridge and rang the bells at my first
    Inauguration. And now about 60 percent of it is over, but 40 percent of
    it isn't. [Laughter] And what I'd like to do tonight is just--you can
    read in the little brochure all the details. I want to talk a little
    about the big picture.
        This country, in my opinion, has been the greatest democracy and now
    the longest lasting large democracy in human history because we found a
    way to merge our incredible practical sense with our principles in a
    Government that has permitted us to meet each new challenge and rise
    above it by growing more strong together and by widening the circle of
    freedom.
        That's what happened when George Washington and the rest of them
    decided we'd be one country instead of 13 States. That's what happened
    when Abraham Lincoln gave his life to keep us from splitting apart and
    to get over slavery. That's what happened when Theodore Roosevelt and
    Woodrow Wilson helped us to reap the benefits of the Industrial
    Revolution when people came to the cities from off the farms but also
    stood against its excesses, exploiting people, and exploiting our
    natural resources. It's what happened when Franklin Roosevelt reminded
    us that all we have to fear is fear and helped us to preserve freedom
    and come out of a Great Depression. For 50 years it has happened as we
    have built in our efforts to lift up this country in freedom, to fight
    racism, to fight the despoliation of our environment, to make our
    workplace safer, to do all the things that have happened.
        The reason I ran for President is that I felt that we were losing
    our way back in 1991 and 1992, not just because unemployment was high
    and social problems were worsening and we seemed to be kind of uncertain
    in a lot of the things we were doing around the world, but because I had
    a sense of drift and division in this country and a sense that we
    weren't being animated by a unifying vision that would take us into this
    new century, which I believe will be the best time in humanity's
    existence.
        Just think about it. We've had this explosion in science and
    technology and information, and it's changing everything--the way we
    work, the way we live, the way we relate to each other. Everybody E-
    mails now. The Internet is the fastest growing means of communication in
    human history. I forget--somebody told me the other day how many
    homepages were added to the Internet every week; it took my breath away.
    And I can't remember--there were a bunch of zeros after the one; I can't
    remember how many.
        In the scientific revolution, we confront all these incredible
    prospects that we may be able, for example, to heal people with spinal
    cord injuries. We may be able to uncover the secret of what causes
    Alzheimer's and reverse it. We've detected the gene that causes or at
    least makes women strongly predisposed to breast cancer. We may be able
    not only to cure it but prevent it. When the human genome project is
    finished, we'll be able to send babies home with a genetic code. It may
    be troubling in a few odd cases when the children are overwhelmingly
    likely to have something tragic happen to them, but for most people it
    will enable them to raise their children in ways that will lengthen
    their lives and increase the quality of it.
        We're exploring the heavens in partnership with other countries.
    We're working increasingly in partnership with other countries in a
    globalized world that goes far beyond commerce. It's a very exciting
    time. But it's like every other new time; you can't just sort of wade
    into it and expect to have it come out

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    all right. And if we're going to widen the circle of freedom and success
    in America and strengthen the bonds between us, we have to recognize
    that there is also an explosion of diversity in the world that can be
    positive but can lead to conflict.
        We have to recognize that just like when we changed from an
    agricultural to an industrial society, now that we're going to an
    information age, we're going to have to work real hard to see that
    everybody has a chance to win, because people, for example, without a
    good education are having a very tough time in this economy ever getting
    a raise, if they can get a job.
        We have to recognize that there are new common strains on the
    environment of this old Earth that we must meet together, chief of which
    is climate change. We have to recognize that the most important job in
    every society is not getting rich, or even working hard to make somebody
    else rich, but raising children. And now that we have the highest
    percentage of Americans ever in the work force, the number one family
    problem many families face is how to balance their responsibilities as
    parents and as workers--not confined, I might add, to people who can't
    afford child care. Nearly every parent I've ever talked to, even people
    with quite comfortable incomes, has felt instances of genuine gnawing
    conflict.
        We look at a world in which we hope to build a great community of
    peace, in specific places like Bosnia and Ireland and the Middle East,
    and generally through efforts like the Chemical Weapons Convention and
    strengthening our efforts against biological warfare and continuing to
    reduce the nuclear threat and expanding NATO and unifying Europe and
    working out new partnerships with China and Russia--all these things.
    But we also see an almost primitive resurgence of racial and ethnic
    hatreds and religious hatreds around the world, which, interestingly
    enough, the very technologies that should be bringing us together can
    also facilitate.
        So what I tried to do was to say, ``Let's back up, and let's see if
    we can't make some sense of what's going on and figure out how to do
    what Americans always do when everything changes. How can we get the
    benefits of change and deal with its challenges in a way that
    strengthens our unity and broadens the circle of freedom and
    opportunity?'' And that's what we've been trying to do.
        So the words that I have used so many times, they may seem trite to
    the people who cover my speeches or those of you who have to listen to
    them all the time: opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a
    community of all Americans. That means something to me. I think about it
    every single day. And every day I say, ``Have we expanded opportunity?
    Have we reinforced responsibility? Have we done something to strengthen
    our American community and our community of partnership with like-minded
    people throughout the world?''
        All of the specific things we've done have been things that flowed
    out of that. And there were two specific changes that I sought to make,
    which the future will have to judge better than the rest of us here. One
    is, it seemed to me that the argument that was going on between the
    Republicans and the Democrats in Washington over the role of Government
    was pointless and ultimately destructive. I mean, since 1981, we've
    been--the Republicans essentially had argued that the American people
    should distrust and dislike their Government; that Government was the
    problem, holding Americans back, and if we just didn't have any of it,
    everything would be hunky-dory. Well, for us Democrats, that was an easy
    target, but it was too easy a target because we spent too much time
    arguing that they were wrong, and we could just do more of the same. But
    when things change, you can't do more of the same. And what we tried to
    say is, okay, we need a new Government. It ought to be smaller; it ought
    to be less bureaucratic; it ought to work in partnership with the
    private sector more. But it has certain essential functions.
        First, it has to create the conditions and give people the tools to
    make the most of their own lives, in a world where, increasingly, people
    have independent access to information and have to make their own
    decisions about are they going to get an education, for example. That is
    why I predict to you 30 years from now when they look back on this time
    and see that we finally opened the doors of college to every American
    who would work for it and say, this may well be the most profound thing
    that happened in terms of giving all Americans the opportunity they need
    to succeed.
        Next, we have to be a catalyst for new ideas and experiment, because
    at a time of change nobody has all the answers. But if you work at it,
    even things that look little may have a

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    big impact. There was an unbelievable article in a newspaper someone
    sent me the other day about how hardly any schools had school uniform
    policies until I went to Long Beach, California. And now 20 percent of
    the school districts with over 30 percent of the students in all of our
    public schools in America have schools with school uniform policies, and
    attendance is up, achievement is up, dropouts down, violence is down,
    disruptions down. It's moving the country forward. That's a little
    example.
        For 20 years we've had something called the Community Reinvestment
    Act, which requires banks to invest money in communities that are
    traditionally overlooked--for 20 years. Eighty-six percent of the total
    investment made in our inner-city communities under that act has been
    made in the last 5 years. It works. It works. The unemployment rate in
    our cities--our 50 biggest cities--it's higher than the national
    average, but not as much as you would think. It's 6 percent now. It was
    about 12 percent when I took office. So we're moving forward.
        And the last thing that we believe is that Government has a
    responsibility to help the helpless and to empower the disadvantaged.
    Now, we've been able to do that and cut 90-some percent of the deficit,
    give you the smallest Federal Government since President Kennedy, and in
    1998, 3 years ahead of schedule, I'm going to give the Congress the
    balanced budget, and I believe they'll pass it. And it will be a big
    thing.
        The second thing I tried to change people's minds about, I must say
    with a mixed record of success, is to make us understand how
    interdependent we are with the rest of the world and how it just really
    doesn't make sense anymore almost to talk about foreign and domestic
    policy. Take the crisis in the Asian financial market. Some people say,
    ``Why is the President messing with that?'' Well, an enormous amount of
    our exports in the last 5 years have gone to Asia--enormous amount. A
    third of our economic growth in the last 5 years has come from exports.
    If their currencies collapse, what does that mean? It means they don't
    have as much money to buy our exports because everything we sell over
    there all of a sudden becomes more expensive. Parenthetically,
    everything they compete with us in other markets for gives them an
    advantage because all their exports to other markets become cheaper. So
    it's not just something there, it's something here.
        Well, you say, what about Bosnia? Well, what if it spread beyond the
    borders of Bosnia and ethnic hatreds engulfed a lot of the Balkans and
    other places, compelling us to send huge numbers of American soldiers
    later to die. That's a big problem for America. And if we don't stand up
    against ethnic hatred around the world, can we preserve harmony at home
    when we have our Christians and Jews and Orthodox Christians and Muslims
    here, just like they do there? That, to me, is the essence at the heart
    of the trade argument.
        Interestingly enough, the differences we have there have, in my
    view, rarely been accurately interpreted. I believe the Democratic
    Party--all of our members--believe that economics cannot, in effect,
    take precedence over everything else in life and that we should try to
    lift the labor standards of the countries with which we trade, because
    if other folks get richer and they get their fair share of a nation's
    wealth, then they will buy more American products and they'll have more
    stable societies, they'll be better democracies. And besides that, it's
    just the right thing to do.
        I believe that we should seek to have common efforts in the
    environment, because we know that an environmental problem in another
    part of the world can now affect us. And if we are irresponsible, we can
    adversely affect others.
        I believe when we expand trade, most people are big winners, but
    there are some losers, and we have to do a better job of getting those
    people back on the winning track. We should give them more and better
    training more quickly. We should give them more support. We should do a
    better job. But the answer is not to try to pretend that the world is
    not integrating economically and to run away from the opportunities that
    Americans manifestly have to trade and, in trading, to build support for
    democracy and build partnerships and build people who will want to work
    with us in other ways. And I hope you will help me continue to do that
    over the next 3 years. The United States must continue to lead, but lead
    in partnership with other countries. And the Democrats ought to be on
    the forefront of that.
        Now, all this has worked pretty well, I'd say, for the last 5 years.
    We've got the lowest unemployment rate in 24 years, the lowest inflation
    rate in 30 years, the lowest crime rate in 25 years, the highest rate of
    homeownership in history, the highest percentage of people in the

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    work force in history, declining rates of teen pregnancy and divorce,
    declining rates of drug use. Finally, even juvenile crime is coming
    down. But this is not a time to sort of sit back and say, ``Gee, that's
    great.'' I didn't come here tonight for a pat on the back. I came here
    to ask you to renew your dedication to keep this country moving forward.
    If this direction is working now, you know as well as I do we still have
    unmet challenges before we really can say we have built our children a
    bridge to the 21st century they can all walk across. And until we can
    say that, we have no business giving ourselves a pat on the back. We've
    got lots of time left, lots of work to do, and I want you to leave here
    with your energy renewed for the fights, the struggles, and the issues
    of 1998 and beyond.
        The evidence of the last 5 years is all the evidence you need to
    know that we need to keep on going. The first thing we need to do is
    balance the budget. Everybody is talking about what to do with the
    surplus. You know, nobody else would talk like this; only Government
    people could talk about what to do with a surplus when we've had a
    deficit every year since 1969, we quadrupled the debt since 1980, and we
    don't have a balanced budget yet. So it may be sort of old-fashioned,
    but if I might modestly suggest, let us balance the budget first, and
    then we can talk about the rest.
        The second thing I'd like to say is, we have some new proposals that
    we think will help people deal with the challenges of the next
    generation. One is, since we've got more people than ever before in the
    workplace, but since raising a child is the most important thing, we
    need to do more to make quality child care, safe child care, affordable
    for more Americans. That's what is at the heart of our child care
    initiative. It's so people can know their kids are okay when they're at
    work. And it is very important.
        The second thing we're going to do, and this is completely paid for
    in the budget, and I hope Congress will adopt it, is to say to the
    people who are in their later work years but not yet eligible for
    Medicare, they ought to be able to buy into Medicare if they're 55 or
    over and they get laid off and they can't get another job; or if they
    take early retirement from a company that promised them health insurance
    and then won't give it to them; or if they're married to an older spouse
    who quits work, goes on Medicare, and they're not eligible for it and
    they can't get health insurance anywhere. Now, a lot of these people
    will get help from their children in buying these policies, but they
    can't get policies now. I say do that.
        What is the moral argument behind denying people access to a policy
    that is paid for that will not increase the deficit or wreck the
    Medicare Trust Fund? It is the right thing to do. It's a Democratic
    program within the constraints of fiscal discipline. And I hope you will
    support that. [Applause] Thank you.
        There are a lot of other great things that are going to happen. And
    I ask for your support. But the main thing I want you to--if you leave
    here tonight and you think, ``I'm proud to be a Democrat; these past 5
    years were right; we've got the right philosophy for America; we're
    pulling America together,'' then I want you to leave committed to keep
    on doing it, because we need you badly.
        Let me just leave you with this story. Today I had one of those
    wonderful experiences that comes to you when you're President. I
    bestowed the Congressional Medal of Honor on someone. And you say, well,
    we're not in a war now. Well, let me tell you this story. I bestowed the
    Congressional Medal of Honor on a retired marine major general who was 54 years ago a corporal on the island of
    Okinawa in the bloodiest battle of the war in the Pacific. And his job
    was to take a mountain called Sugar Loaf. And they got into a crater--a
    big kind of shell crater--he and his squad. His whole squad was wiped
    out. For 3 days--2 nights and 3 full days--he stayed awake, often alone.
    He lost all his men; they were either all killed or wounded. He left two
    or three times to take other wounded people to safety, always returning
    when he could have just stayed away, always going back to his post. He
    repelled assault after assault after assault after assault after
    assault. In the end, only one wounded marine was there helping him. For
    3 solid days he stayed awake, and when finally they rescued him, there
    were 100--100--enemy casualties all around him.
        The paperwork for his Medal of Honor was lost. Somehow, you know, a
    lot of records got lost at the end of World War II. Later, he went to
    Korea, where he won two Silver Stars for valor in combat. Later, he went
    to Vietnam, where he won another Silver Star for valor in combat. After
    three wars, he had six Purple Hearts. And so everybody in the Marine
    Corps

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    wanted to put him up for the Medal of Honor because they had misplaced
    his records, and he ordered them not do it. He said it was not the right
    thing for a man who is a general in the Marine Corps to permit his name
    to be elevated in that way. So it took him until he had spent nearly 40
    years in the Marine Corps and retired as a major general and moved to
    California, until this could be done. It was an awesome event.
        Why am I telling you this? Because every one of you must be just as
    moved as I was by the story. Not everyone could have been on Okinawa;
    not everyone could have done that. But everyone can be what he was: a
    loyal, good-serving citizen. Everyone could be in a school like the
    school I was in yesterday. My staff did some research and concluded that
    if everybody in the American phone books with the last name of Clinton
    or Gore would volunteer 2 hours a week, we could paint every classroom
    in every high school in America by Martin Luther King's next birthday.
    Now, that's a funny thing to say, but you think about it. You think
    about it.
        This is a great country, and we have met every challenge. I am so
    grateful for these last 5 years. I am so pleased that America is doing
    so well. But remember, no one--no one--could have anticipated the scope
    or the pace of the changes through which we are going. And believe me,
    no one can see the end of it. There is no visionary that has imagined
    the future completely. We are not finished. We have a lot of work to do.
        We have work to do to reform the entitlements so they'll be there
    for our children without bankrupting our grandchildren. We have work to
    do to preserve the environment. We have work to do to spread economic
    opportunity to all of our people. We have work to do to lift the
    academic standards and the educational opportunities of all of our
    children. We have work to do in this world to make it a safe world, not
    a dangerous world, for our kids in the 21st century. We have work to do.
    So celebrate the last 5 years by making the next 3 even better.
        Thank you, and God bless you.

    Note: The President spoke at 9:02 p.m. in the Main Atrium at the
    Corcoran Gallery of Art. In his remarks, he referred to Gov. Roy Romer
    of Colorado, general chair, Steve Grossman, national chair, Carol
    Pensky, treasurer, and Alan D. Solomont, national finance chair,
    Democratic National Committee; Cynthia Friedman, national cochair,
    Women's Leadership Forum; Dan Dutko, chair, DNC Victory Fund; and
    entertainer Melissa Manchester.