[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1996, Book II)]
[July 2, 1996]
[Pages 1056-1062]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at a Reception for Representative Dick Durbin in Chicago
July 2, 1996

    The President. Thank you very much.
    Audience members. Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
    The President. Thank you. Well, if we get them, they'll be a lot 
better if Dick Durbin is in the Senate, I'll tell you that.
    First of all, I'm delighted to be here with Senator Simon and 
Senator Carol Moseley-Braun, my good friend Bill Singer, and all of you 
who have contributed to this terrific fundraiser. I want to say how very 
much I admire Dick and Loretta Durbin--they live their family

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values, they don't just give political speeches about them at election 
time--and how happy I am to be here at this event.
    When Dick was talking about being a Lithuanian, I was just thinking 
that the Chicago person in my household would like to be here tonight. 
But when we were in France for the G-7 meeting, and I left Hillary, and 
she went on to Romania, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Estonia, 
and two or three other places. And she called me yesterday, and she told 
me about her day in Romania. And she said, ``You realize all the places 
I'm going, all the people I'm going to see?'' And she reeled them all 
off. And I said, ``Look, I can make one trip to Chicago and see people 
from all those places.''
    So Dick reminded me of my wisecrack, and I thought I'd give it to 
you. [Laughter] It's really true about Chicago, and it's one of the 
things that makes it so wonderful. The mayor and Bill Daley took me down 
to the Taste of Chicago today, and I walked the streets, and I ate like 
a horse. [Laughter] But I was an equal opportunity eater. Every ethnic 
group got a fair and equal shot at me. And I'll have to run an extra 5 
miles in the morning, but it was wonderful.
    Let me say on a more serious note how much I appreciate the support 
I felt from all the American people when I went to Europe to try to get 
our allies to support the United States in our fight against terrorism 
in the aftermath of what happened in Saudi Arabia to our Air Force 
personnel. But I also want to compliment the Federal officials and those 
who worked with them for the arrests that were made in the terrorist 
incidents that were headed off in Arizona, which you doubtless read 
about in the press this morning.
    And this is not the first time we've been successful in doing that. 
It's something we work hard at. And I say it to make this point: At the 
end of the cold war, when the world is not divided into Communist and 
non-Communist blocs, and when we can worry less--we haven't done away 
with the worry, but we can worry less--about the imminence of a nuclear 
war, we see this welling up of ancient hatreds based on race and ethnic 
group and religion. And we see the fact that we're more open to each 
other in terms of our ability to travel and our ability to send money 
and ideas and technology around the world in a split second, it makes us 
more vulnerable to the organized forces of destruction and especially to 
terrorists.
    But what I want you to know is that if we work together and we're 
smart, we can't guarantee 100 percent security, but we can prevent a lot 
of these instances. In the Middle East, in Israel, for all the terrible 
terrorist incidents we see, I want you to know they stop a lot more 
incidents than ever occur. And we can do the same. We can do the same, 
but we've got to keep in mind the terrible sacrifice of innocent 
victims, and including those whose lives I honored in Florida on Sunday. 
And we've got to continue to work together. And I felt the support of 
the American people in that.
    The other thing I want to say is that I know that you all support 
our common endeavors to try to do what we can to end this terrible rash 
of church burnings of black churches and other houses of worship around 
this country. That's been an especially painful thing for me because I 
feel so strongly about the first amendment, freedom of religion. I think 
it's one of the most distinctive things about the United States, that we 
have the freedom to believe whatever we want or even not to believe. And 
it's one of the reasons I think that we are, by all accounts, the most 
religious country in the world. And it gives character and depth to our 
Nation.
    I don't think there's any big conspiracy, but I do believe it's 
evidence of this kind of dark impulse that you see welling up all over 
the world. There are a lot of people who are disappointed in their own 
lives and have problems, and we've now seen that some of these people 
that have been arrested, some that have admitted doing this, they've 
talked about their own lives, and it's obvious that they had a lot of 
problems. They were people, if they hadn't burned churches, would have 
evoked our sympathies because of the difficulties they were having in 
their lives.
    And when people have frustrations, they can do one of two things: 
they can take responsibility for it and try to get help, or they can 
look for somebody else to blame and someone else to look down on. ``No 
matter what kind of shape I'm in, there's always somebody else I can 
look down on. I think I'll go burn a church.'' And that is not only un-
American, it is profoundly wrong and destructive. But we have to change 
the atmosphere in this country about that.
    So the day before I came here, I declared this month National Month 
of Unity and asked

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every American citizen to do something, either in their places of 
worship or where they work or in some other way, to reach out to people 
who are different from them and express our unity as a people around the 
shared values embodied in the Constitution of the United States of 
America.
    And apropos of what Dick said earlier, we also took a little of the 
money that the Justice Department has for police officers and dedicated 
it to the 12 States that have suffered the most from the church 
burnings. And we said to every county, we will give you more police 
officers, or you can use the money to light up these churches at night 
or work people overtime or do whatever is necessary. But we want to do 
more to prevent these burnings, not just to catch the people who do it. 
And we have to do that.
    Now, what's all this got to do with Dick Durbin's election? 
Everything. Everything. When I ran for President in 1991 and '92, it 
was, most people thought, a totally bizarre, almost--an unfulfillable 
adventure. The President at that time was at way over 70 percent in the 
polls. My mother was the only person that thought I was going to win. 
[Laughter] That's not true. Hillary always thought I would win. 
[Laughter] She did.
    But apart from that, the pickings were pretty slim. And I did it 
without regard to whether we could win or not because I was very 
troubled that our country seemed to be sort of drifting into the 21st 
century. We had an exploding deficit. We had very weak job growth, the 
weakest since the Depression. We had a high unemployment rate. And we 
seemed to be drifting apart instead of coming together.
    Just look around this room tonight. Look at the diversity in this 
room. And we've got to prove that the rest of the world is wrong when 
they fall out over race, religion, and ethnicity. We've got to prove 
that we can be better and bigger than that, not because we're 
intrinsically better human beings but because we've got a system and a 
history and a set of values in our Constitution that tells us how we 
ought to behave and that we know from experience really works in the 
world of today and will work in the world of tomorrow.
    And I felt very strongly that unless we had a common shared national 
commitment to keeping the American dream alive for everybody without 
regard to their race or their gender or where they started out in life, 
to bringing this country together instead of letting it drift apart, and 
in maintaining the leadership of the United States for peace and freedom 
and prosperity, unless we all said that's what we're trying to do as we 
move into the 21st century, we'd just keep on drifting and lose a lot of 
the greatness of America and the extraordinary opportunity that the end 
of the cold war and growth of the global economy and the information age 
presents us.
    And so I set out on this odyssey. And I guess the first big hurdle 
was cleared on Saint Patrick's Day in 1992, when we carried the 
Democratic primaries in Illinois and Michigan and it became obvious that 
unless a wheel ran off I'd be nominated. And so I thank you all for 
that.
    When the American people gave me the chance to serve and I got to 
work with people like Paul Simon and Carol Moseley-Braun and Dick 
Durbin, we had a simple strategy. I thought we ought to put the power of 
the Government in Washington to work to create opportunity--not 
guarantees but opportunity--for every American to live out their own 
dreams, that we ought to insist on responsibility in return for that 
opportunity, and that we ought to consciously work to bring the American 
people together and push this country forward.
    Now, I just talked to you about a couple of examples of bringing the 
American people together around our basic values. But that's what Dick 
Durbin's done. And the difference in the way we view the world and the 
way our opponents in the political arena view the world is daylight and 
dark. It's not just a little difference, it's a big difference.
    When Dick Durbin fought against the Republican cuts in the 
environmental community right-to-know laws, to me that said everything. 
I mean, it seems to me that if you want to build a sense of community 
and you want to build a future for our children, you have to believe 
that you have to find a way to grow the economy and preserve the 
environment, and you have to believe that you can trust citizens to know 
what's in the chemicals that are in their own backyards and 
neighborhoods. But they wanted to weaken those laws, and Dick Durbin 
said no.
    He mentioned the tobacco issue. I now know why no other President 
has ever fooled with this--[laughter]--it's what we used to call a

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character-builder back home when I was growing up. [Laughter] But you 
know, the truth is that it's illegal in every State in America for 
children to smoke. But every day 3,000 of them start, and 1,000 of those 
3,000 will die earlier than they otherwise would because of it. We worry 
about health care costs, the cost of Medicare, the cost of Medicaid, 
whether there have to be draconian cuts in these programs to save them. 
The truth is, if we could solve that one problem, we'd save more in 
health care costs than all these things we're talking about in 
Washington which would be destructive to the fundamental integrity of 
Medicare and Medicaid. It's an important issue.
    But nobody really wants to deal with it, so they try to act like, 
well, this is a matter of personal liberty and the Government shouldn't 
be fooling with this, and all that. But it just depends on what your 
philosophy is. And Dick Durbin and Al Gore, who lost his only sister to 
lung cancer, and I believe that the law ought to be enforced, and we 
ought to take strong steps to stop the advertising, marketing, sales, 
and distribution of cigarettes to minors. And I think it's a very 
important issue.
    But the folks on the other side, they really don't believe that. I 
mean, it's not like they're--you know, they really don't believe that. I 
know that Senator Dole said the other day he wasn't sure cigarettes were 
addictive--[laughter]--this morning said that he admired Dr. Koop, who 
was President Reagan's Surgeon General and as far as I know is a 
Republican but has always been very forthright about the dangers of 
tobacco to children. But he said that Dr. Koop might have had his views 
colored by excessive exposure to the liberal media that might have 
brainwashed him. Well, I think Dr. Koop's problem is that he has had 
excessive exposure of 50 years of medical practice and reading medical 
journals and having evidence and facts, and he is not clouded by the 
political pressure that can be put on by the interest groups on the 
other side. So he stood up to the heat about this.
    Well, anyway, that's why I'm for Dick Durbin. I'm glad--that's a 
good reason to be for him. He was out there carrying on this battle all 
along, and he did a good job, and he'll do a better job if you ratify 
the positions we have taken in this coming election.
    And I just want to make three arguments to you very quickly that I 
hope--I realize that, as we used to say down home, I might be preaching 
to the saved tonight. [Laughter] But I want you to go out and preach 
this for the next 4 months, because I need your help. Every one of you, 
if you can afford to be at this fundraiser tonight, you have the 
capacity to influence somebody else by talking, by talking and speaking. 
You can do it.
    And if somebody says, ``Well, why should I be for the President, or 
why should I be for Dick Durbin?'' I want you to give them three 
arguments. Number one, these guys had a plan--a plan for the economy, a 
plan for crime, a plan for education, a plan for the environment, and a 
plan for family and community. And the results were good, and the other 
guys opposed them.
    Look at the economic plan. When I introduced my economic strategy, I 
said, here's what we're going to do. We're going to reduce the deficit 
and get interest rates down. We're going to expand trade dramatically. 
Thank you, Bill Daley, for your help in that. But we're going to do it 
on fair as well as free trade terms. We're going to invest more in the 
education of our people, from pre-school all the way up to adults 
needing retraining. And we're going to keep investing in the environment 
and in technology and research, so that we can grow the economy. That 
was our strategy.
    Here's what they said. Speaker Gingrich: ``This will lead to a 
recession next year.'' Mr. Armey: ``Clearly''--talking about our 
economic plan--``clearly this is a job killer.'' Mr. Dole: ``Don't kid 
anybody; nobody is going to cut spending around here.'' [Laughter] Mr. 
Gramm: ``We're buying a one-way ticket to a recession.'' The House 
Budget Committee chairman, Mr. Kasich: ``This plan will not work. If it 
was to work, then I'd become a Democrat.'' [Laughter] Well, Mr. 
Chairman, we're saving a seat for you at the United Center. [Laughter] 
They were wrong.
    Three and a half years later, we said, if you adopt this economic 
plan, we'll cut the deficit in half and have 8 million new jobs. It 
turned out we were wrong, too. The deficit got cut by more than half, 
and there are 9.7 million new jobs after 3\1/2\ years. They were wrong.
    Dick Durbin mentioned the crime bill. You ask Senator Simon or 
Senator Moseley-Braun what it was like in the United States Senate when 
we were trying to get the crime bill. Well, they said it was the 
awfullest thing we ever saw. ``We don't need 100,000 police. We didn't

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need the Brady bill. We didn't need the assault weapons ban. We 
certainly shouldn't give the police any money or local community groups 
any money to prevent crime by giving kids someplace to go after school 
or jobs to do in the summertime.'' That was all wasted money, even 
though the police agencies were begging for the money for children to 
have something to say yes to. That's what they said.
    But look at the results. One year alone, murder rate down in Chicago 
11 percent, down in Springfield 35 percent, down in every major urban 
area in America. The crime rate is about to go down for the 4th year in 
a row. We are ahead of schedule and under budget in putting 100,000 
police on the street.
    They told everybody when they won the Congress back in 1994--one of 
the reasons they won it is they told all these people in rural areas 
that the Democrats were trying to take their guns away. Well, now we've 
had two deer seasons since they said that--[laughter]--two duck seasons. 
And every single hunter in America is still shooting with the same rifle 
if they wanted to. But I'll tell you something--but there are 60,000 
felons, fugitives, and stalkers who could not get handguns because of 
the Brady bill. They were wrong, and we were right.
    Our plan said we're going to make college loans easier to get, less 
bureaucracy, lower cost, better repayment terms. We're going to put more 
kids in Head Start. They all voted against it. We said we're going to 
have national service and give people a chance to work in their local 
communities to help pay their way through college. Their leadership led 
the fight against that. Some brave Republicans broke away on that, but 
their leadership was against that.
    We said, we're going to give tax cuts to the people that really need 
it. We're going to give a tax cut to the people on the bottom end of the 
wage scale that have children at the house and that are working 40 hours 
a week. Because if you work full time, you've got kids in your house, 
you shouldn't be taxed into poverty. The tax system ought to lift you 
out of poverty. That's what we did. Every one of them opposed it, but we 
did it. For the first time in years we had a reduction in the number of 
poor children. But we had to do it alone.
    You heard Dick talking about family leave. Their leadership opposed 
it. You heard him talking about tobacco. Let me tell you about another 
big family issue. We fought hard in the telecommunications bill for the 
V-chip, which is not censorship. It just says if you're a parent and 
you've got little kids there and you've got 100 channels on the 
television, you ought to have the right to decide what they see before 
they're at least 11 or 12. And I think it was the right thing to do. And 
they opposed that.
    They talked about welfare. We just went out and worked with the 
States and gave them permission to try to find ways to move people from 
welfare to work that were tough on work but not tough on children, 
didn't take cheap shots at kids or hurt them because they happen to be 
born to immigrant parents. But you know what? Three and a half years 
later, there are 1.3 million fewer people on welfare than there were the 
day I became President. That's something we did.
    So, argument number one: We had a plan; they opposed it. Look at the 
results: We were right; they were wrong. And I want you to tell people 
that.
    Argument number two: Every election should be about the future. And 
there's more we have to do. I want to build on the family leave law. I 
think people should have a little time off if they have to go to a 
parent-teacher conference or if they have to take their parents or their 
children to regular medical appointments.
    I believe that we ought to raise the minimum wage and not let it 
fall to a 40-year low. I believe we ought to pass that Kennedy-Kassebaum 
bill that says you can't lose your health insurance if you change jobs 
or somebody in your family is sick.
    I believe we ought to change the tax law so that every American can 
be guaranteed 2 years of education beyond high school at the nearest 
community college. Every American should have it, every single one. I 
believe there ought to be a million young people in work-study given the 
chance that Dick Durbin and I had to work our way through college. 
That's what I think we ought to do.
    This is about the future--how are we going to create more 
opportunity, bring the country together and go forward growing 
together--ideas about the future, not how we can divide the electorate 
up in some little segments here and segments there to wind up with more 
than a majority by terrorizing or terrifying half the people.
    And the third thing is, I want you to say to people, this is a great 
election for the Amer-


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ican people because there's almost no guesswork in it. [Laughter] Now, 
you think about it. You know, I mean, normally, in every election, 
especially in the Presidential race--I mean, you all took a chance on me 
in '92. I hope you think it worked out okay. But you did. But you did. 
But there's no guesswork. You know what I'm going to do. You know that. 
You know based on the last 3\1/2\ years that what I tell you I'm going 
to do, I'm either going to do it or get caught trying to do it. 
[Laughter] And also you know what Senator Dole and the Republicans are 
going to do, because they have already done it. I just vetoed it the 
first time. So you know what they're going to do.
    So if the American people believe the country, the Presidency, and 
the Congress should be in the hands of the people who fought the family 
leave law, who fought the V-chip, who fought the tobacco initiative, who 
fought the economic plan, who fought the 100,000 police, who fought the 
Brady bill, who fought the assault weapons ban, who sought to gut the 
environmental protection of the country and weaken workplace protection 
and make it easier for people to raid the pension plans of their 
employees, they can do that. And they know. And there is no guesswork. 
[Laughter]
    Now, you're laughing because you never thought about it that way, 
have you? But if you like that budget I vetoed in '95, you can have it. 
And you can get it within 6 months, the first 6 months of 1997. All you 
have to do is give them the White House and the Congress, and they will 
give it to you.
    Audience members. No-o-o!
    The President. But if you don't like that, then you better make up 
your mind that as citizens one of your responsibilities for the next 4 
months and 1 week and a few days is to go out and tell everybody you 
talk to that there are three reasons you ought to be for Dick Durbin and 
Bill Clinton. We had a plan; it got good results. We got a better set of 
ideas for the future. And you've got a clear choice.
    And let's go back to what we started talking about at the beginning, 
to close. This is a great adventurous time for America. We have in the 
space of a few years dramatically changed the way we work and the way we 
live and the way we relate to the rest of the world. On balance, we're 
much better off for these changes, although there is a lot of upheaval 
and a lot of our folks are still having a tough time.
    And we are now going to, in the next 4 years, walk across a bridge 
right into the next century. This election is not like 1992 when the 
issue was change against status quo. Now you have two very different 
views of change. But there is no status quo option. And the American 
people have to decide now, am I going to get on that bridge and walk 
into the next century, or am I going to get on that bridge and walk into 
the next century.
    They honestly believe, the other side does, that the things we do 
together through our Government are a legacy of the industrial age of 
America and basically, except for national defense, by and large not 
worth doing; that we'd all be better off if we were on our own and 
unburdened by terrible things like the environment protection law and 
the family leave law and all those intrusions into our lives; that any 
tax cut is better than any spending program, even if it's a college loan 
program or putting tens of thousands more poor children into Head Start. 
But I can tell you, they believe in it. It's sincere. It's not just 
contributions and all that stuff you hear that try to make people give. 
These are two honestly different visions of the future.
    I believe that there has never been a great country that grew 
greater by shrinking opportunity. I believe that the only way we can 
continue to grow greater and deal with the challenges of the modern 
world and turn this extraordinary diversity of America into our most 
precious asset is if we decide we're going to give everybody 
opportunity, insist on responsibility as part of the bargain, and then 
find ways to grow together, to respect our diversity, to tolerate our 
honest differences, to celebrate the rainbow of America. That's what I 
believe.
    But you have to decide what you believe and whether it's worth 
fighting for. And I recommend a simple test. Ask yourself what you want 
this country to look like 20 years from now or 30 years from now, when 
your children or your grandchildren are your age. Ask yourself what kind 
of legacy you want to leave to them and whether you really think we'd be 
better off if we told folks, ``You're on your own. Have a good time at 
the tender mercies of the global economy out there in cyberspace 
somewhere.'' Or wouldn't we be better by saying, if you look at the 220-
year history of this country, it is the long, sometimes painful, 
sometimes agonizingly slow journey of a people to come closer and

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closer and closer to their ideals of equality of opportunity and decency 
and justice and fairness, and giving everybody a chance to live out 
their dreams.
    Now, that's what this election is about. You have to help your 
fellow Americans decide which road we're going to walk into the future. 
And if they understand the choice, I think we know what the answer will 
be.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 6:40 p.m. at the Sheraton Hotel. In his 
remarks, he referred to William S. Singer, chair of the reception, and 
William M. Daley, cochair, Chicago '96, host committee for the 1996 
Democratic Convention.