    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1998, Book I)]
    [March 27, 1998]
    [Pages 448-454]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    [[Page 448]]

    The President's News Conference With President Nelson Mandela of South Africa in Cape Town
    March 27, 1998

        President Mandela. Thank you, Please sit down.
        President Clinton, a visit by a foreign head of state to a country
    is, broadly speaking, one of the most significant developments in
    entrenched strong political and economic relations between the countries
    concerned. During this last 4 years, we have received a record number of
    heads of states and heads of government. They have come from all
    continents and practically from every country. They have come from the
    industrial nations; they have come from the developing world. Some have
    advanced democratic institutions; in others, such institutions are just
    developing--are only just developing; in others, there are none at all.
        We have received all of them, and we have welcomed those visitors
    because that they have taught us things which we have not known before.
    We have democratic countries, but where poverty of the masses of the
    people is rife. We have had countries where there are no popular
    institutions at all, but they are able to look after their people better
    than the so-called democratic countries.
        I have visited one which is a creditor nation, which has got one of
    the highest standards of living in the world, which is tax-free, which
    has got one of the best schemes of subsidy for housing, for medical
    services, and where education is free and compulsory. And yet, the
    people in that country have no votes; they have no parliament. And yet
    they are looked after better than in so called democratic countries. We
    insist that even in those countries that people must have votes. Even
    though they may enjoy all the things which the masses of the people in
    other countries don't enjoy, democratic institutions are still critical.
        So we have received heads of states and heads of government from all
    those countries. But the visit to our country by President Clinton is
    the high watermark. And I hope that the response of our parliamentarians
    yesterday has indicated that very clearly.
        Our people have welcomed President Clinton with open arms. And it is
    correct that that should be so, because President Clinton, as well as
    the First Lady, Hillary, they have the correct instincts on the major
    international questions facing the world today. Whatever mistakes that
    they may have made--and we have made many--but there is one thing that
    you cannot be accused of: of not having the right instincts. And for
    that reason, I hold him, and almost every South African, in high
    respect. The fact that we have high respect for him does not mean that
    we have no differences. But I would like to declare that when we have
    differed on an issue, at the end of that, my respect for him is enhanced
    because I fully accept his integrity and his bona fides, but such
    differences are unavoidable.
        One of the first heads of state I invited to this country was Fidel
    Castro. I have received in this country ex-president Rafsanjani of Iran.
    I have also invited the leader Qadhafi to this country. And I do that
    because our moral authority dictates that we should not abandon those
    who helped us in the darkest hour in the history of this country. Not
    only did they support us in rhetoric, they gave us the resources, for us
    to conduct the struggle, and the will. And those South Africans who have
    berated me for being loyal to our friends, literally, they can go and
    throw themselves into a pool. [Laughter] I am not going to betray the
    trust of those who helped us.
        The United States is acknowledged far and wide as the world leader,
    and it is correct; that should be so. And we have, today, a leader, as I
    have said, whose instincts are always correct. I would like to draw
    attention to a very important provision in the United Nations Charter,
    that provision which enjoins, which calls upon all member states to try
    and settle their differences by peaceful methods. That is the correct
    position which has influenced our own approach towards problems.
        We had a government which had slaughtered our people, massacred them
    like flies, and we had a black organization which we used for that
    purpose. It was very repugnant to think that we could sit down and talk
    with these people, but we had to subject our blood to our brains and to
    say, without these enemies of ours, we

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    can never bring about a peaceful transformation in this country. And
    that is what we did.
        The reason why the world has opened its arms to South Africans is
    because we're able to sit down with our enemies and to say, ``Let us
    stop slaughtering one another. Let's talk peace.'' We were complying
    with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. And the United States
    as the leader of the world should set an example to all of us to help
    eliminating tensions throughout the world. And one of the best ways of
    doing so is to call upon its enemies to say, ``Let's sit down and talk
    peace.'' I have no doubt that the role of the United States as the world
    leader will be tremendously enhanced.
        I must also point out that we are far advanced in our relations with
    the United States as a result of the efforts of Deputy President Thabo
    Mbeki and Vice President Al Gore. That biennial commission has
    achieved--has had a high rate of performance far beyond our dreams. And
    today, America has become the largest investor in our country. Trade
    between us has increased by 11 percent.
        And we have the president of the ANC who carefully pushed me out of
    this position--[laughter]--and took it over. The president of the ANC
    and the Deputy President of this country is one of those who, more than
    anybody else in this country, is committed to the improvement of
    relations between South Africa and the United States. I hope that when
    he succeeds in pushing me to step down from the Presidency, that the
    country will put him in that position, so that he can be in a position
    further to improve relations between us. And I have no doubt that we
    have no better person than him to complete this job.
        President Clinton, you are welcome. This is one of our proudest
    moments, to be able to welcome you. You helped us long before you became
    President, and you have continued with that help now as the President of
    the greatest country in the world. Again, welcome.
        President Clinton. Thank you very much, Mr. President. Thank you and
    all the people of South Africa for the wonderful welcome you have given
    to Hillary and me and to our entire delegation. We have felt very much
    at home here.
        As I have said yesterday in my address to the Parliament, I was very
    honored to be the first American President to visit South Africa on a
    mission to Africa to establish a new partnership between the United
    States and the nations of Africa and to show the people of America the
    new Africa that is emerging, an Africa where the number of democratic
    governments has quadrupled since 1990, where economies are beginning to
    grow, where deep-seated problems, to be sure, continue to exist, but
    where hope for the future is stronger than it has been in a generation.
        It is in our profound interest to support the positive changes in
    Africa's life. Nowhere is this more evident than in the miracle you have
    wrought here in South Africa.
        The partnership between our nations is only 4 years old, but already
    we are laying the foundation for a greater future. And I think everyone
    knows that the most important reason for our success is President
    Mandela.
        His emergence from his many years on Robben Island is one of the
    true heroic stories of the 20th century. And more importantly, he
    emerged not in anger but in hope, passion, determination to put things
    right in a spirit of reconciliation and harmony. Not only here but all
    over the world, people, especially young people, have been moved by the
    power of his example.
        Yesterday, Mr. Mandela said that the only thing that disappointed
    him about our trip was that Hillary and I did not bring our daughter.
    [Laughter] Last night our daughter called us and said the only reason
    she was really sorry not to have made her second trip to Africa was that
    she didn't get to see President Mandela.
        I think that the impact he has had on the children of the world who
    see that fundamental goodness and courage and largeness of spirit can
    prevail over power lust, division, and obsessive smallness in politics,
    is a lesson that everybody can learn every day from. And we thank you,
    Mr. President, for that.
        Today we talked about how the United States and South Africa can
    move into the future together. We have reaffirmed our commitment to
    increasing our mutual trade and investment, to bringing the advantages
    of the global economy to all our people. South Africa is already our
    largest trading partner in Africa, and as the President said, America is
    the largest foreign investor in South Africa. And we want to do more.

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        The presence here of our Commerce Secretary
    M. and leaders from our business community underscores, Mr.
    President, how important these ties are to us and our determination to
    do better. Our Overseas Private Investment Corporation is creating three
    new investment funds for Africa which will total more than three-
    quarters of a billion dollars. The first of these, the Africa
    Opportunity Fund, is already supporting transportation and
    telecommunications projects here in South Africa. The largest of the
    funds, worth $500 million, will help to build the roads, the bridges,
    the communication networks Africa needs to fulfill its economic
    potential.
        Increasing trade does not mean ending aid. I am proud that we have
    provided almost a billion dollars in assistance to South Africa since
    1991. I am committed to working with Congress to return our aid for all
    of Africa to its historic high levels. We will target our assistance to
    investing in the future of the African people. If people lack the
    fundamentals of a decent life, like education or shelter, they won't be
    able to seize opportunity.
        I announced in Uganda a new $120 million initiative to train
    teachers, increase exchanges, bring technology into classrooms
    throughout Africa. We're also working to help provide better housing for
    those who have never had it. Yesterday Hillary, with me in tow, went
    back, a year later, to visit the Victoria Mxenge Housing Project in
    Gugiiletu, where women are building their own houses and living in
    decent homes for the first time. I'm proud that through our aid projects
    and our Binational Commission with Mr. Mbeki and
    Vice President Gore we are providing seed
    money and technical assistance for this effort. And I want to do more of
    that throughout this country and throughout the continent.
        President Mandela was also kind enough to speak with me at some
    length about other nations in Africa and our common goals for Africa in
    the future. We are determined to help countries as they work to
    strengthen their democracies. We agree human rights are the universal
    birthright of all people. I also had a great chance to talk to President
    Mandela about the progress we made at the regional summit in Entebbe.
    And he had read the communique we put out, and I think that we both
    agree it was a remarkable document. And if we can make it real, it will
    change things in a profound way in all the countries that signed off on
    the statement.
        We're also working on security issues, and let me just mention a
    couple. We are committed to preventing the spread of weapons of mass
    destruction, to strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention, because
    we both believe disease must never be used as a weapon of war. We are
    both at the forefront of the effort to eliminate the scourge of
    landmines. And now we are joining together to speed this work.
        As I said yesterday, and I'd like to emphasize again, I am very
    pleased that our Department of Defense has decided to purchase now South
    Africa demining vehicles, called the Chubbies. The vehicles will help us
    to remove mines more quickly, more safely, and more effectively. And I
    might say, that's been a terrible problem the world over. Even in
    Bosnia, where there are so many people, we're not taking enough mines
    out of the land every week. And the new South African technology will
    help us immensely.
        Mr. President, for centuries the winds that blow around the Cape of
    Good Hope have been known for strength and danger. Today, the winds
    blowing through Cape Town and South Africa, and indeed much of this
    continent, are winds of change and good fortune. I thank you for being
    so much the cause of the good that is occurring not only in your own
    country but throughout this continent.
        I am deeply pleased that we're committed to harnessing the winds of
    change together. And as we meet in your nation, which has seen such
    remarkable hope arise from the ashes of terrible tragedy, let me again
    thank you. And let me ask your indulgence as I close just to make a few
    personal remarks about the terrible tragedy we had in the United States,
    in my home State, where four children and a school teacher were killed
    and many others were wounded in a horrible shooting incident.
        First of all, I have called the Governor,
    the mayor, and last night I had quite a
    long conversation with the school principal,
    to tell them that the thoughts and prayers of people, not only in our
    country but indeed throughout the world, were with them. I hope, as I
    have said before, that all of us, including the Federal authorities and
    the members of the press corps, will give the people in Jonesboro the
    chance to grieve and bury those who have died.
        And then after a decent period, after I return home, the
    Attorney General and I and others have got to
    compare this incident with the other two that have occurred in the last
    few months

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    in America to try to determine what they have in common and whether
    there are other things we should do to prevent this kind of thing from
    happening. There is nothing more tragic, for whatever reason, than a
    child robbed of the opportunity to grow up.
        Thank you, and thank you again, Mr. President, for everything.

    Nigeria

        Q. Mr. President, you expressed regret the other day that the United
    States supported authoritarian regimes in Africa during the cold war.
    Today, we buy about 50 percent of the oil from Nigeria, propping up a
    regime the United States says is one of the most oppressive in Africa.
    [Inaudible]--what will the United States do--[inaudible]?
        President Clinton. Well, first of all, let me restate what I said
    because I think it's worth saying again. I said that I did not believe
    the United States had ever been as good a partner to the African nations
    and the African people as we could have been and that during the cold
    war, when we and the Soviets were worried about the standoff that we had
    between us, we tended to evaluate governments in Africa and to pick and
    chose among them and to give aid to them based far more on how they
    stood in the fight of the cold war than how they stood toward the
    welfare of their people. I stand by that. And I think now we're free to
    take a different course.
        President Mandela and I actually talked at some length about this
    today, and I, frankly, asked for his advice. And Nigeria is the largest
    country in Africa in terms of population. It does have vast oil
    resources. It has a large army. It in capable of making a significant
    contribution to regional security, as we have seen in the last several
    months. My policy is to do all that we can to persuade General
    Abacha to move toward general democracy and
    respect for human rights, release of the political prisoners, the
    holding of elections. If he stands for election, we hope he will stand
    as a civilian.
        There are many military leaders who have taken over chaotic
    situations in African countries but have moved toward democracy. And
    that can happen in Nigeria; that's, purely and simply, what we want to
    happen. Sooner, rather than later, I hope.

    Cuba

        Q. President Clinton, I wonder, was the Dow Chemical dispute
    discussed anywhere, and if so, has there been a resolution of the
    problem that affects South Africa in particular?
        President Clinton. We only discussed it very briefly. You know what
    American law is. It was passed by our Congress by almost 90 percent in
    both Houses, after two American planes with American citizens were
    illegally shot down in international waters by the Cuban Air Force, and
    basically says American companies can't do business there.
        We are--the Pope's recent visit to Cuba
    gave us the hope that we might do more to help the welfare of the Cuban
    people and to promote alternative institutions, like the church in Cuba,
    that would move the country toward freedom. And I hope that will happen.
    But the law is what it is.

    Slavery

        Q. On regret again, sir, why are you resisting those who are seeking
    a formal apology from the United States for America's own shame of
    slavery?
        President Clinton. Well, let me say, first of all, there are two
    different issues here on the slavery issue. Most of the members of the
    African-American community with whom I talk at home advise me to keep
    our race initiative focused on the future.
        I don't think anybody believes that there is a living American--I
    don't think that anyone believes that any living American today would
    defend, feel proud of, or in any way stand up for the years where we had
    slavery or the awful legacy which it left in its wake. But we have moved
    through now in the last 130, almost 140 years, the 13th, 14th, and 15th
    amendments, a spate of civil rights legislation. We're now focused on
    what still needs to be done, and it's considerable.
        So at home we're looking to the future, to closing the opportunity
    gap, to dealing with the discrimination that still exists, trying to
    lift up those communities that have done better than others, as we
    become not primarily just a divided society between blacks and whites
    but increasingly multiracial, not only with our large Hispanic and
    Native American populations but with people from all over the world.

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        Now, in addition to that, what I tried to do the other day in Uganda
    is to recognize that the role of Americans in buying slaves, which were
    taken out of Africa by European slave traders, had a destructive impact
    in Africa, as well as for the people who were enslaved and taken to
    America. And I think that was an appropriate thing to do. I don't think
    anybody would defend what we did in terms of its destructive impact in
    Africa. No American President had ever been here before, had a chance to
    say that. And I think we want more and more African leaders to do what
    President Museveni did the other day
    when we were in Entebbe, and he said, ``I am not one of those leaders
    that blames everybody else for our problem.'' I think we've got--you
    know, you've got to quit going back to the colonial era; we've got to
    look to the future.
        If you want more African leaders to do that, which I do, then it
    seems to me that we have to come to terms with our past. And stating the
    facts, it seems to me, is helpful. If we're going to be a good partner
    with people who are taking responsibility for their own future, we can't
    be blind to the truths of the past.
        That's what--I think Mr. Mandela has done a remarkable job of
    balancing those two things here in South Africa. That's why I made the
    statement I did in Uganda, and I'm glad I did it.

    African Debt Relief

        Q. President Clinton, I wonder whether you could tell us whether
    debt relief for Africa has been a topic in your discussions with
    President Mandela, and whether you will be taking South Africa's views
    on the subject back into the G-7 and into other international arenas to
    argue for such debt relief?
        President Clinton. Well, the answer to that question is, we
    discussed debt relief. I've also discussed debt relief with all the
    other leaders with whom I have met. We have--there is presently a
    proposal, as I think you're aware, that includes not only bilateral debt
    but debt to the international institutions, which would permit African
    countries that are pursuing economic reform to get debt relief to up to
    80 percent of their debt.
        And I think it's a sound proposal in the sense that, if it's
    properly administered by the international authorities--for this
    reason--we supported the idea that people should be eligible for debt
    relief, more debt relief if they were moving toward economic reform but
    not saying that everybody had to reach the same point, because people
    start from--they start from different places, different countries do--
    different per capita incomes, different economic systems, different real
    possibilities.
        So I think that the framework is there. Now, what I pledged to do
    after talking to all the people with whom I have met, President Mandela
    and the other leaders that I saw on the way down here, is to take a look
    at how this thing is going to work in fact, and see what I could do to
    make sure that we give as much aid as we possibly can under this
    proposal. But I do think it is legitimate to say, if you want debt
    relief to unleash the economic potential of a country, so you take the
    burden off of it, then when it's all said and done, there has to be--two
    things have to exist: Number one, you've got to have a set of policies
    that will produce better results in the future than you had in the past,
    in any country; and number two, the country has to be able to attract
    investment, both private and public investment, in the future.
        So, for example, if you just had uncritical, 100 percent debt
    relief, you wouldn't guarantee that there would be better policies,
    number one. Now, that doesn't apply to South Africa, where you do have a
    good strong economic policy, but generally. Number two, if we did that,
    other people would be reluctant to loan money in the future because they
    would think they would never get any of their money back.
        So I think the trick is to get enough debt relief to countries to
    get the debt burden down so they can grow and they're not just crushed
    and kept from making any progress, but to do it in a way so that the
    debt relief produces longer term prosperity. And that's my goal. And
    yes, we're going to talk about it at the G-8 meeting in Great Britain.
    And I will stay on top of this to make sure that what we're trying to
    get done is actually accomplished. Everybody talked to me about it.

    Jonesboro Incident

        Q. Mr. President, during this trip you've spoken out about genocidal
    violence in Africa, but the sort of random killings you referred to in
    the Jonesboro killings has terrified people in the United States with
    alarming frequency. How do you explain that? What can you say now

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    and what can you do now as America's leader to root out such violence
    from the culture?
        President Clinton. Well, we worked on it very hard for 5 years, and
    the crime rate's gone down for 5 years. The violent crime rate has gone
    down for 5 years quite dramatically in many cities.
        And I saw an analysis, actually, just before I left home, in the
    documents that I read every Sunday, I saw an analysis of the declining
    crime rate which essentially said that, obviously, the improving
    American economy contributed to the crime rate going down because more
    people had jobs, and particularly with regard to property crimes, it was
    more attractive to work than to steal. But the other reason was that
    policing and law enforcement and prevention is better now than it was 5
    years ago. And crime is a problem that many societies, especially many
    more urbanized societies, have.
        And all I can tell you is that the violent crime rate is going down
    in our country; it's still way too high. What I'm concerned about in the
    Jonesboro case or in the Paducah case or in the case of the Mississippi
    issue is whether we are doing enough to deal with the question of
    violence by juveniles and is there something else we can do to get it
    down even more?
        Ask President Mandela a question. I'm tired. [Laughter]
        President Mandela. No personal questions. [Laughter]

    African Trade Legislation

        Q. Not today, Mr. President.
        Mr. President, have you raised with President Clinton the question
    of the United States-Africa growth and opportunity--[inaudible]--and the
    large number of conditionality clauses in that, and pointed out to him
    that this would appear to be in conflict with the United States
    commitment to free trade?
        President Mandela. Well, this matter has been fully discussed
    between President Clinton and our Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki. And I
    fully endorse the point of view that was placed before the President by
    the Deputy President. These matters are the subject of discussions, and
    they are very sensitive matters. And I appreciate the curiosity of the
    media, but it is better sometimes merely to say this is a matter over
    which we have serious reservations, this legislation. To us, it is not
    acceptable. But nevertheless, we accept each other's integrity, and we
    are discussing that matter in that spirit. Yes, we are taking it up.
        President Clinton. If I could just say one thing about it, though.
    If you all actually go read the bill, I think you will find two things.
    First, and the most important thing is, if the bill becomes law, it will
    increase the access of all African nations to the American market,
    without conditionality. The bill opens up more of the American market to
    all African trade. The bill then says, for countries that make greater
    strides toward democracy, human rights, and economic reform, there will
    be greater access still.
        But since we are not imposing new burdens on anybody or picking and
    choosing winners among countries and instead saying, ``Okay, we're going
    to unilaterally make an effort to give more access to all Africa
    countries but we'll do even better for the countries that are trying
    harder on democracy, human rights, and economic reform,'' it seemed to
    me to strike the right kind of balance.
        I, myself, would not have supported it if it had gone in reverse, if
    it had imposed new burdens on some countries while giving new benefits
    to others.

    U.S. Response to Genocide in Africa

        Q. [Inaudible]--genocide in Rwanda, and you said that the United
    States should have acted sooner to stop the killing. Do you think that
    American racism, or what you described as American apathy toward Africa,
    played a role in its inaction? How have you grappled personally with
    that experience 2 days ago? And have you considered any specific policy
    changes, given that this isn't the first time in this century America
    has been slow to act, that would compel a faster American response in
    the future, besides early warning systems?
        President Clinton. Let me say, first of all, I do not believe that
    there was any--I don't believe there was any racial element in our slow
    response. I think that--keep in mind, I don't think anybody on the
    outside was prepared for somewhere between 800,000 and a million people
    to die in 90 days. And look how long it took the United States and
    Europe, through NATO and then through the U.N., to put together the
    machinery to go in and deal with the Bosnia problem.
        So I would just say to you, I think that--the point I was trying to
    make is I do believe that generally America has been and the whole

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    American policy apparatus has been less responsive and less involved in
    Africa than was warranted. I think that's a general problem.
        But I think in the case of Rwanda, what I believe we have got to do
    is to establish a system, hopefully through the United Nations, which
    gives us an early warning system, that gives us the means to go in and
    try to stop these things from happening before they start, and then, if
    it looks like a lot of people are going to die in a hurry, that kicks in
    motion some sort of preventive mechanism before hundreds of thousands of
    people die.
        I mean, if you look at the sheer--the military challenge presented
    by those who were engaging in the genocide, most of it was done with
    very elemental weapons. If there had been some sort of multinational
    response available, some sort of multinational force available, to go in
    pretty quickly, most of those lives probably could have been saved. And
    we're going to have to work this out through the U.N. and then figure
    out how to staff it and how to run it and whether it should be permanent
    or something you can call up in a hurry, how such people would be
    trained, what should be done. But my own view is, if we think that that
    sort of thing is going to happen, it would be better if the U.N. has a
    means to deal with it in a hurry. And I would be prepared to support the
    development of such a mechanism.
        Q. That brings up the subject of the African Crisis Response Team,
    who is responsible, and I wondered how your discussions, both of you,
    went on that?
        President Mandela. We had a long program of very important matters
    to discuss, and unfortunately, we did not discuss that one. Our attitude
    toward this question is very clear; we support the initiative very
    fully. All that South Africa is saying is that a force which is intended
    to deal with problems in Africa must not be commanded by somebody
    outside this continent. I certainly would never put my troops under
    somebody who does not belong to Africa. That is the only reservation
    I've had. Otherwise, I fully accept the idea. It's a measure of the
    interest which the United States takes in the problems of Africa, and
    the only difference is this one about the command of that force.

    Note: The President's 156th news conference began at 12:08 p.m. in the
    Garden of Tuynhuis. In his remarks, he referred to Gov. Mike Huckabee of
    Arkansas; Mayor Hubert A. Brodell of Jonesboro, AR; Karen Curtner,
    principal, Westside Middle School, Jonesboro, AR; Gen. Sani Abacha of
    Nigeria; and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda. President
    Mandela referred to President Fidel Castro of Cuba; Hashemi Rafsanjani,
    former President of Iran; Col. Muammar Qadhafi of Libya; and Deputy
    President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, president, African National
    Congress (ANC).