    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1996, Book II)]
    [August 5, 1996]
    [Pages 1255-1260]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks on International Security Issues at George Washington University
    August 5, 1996

        Thank you very much. President Trachtenberg, I was in the
    neighborhood so I thought I'd drop by. [Laughter] Dean Harding, members
    of the George Washington University community, Congressman Cardin,
    Congressman King, Congressman Matsui. Senator McGovern, thank you for
    coming, sir. Delighted to see you. And by the way, thank you for writing
    your brave book about your daughter and for going around the country and
    talking about her. Thank you so much. I want to thank the family members
    of the victims of Pan Am Flight 103 who are here with me today, as well
    as two of those who were held hostage in Iran back in 1980 who are here
    today--and '79. Thank you for coming.
        I'm pleased to be back here at George Washington, especially as you
    celebrate your 175th anniversary. President James Monroe signed the
    congressional charter establishing GW. I can only applaud his wisdom and
    hope that 175 years from now our administration will be associated with
    a similarly proud legacy. I think he would be very proud if he could see
    what GW has become.
        Last night the centennial Olympics came to an end. It was a great
    Olympics for America not only because of the triumphs of our athletes
    but also because of the magnificent job done by the city of Atlanta and
    all the other hosts. But in a larger sense, it was a great event not
    just for Americans but for people everywhere who believe in peace and
    freedom, who believe in individual achievement and common effort.
        I believe we love the Olympics because they work the way we think
    the world ought to work. They are possible because all different kinds
    of people come together in mutual respect and mutual acceptance of the
    rules of the games. No one wins by breaking their opponent's legs or by
    bad-mouthing their opponents in a public forum. Instead, victory comes
    from doing well in a good way. And all who strive are honored, as we saw
    when our volunteers cleared the track for the brave, injured marathon
    runner who was the very last finisher in the race. Most individuals and
    teams from the 197 competing nations did not win any medal, but they all
    had their chance, did their best, and were better for their efforts.
    That is what we want for our country and the world at the edge of a new
    century and a new millennium.
        In the world of the 21st century, the Olympic way will become
    possible in the lives of more people than ever before. More people than
    ever before will have the chance to live their dreams. The explosion of
    knowledge, communication, travel, and trade will bring us all closer
    together in the global village. But as we saw in that terrible moment of
    terror in Centennial Park, this new openness also makes us more
    vulnerable to the forces of destruction that know no national
    boundaries. The pipe bomb reminded us, as did the murder of 19 fine
    American servicemen in Saudi Arabia and the still unresolved crash of
    TWA 800, that if we want the benefits of this new world we must defeat
    the forces who would destroy it by killing the innocent to strike fear
    and burn hatred into the hearts

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    of the rest of us. This is a lesson and a responsibility every American
    must accept. As the mayor of Montoursville, a town of just 5,000 people
    in Pennsylvania that lost 21 of its brightest hopes for the future on
    TWA Flight 800, said, no matter how secluded and how innocent we are,
    once we leave our community we're subject to the troubles of the outside
    world.
        America faces three great challenges as we enter the 21st century:
    keeping the American dream alive for all who are willing to work for it;
    bringing our own country together, not dividing it; and making sure
    America remains the strongest force in the world for peace and freedom,
    security and prosperity. I come to this place of learning and reason, a
    place so focused on the future, to explain why we cannot meet our own
    challenges of opportunity and responsibility and community unless we
    also maintain our indispensable role of leadership for peace and freedom
    in the world.
        The worldwide changes in how people work, live, and relate to each
    other are the fastest and perhaps the most profound in history. Most of
    these changes are good: The cold war is over; our country is at peace;
    our economy is strong; democracy and free markets are taking root on
    every continent. The blocs, the barriers, the borders that defined the
    world for our parents and grandparents are giving way, with the help of
    a new generation of extraordinary technology. Every day millions of
    people use laptops, modems, CD-ROM's, and satellites to send ideas and
    products and money all across the planet in seconds. The opportunities
    to build a safer world and a more prosperous future are enormous.
        But for all the promise of our time, we are not free from peril.
    Fascism and communism may be dead or discredited, but the forces of
    destruction live on. We see them in the sudden explosions of ethnic,
    racial, religious, and tribal hatred. We see them in the reckless acts
    of rogue states. We see them especially in the dangerous webs of new
    threats of terrorism, international crime and drug trafficking, and the
    continuing threat that weapons of mass destruction might spread across
    the globe. These forces of destruction find opportunity in the very
    openness, freedom, and progress we cherish.
        We must recognize that modern technologies by themselves will not
    make for us a new world of peace and freedom. Technology can be used for
    good or evil. American leadership is necessary to assure that the
    consequences are good. That is why we have worked so hard to seize the
    opportunities created by change and to move swiftly and strongly against
    the new threats that change has produced. To seize the opportunities, we
    are strengthening our alliances, dramatically reducing the danger of
    weapons of mass destruction, leading the march for peace and democracy
    throughout the world, and creating much greater prosperity at home by
    opening markets to American products abroad.
        Our alliances are the bedrock of American leadership. As we saw in
    the Gulf war, in Haiti, and now in Bosnia, many other nations who share
    our goals will also share our burdens. In Europe, we have supported the
    forces of democracy and reform in the former Soviet Union, the removal
    of Russian troops from the Baltics, and led the way to opening NATO's
    doors to Europe's new democracies through the Partnership For Peace, as
    Europe, the main battleground for the bloodiest century in history, is
    finally coming together peacefully. In Asia, we have revitalized our
    security alliance with Japan, joined with South Korea to promote lasting
    peace on the Korean Peninsula, and worked steadily to encourage the
    emergence of a strong, stable, open China.
        The end of the cold war has also allowed us to lift the dark cloud
    of nuclear fear that had hung over our heads for 50 years. Today not a
    single Russian missile is pointed at our citizens or cities. We are
    cutting Russian and American arsenals by two-thirds from their cold war
    height. We helped Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakstan to give up their
    nuclear weapons which were left on their land when the Soviet Union
    dissolved. We are working with Japan and Korea, and we have persuaded
    North Korea to freeze the dangerous nuclear program it had been
    developing for over a decade.
        We have advanced the struggle for peace and freedom. When people
    live free and at peace, we are more secure because they are less likely
    to resort to violence or to abuse human rights, and more likely to be
    better trading partners and partners in our common struggle against
    terrorism, international crime and drug trafficking, environmental
    degradation.
        Because America is taking those risks for peace and democracy, the
    dictators are gone from Haiti. Democracy is back and the flow of
    desperate refugees has stopped. In Bosnia the snipers' killing fields
    have become children's

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    playing fields once again. In Northern Ireland and the Middle East,
    though difficulties remain, conflicts that once seemed unsolvable are
    moving closer to resolution. None of these struggles is easy. There is
    no guarantee of success. But we will continue to work for success, and
    we will make a difference.
        Finally, we have seized the opportunity to better our people's lives
    at home by opening markets abroad. The true measure of our security
    includes not only physical safety but economic well-being as well.
    Decades from now people will look back on this period and see the most
    far-reaching changes in the world trading system in generations, changes
    that are good for the American people, changes that include 200 new
    trade agreements, including GATT and NAFTA; the Summit of the Americas;
    the Asian-Pacific leaders' commitment to bring down trade barriers.
    Because of these changes America is the world's number one exporter
    again, and we have a million new high-paid jobs as a result.
        Now, none of these achievements just happened. They came about
    because we worked with others to share the risk and cost of engagement,
    because we used the power of our example and, where necessary, the
    example of our power. They happened because we were willing to make
    tough choices today knowing they would pay off for you tomorrow. Above
    all, they happened because we refused to listen to those who said that
    with the cold war over America could choose escapism over engagement.
    Had we done so we would have weakened the world's reach for freedom and
    tolerance and prosperity and undermined our own security and prosperity.
        The fact is America remains the indispensable nation. There are
    times when America and only America can make a difference between war
    and peace, between freedom and repression, between hope and fear. Of
    course, we can't take on all the world's burden. We cannot become its
    policemen. But where our interests and values demand it and where we can
    make a difference, America must act and lead.
        Nowhere is that responsibility more clear or more urgent than in the
    struggle against terrorism. No one is immune, whether you're riding a
    subway in Tokyo or a bus in Tel Aviv, whether you're window shopping in
    London or walking the streets in Moscow, whether you're doing your duty
    in Saudi Arabia or going to work in Oklahoma City. Terrorism has become
    an equal opportunity destroyer, with no respect for borders.
        Whether we like it or not, in ways both good and bad we are living
    in an interdependent world. That's why we must break down the walls in
    our mind between foreign and domestic policy. And I might say, Mr.
    President, on this 175th anniversary, that is one of the intellectual
    objectives that I hope our great universities will commit themselves to.
        The reality is our personal, community, and national prosperity
    depend upon our policies on economics in trade at home and abroad. Our
    personal, community, and national well-being depends upon our policies
    on the environment at home and abroad. Most dramatically, our personal,
    community, and national security depend upon our policies on terrorism
    at home and abroad. We cannot advance the common good at home without
    also advancing the common good around the world. We cannot reduce the
    threats to our people without reducing threats to the world beyond our
    borders. That's why the fight against terrorism must be both a national
    priority and a national security priority.
        We have pursued a concerted national and international strategy
    against terrorism on three fronts: First, beyond our borders, by working
    more closely than ever with our friends and allies; second, here at
    home, by giving law enforcement the most powerful counterterrorism tools
    available; and third, in our airports and airplanes by increasing
    aviation security.
        This will be a long, hard struggle. There will be setbacks along the
    way. But just as no enemy could drive us from the fight to meet our
    challenges and protect our values in World War II and the cold war, we
    will not be driven from the tough fight against terrorism today.
    Terrorism is the enemy of our generation, and we must prevail.
        First, on the international front, stopping the spread of terrorism
    clearly requires common action. The United States has a special
    responsibility to lead in this effort. Over the past 4 years, our
    intelligence services have been sharing more information than ever with
    other nations. We've opened up a law enforcement academy in Budapest
    which is training people from 23 nations, an FBI office in Moscow, and
    just last Friday, Congress gave us the funding for FBI offices in Cairo,
    Islamabad, Tel Aviv, and Beijing.
        We've requested more money for intelligence in 1997. This focus is
    making a difference. As

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    the Senate intelligence committee concluded in its 1996 report on the
    intelligence authorization bill, the work of U.S. intelligence agencies
    against terrorism has been an example of effective coordination and
    information sharing.
        I've also worked to rally other nations to the fight against
    terrorism: last year at the U.N. General Assembly; this spring at the
    historic Summit of Peacemakers at Sharm al-Sheikh, where 29 nations,
    including 13 Arab nations, for the first time condemned terrorism in
    Israel and anywhere else it occurs in the Middle East and throughout the
    world; at the G-7 summit in Lyons and the recently held follow-on
    conference we called for in Paris, where we were represented ably by the
    Attorney General.
        Now, the point of all these efforts with other countries is not to
    talk but to act. More countries are acting with us. More countries are
    taking the ``no sanctuary'' pledge and living up to their extradition
    laws so that terrorists have no place to run or hide. More countries are
    helping us to shut down the gray markets that outfit terrorists with
    weapons and false documents.
        Last week in Paris, the G-7 nations and Russia agreed to pursue a
    sweeping set of measures to prevent terrorists from acting and to catch
    them if they do. And we set timetables with specific dates by which
    progress must be made. We're also working with Saudi Arabia to improve
    the security of our forces stationed there, so that we can continue to
    deter aggression by rogue states and stand against terrorism in the
    Middle East.
        After Khobar Towers, I immediately ordered investigations by the FBI
    and a commission headed by General Wayne Downing, which is to report to
    me later this month. While it's too early to reach conclusions, these
    investigations are moving aggressively in cooperation with our host. And
    we are working with the Saudi Government to move almost all our troops
    to other bases to better protect them from terrorist attacks.
        Even though we're working more closely with our allies than ever and
    there is more agreement on what needs to be done than ever, we do not
    always agree. Where we don't agree, the United States cannot and will
    not refuse to do what we believe is right. That's why we have maintained
    or strengthened sanctions against states that sponsor terrorism: Iran,
    Iraq, Libya, and Sudan. You cannot do business with countries that
    practice commerce with you by day while funding or protecting the
    terrorists who kill you and your innocent civilians by night. That is
    wrong. I hope and expect that before long our allies will come around to
    accepting this fundamental truth.
        This morning I signed into law the Iran-Libya sanctions act. It
    builds on what we've already done to isolate those regimes by imposing
    tough penalties on foreign companies that go forward with new
    investments in key sectors. The act will help to deny them the money
    they need to finance international terrorism or to acquire weapons of
    mass destruction. It will increase the pressure on Libya to extradite
    the suspects in the bombing of Pan Am 103.
        With us today, as I said before, are some of those families and the
    loved ones of other victims of terrorism sponsored by Iran and Libya.
    Let me repeat the pledge I made to them earlier. We will not rest in our
    efforts to track down, prosecute, and punish terrorists and to keep the
    heat on those who support them. And we must not rest in that effort.
        The second part of our strategy is to give American law enforcement
    officials the most powerful tools available to fight terrorism without
    undermining our civil liberties. In the wake of Oklahoma City, I
    strengthened the terrorism bill I had previously sent to Congress but
    which had not then been passed. Despite the vow of Congress to act
    quickly, it took a year before that bill came to my desk to be signed.
        The bill had some very good points. It made terrorism a Federal
    offense, expanded the role of the FBI, imposed the death penalty for
    terrorism. As strong as it was, however, it did not give our law
    enforcement officials other tools they needed and that they had asked
    for, including increased wiretap authority for terrorists to parallel
    that which we have for people involved in organized crime now, and
    chemical markers for the most common explosives so that we can more
    easily track down bombmakers.
        After the bombing in Atlanta, Congress said it would reconsider
    these and other measures. I immediately called the congressional
    leadership to the White House and urged them to put together a package
    and vote it into law before they left for the August recess last Friday.
    I am disappointed, and more importantly, the America people are
    disappointed that that job was not done. These additional measures would
    save lives. They would make us all more secure. When the Congress
    returns from the

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    August recess, we will take them up again, and we must get the job done.
        There is more I will ask Congress to do. Next month I will submit to
    Congress the ``International Crime Control Act'' that our Justice,
    State, and Treasury Departments drafted at my request, because more and
    more, terrorism, international organized crime, and drug trafficking are
    going hand in hand. This bill expands our fight against money
    laundering, so criminals and terrorists will have a tougher time
    financing their activities. It strengthens our extradition powers and
    border controls to keep more criminals and terrorists out of America. It
    increases the ability of American law enforcement to prosecute those who
    commit violent crimes against Americans abroad. Congress should pass it.
        And once again, I urge the Senate to ratify the Chemical Weapons
    Convention, so that we can eliminate chemical weapons stockpiles and
    give our law enforcement new powers to investigate and prosecute people
    planning attacks with such weapons. We have seen the terrible,
    destructive impact of sarin gas in the Tokyo subway. Within a month of
    that attack, Japan's Diet ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, but
    we still have not done so. If the Chemical Weapons Convention were in
    force today, it would be much more difficult for terrorists to acquire
    chemical weapons. They are not waiting, and we shouldn't either.
        Finally, the third front of our struggle against terrorism is the
    airports and airplanes that bring us all closer together. Air travel
    remains the safest form of transportation. And our airlines have the
    best safety record and security record in the business. But that's a
    small consolation when a single attack can take so many lives.
        Last year we began field testing new high-tech explosive detection
    machines in Atlanta and San Francisco. We significantly increased
    security at our airports, and the FAA created a new Government and
    industry panel to review airline security.
        After the TWA crash, I ordered new measures to increase the security
    of air travel. As any of you who have flown in recent days will have
    noticed, we're doing more hand searches and machine screening of
    luggage. We're requiring preflight inspections for every plane flying to
    or from the United States--every plane, every cabin, every cargo hold,
    every time. The Vice President is leading a commission on aviation
    security that is to report back to me within 45 days with an action plan
    to deploy machines that can detect the most sophisticated explosives and
    other needed changes.
        Now, I know all this has led to some extra inconvenience for air
    travelers, and it may lead eventually to a modest increase in the cost
    of air travel. But the increased safety and peace of mind will be worth
    it.
        So, greater international cooperation, stronger American law
    enforcement, safer air travel, these are the fronts of our concerted
    strategy against terrorism. Much of this work by law enforcement,
    intelligence, and military professionals goes unheralded, but we are
    getting results. For example, we prevented attacks on the United Nations
    and the Holland Tunnel in New York. We thwarted an attempt to bomb
    American passenger planes from the skies over the Pacific. We convicted
    those responsible for the World Trade Center bombing and arrested
    suspects in the Oklahoma City and Unabomber cases. We've tracked down
    terrorists around the world and extradited more terrorists in 4 years
    than in the previous 12.
        But I want to make it clear to the American people that while we can
    defeat terrorists, it will be a long time before we defeat terrorism.
    America will remain a target because we are uniquely present in the
    world, because we act to advance peace and democracy, because we have
    taken a tougher stand against terrorism, and because we are the most
    open society on Earth. But to change any of that, to pull our troops
    back from the world's trouble spots, to turn our backs on those taking
    risks for peace, to weaken our opposition against terrorism, to curtail
    the freedom that is our birthright would be to give terrorism a victory
    it must not and will not have.
        In this fight, as in so many other challenges around the world,
    American leadership is indispensable. In assuming our leadership in the
    struggle against terrorism we must be neither reluctant nor arrogant but
    realistic, determined, and confident. And we must understand that in
    this battle we must deploy more than police and military resources.
    Every one of you counts; every American counts.
        Our greatest strength is our confidence. And that is the target of
    the terrorists. Make no mistake about it: The bombs that kill and maim
    innocent people are not really aimed at them but at the spirit of our
    whole country and the spirit of freedom. Therefore, the struggle against

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    terrorism involves more than the new security measures I have ordered
    and the others I am seeking. Ultimately, it requires the confident will
    of the American people to retain our convictions for freedom and peace
    and to remain the indispensable force in creating a better world at the
    dawn of a new century.
        Everywhere I travel on behalf of our country I encounter people who
    look up to us because of what we stand for and what we're willing to
    stand against. I have said this before, but when Hillary and I visited
    the Olympic Village, I was so moved by the athletes who came up to me
    and talked about what America had meant to their country: a young
    Croatian athlete who thanked me for our efforts there, not long after
    Secretary Brown's plane crashed and Secretary Kantor had finished the
    mission; an Irish athlete who thanked me for our efforts to bring peace
    in Northern Ireland; a Palestinian athlete who said that he came from a
    very old people, but they never had an Olympic team until they made
    peace with Israel, and that many people wanted to keep that peace.
        This responsibility is great, and I know it weighs heavily on many
    Americans. But we should embrace this responsibility because at this
    point in time no one else can do what we can do to advance peace and
    freedom and democracy and because it is necessary at this point in time
    for our own peace and freedom and prosperity.
        As we remember the centennial Olympics, the weeks of courage and
    triumph, the wonder of the world's youth bound together by the rules of
    the game in genuine mutual respect, let us resolve to work for a world
    that looks more like that in the 21st century, to stand strong against
    the moments of terror that would destroy our spirit, to stand for the
    values that have brought us so many blessings, values that have made us
    at this pivotal moment the indispensable nation.
        Thank you very much.

    Note: The President spoke at 10:26 a.m. in the Lisner Auditorium. In his
    remarks, he referred to Stephen J. Trachtenberg, president, and Harry
    Harding, dean, Elliott School of International Affairs, George
    Washington University; former Senator George S. McGovern of South
    Dakota; and Mayor John Dorin of Montoursville, PA.