    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1996, Book II)]
    [July 9, 1996]
    [Pages 1088-1095]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With Prime Minister
    Binyamin Netanyahu of Israel
    July 9, 1996

        The President. Good afternoon. Please be seated. I'm very glad to
    welcome Prime Minister Netanyahu to the White House. This is his first
    visit since taking office, and it gave me an opportunity to congratulate
    him on his victory in the election in May.
        Israel has changed governments, but as I told the Prime Minister,
    the historic relationship between the United States and Israel has not
    and will not change. The bonds that unite us are as strong as ever
    today. I am proud that our relationship is broader, deeper, and more
    firmly rooted than at any time in Israel's history. And I am determined
    that it should remain so.
        The Prime Minister and I had a good talk on many issues. At the
    heart of our discussions was the question of how to bring a
    comprehensive peace that is secure and lasting to the Middle East. I
    told the Prime Minister that I am committed to maintaining the progress
    that has been made toward that goal, and he told me the Israeli people
    had given him a mandate to make peace with security, a peace that will
    bring at each stage a growing sense of security for the people of Israel
    and all the people of the

    [[Page 1089]]

    Middle East. The Prime Minister and his Arab partners can count on the
    full support of the United States towards that end.
        Peace that we seek is not an abstraction. It must bring security,
    dignity, and a better life for Arabs and Israelis alike. Above all,
    peace and security must be indivisible, because peace without security
    is impossible, and true security without peace cannot be achieved.
        I was encouraged by the Prime Minister's statement that he will be
    working closely with the Palestinian Authority on full implementations
    by both sides of the Declaration of Principles and the Interim Agreement
    and on easing economic conditions on the Palestinians. We also agreed on
    the importance of negotiations with the Syrians. We both believe it is
    vital to continue to bring the nations of the Middle East together
    through regional initiatives and through institutions, especially
    economic ones such as this fall's Cairo economic summit.
        We spoke at length about the threat posed to our mutual interests by
    terrorism. After the brutal attack on Dhahran, Americans understand
    better than ever that, as the Prime Minister himself has written, free
    societies must mobilize their resources, their ingenuity, and their will
    to wipe out this evil from our midst. I am pleased, therefore, to
    announce that we have agreed that the first meeting of the U.S.-Israel
    counterterrorism group created this past spring will take place this
    month. Our cooperation will be a key element in the global effort to
    defeat terrorism, an effort America has led at Sharm al-Sheikh and the
    G-7 conference.
        We're also stepping up our joint efforts against the threat posed to
    Israel by missile proliferation. The United States has agreed to provide
    shared early warning information in Israel beginning before the end of
    next year--this year, excuse me.
        Let me close by repeating something that I said to the Prime
    Minister in one of our earliest conversations in 1992. I said then I
    didn't believe the United States could make peace on behalf of Israel,
    that only Israel and its neighbors could make these decisions through
    direct negotiations. I felt that our contribution should be to minimize
    the risks to Israel of making peace so that Israel could have the
    confidence necessary to make a peace that will last. I still believe
    that.
        That is why our commitment to Israel's security remains rock solid,
    why we'll continue to do whatever is necessary to ensure Israel's
    qualitative edge, why Israelis and no one else will ultimately have to
    decide the terms upon which Israel will make peace. Those who would try
    to drive a wedge between Israel and the United States will not succeed.
    We will strengthen the bonds between us, bonds that have helped to make
    possible the dramatic changes in the Middle East since 1992.
        Now Israel is no longer alone in the region. Courageous Arab leaders
    have put aside decades of hostility and suspicion to extend the hand of
    partnership in peace. Just as we stand by Israel, so we will also stand
    with those in the Arab world who seek peace. I am confident that those
    who join us in the search for peace will see that they have made the
    right choice.
        Mr. Prime Minister.
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. Thank you, Mr. President. I'd like to
    thank you, Mr. President, for your gracious hospitality, a quick but
    very good lunch, for your warm welcome, which I think all the members of
    the delegation feel is genuine and is, I think, in the best traditions
    of American-Israeli relations. I hope you'll give us the opportunity to
    reciprocate in the near future. And I'd very much like to welcome you
    soon in Jerusalem.
        The purpose of this visit is to express Israel's appreciation for
    American support and also to reaffirm that the relationship between our
    two countries transcends personalities and politics and parties. It is a
    bond between two peoples and a bond which I think has few equals in the
    international arena. And I think--and I know--that our relationship is
    today as solid as ever, and it will continue to be solid and friendly in
    the utmost degree.
        I want to thank you, Mr. President, for the decisions you have made
    in this visit regarding enhancing Israel's security. We discussed a
    broad range of subjects whose goal is to enhance security and to achieve
    peace. And we discussed the many problems and challenges that face us
    still through the Oslo process and the negotiations with Syria.
        I think we agree that those who are on the side of peace must show
    complete dedication to the fight against terrorism. Anything less will
    simply not do. Israel is eager to make progress, but we cannot do so
    alone. We want to live up to the agreements, but we cannot be the only
    side to do so. We're willing to move forward, but we cannot move forward
    without reci-

    [[Page 1090]]

    procity. And for us, the key word is reciprocity and the fulfillment of
    obligations undertaken by both sides. And while we yield to no one in
    our desire for peace, on the question of security and terrorism, we will
    not accept the notion that peace and terrorism can coexist under one
    roof. I'm confident--I must say, I was confident before I came here and
    even more confident after I've had the opportunity to explore in some
    depth with President Clinton these and other issues--I'm confident that
    we can overcome the hurdles that face us and continue with a genuine
    process of seeking peace with security.
        I have to say that I think that the Middle East needs something more
    than just the quest for these two areas. I think what we need in the
    region is a badly missing education for the peoples of the area for
    peace and human rights and democracy. I think we need a new way of
    thinking about relations between peoples and about relations with each
    other.
        Our neighbors' children will accept and will learn to live with our
    children when they are taught that Israel is an integral, legitimate
    part of the region and that it is here to stay. And I think some serious
    efforts in this direction are needed. I think they will do as much and
    possibly more than all the agreements that we seek to achieve. And I'm
    sure that we have the resolve and we have the determination to work with
    those Arab leaders who are interested in a genuine peace to effect a
    psychological transformation in our area among the peoples, ultimately
    to guarantee the peace that we are working for and that we will strive
    for and that we all deserve, Arab and Jew alike.
        The President. Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press].
        Q. Mr. President----
        The President. Well, let me say, first of all, how we're going to do
    this. We'll have one question from an American journalist, and then the
    Prime Minister will call upon an Israeli journalist. And we'll alternate
    until you run us out of the room.

    Middle East Peace Process

        Q. Mr. Prime Minister, what did you tell the President about
    observing the concept of land for peace, pulling out troops from Hebron,
    and a possible meeting with Yasser Arafat?
        And to you, Mr. President, after today's meeting, are you convinced
    that Prime Minister Netanyahu will pursue the peace process with as much
    determination and vigor as Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres?
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. We have now a history of negotiations with
    the Arab side, or I should say with Arab parties. I, myself, went to
    Madrid to initiate the breakthrough peace conference that opened up the
    direct negotiations between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors, the
    Syrians, the Palestinians, the Jordanians. We disagreed on this issue
    with the Arab delegations at the time but this didn't prevent us from
    convening in the room.
        We have our own interpretation of land for peace, our own
    interpretation of 242 and 338 that calls for Israel to make concessions
    of land in order to achieve secure and recognized boundaries. As you
    know, Israel has made substantial concessions on all fronts. And the
    question remains, what are secure and recognized boundaries? Or for that
    matter, does fairness require that Israel yield 100 percent and the Arab
    sides yield zero percent? And will we have secure boundaries on the '67
    borders? Well, obviously, we think differently.
        Rather than delve into this discussion and into this debate, I again
    point to the direction that was achieved in Madrid and has been, I
    think, the basic guiding principle, namely that we can have different
    interpretations but that none of us tries to coerce the other side to
    accept our own positions as a starting point for negotiations, which
    have to be left open to their conclusion, obviously. And that is what we
    will do with the Syrians and with others.
        On the question of Hebron, we have two commitments. We have a
    commitment to fulfill our obligations, and we have a commitment to
    maintain security. And the problem in Hebron is a serious problem of
    security. No government, including the previous government, could act
    precipitously in Hebron because the potential for explosion there is
    immense, and it could entail the kind of tragedies that we saw in Hebron
    recently, or for that matter, a few decades ago in 1929 when the entire
    Jewish community was massacred. We've had terrible violence directed at
    both sides. Hebron to us is also a subject of deep historical
    attachment. It's the oldest Jewish community on Earth, 3,500 years old.
        So this has to be treated carefully. I'm looking into the problem. I
    explained to President Clinton in some detail our concerns and how we
    seek to reconcile these two interests, fulfilling

    [[Page 1091]]

    commitments on the one hand and maintaining security on the other. This
    is something I will discuss with my Cabinet colleagues, and I assure you
    that I'll be in touch with the President as we continue our
    deliberations.
        The President. You asked me----
        Q. About Mr. Arafat.
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. You asked did we discuss Mr. Arafat?
        Q. No. Are you willing to meet with Mr. Arafat? Do you plan to meet
    with Mr. Arafat soon?
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. Well, as you know, we have ongoing
    contacts with Mr. Arafat and with the Palestinian Authority. I have my
    own representatives who have been meeting with him on a regular basis,
    and we'll expand these contacts both in frequency and the level of the
    personnel involved. I said that if I deem it necessary for peace or for
    the interest of Israel to meet Arafat, I wouldn't rule it out, and I
    have not changed my position.
        The President. You asked what I said to the Prime Minister. I said,
    first of all, I thought it was very important that there be a
    reaffirmation of the commitments that Israel has made in Oslo I and Oslo
    II, in all the accords that were signed; second, that I thought that
    there should be an attempt to continue the comprehensive peace process,
    that it was essential to keep working with the Palestinians, there
    should be an attempt to reengage Syria, to work on the problem of
    Lebanon.
        You asked if I thought that the Prime Minister would pursue the
    peace process with vigor. The answer to that is, I believe that he will.
    There was an election in Israel. The Israeli people made a decision.
    Part of that decision was to take a different approach to the peace
    process from this point forward, at least somewhat different. Israel is
    a democracy. They made that decision. The Prime Minister has very strong
    views.
        But I think if you look at the mandate that he received--and he's
    better to talk about it than I am--but I believe that the tide of
    history cannot be turned and that going back--and I said this to the
    Arab leaders very firmly before the last summit in Cairo--it would be a
    bad mistake. I think that we have to find a way for these parties to
    make their own peace. None of us from the outside can impose it on them.
    None of us should seek to impose it on them. The interest of the United
    States is to reduce the risks for peace undertaken by the peacemakers.
        But I believe that we need to keep the tide of history going,
    because I don't believe there can be, ultimately, final security for the
    people of Israel without a resolution of the peace process that is
    positive. So I believe that the process will go forward. And I think
    we're going to have necessarily a period of adjustment, and those of us
    who care about it need to try to minimize the negative and maximize the
    positive and get through it as well as possible.
        Q. Mr. Prime Minister and Mr. President, do you share the view that
    you cannot negotiate peace with Syria as long as Syria harbors
    terrorists in Damascus? And will you, Mr. President, call President
    Asad, just as you did after every previous visit of state head from
    Israel, and tell him that he still has a partner for peace?
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. Well, I have said that I am prepared to
    negotiate with President Asad of Syria on peace. And I can tell you that
    the first item on my agenda would be the cessation of all terrorist
    attacks from Syrian-controlled areas in Lebanon via Hezbollah, or for
    that matter, other terrorist attacks from groups based in Syria.
        And I think it's only right. I think that it's peculiar to have
    peace talks that are progressing while you have a terror campaign
    parallel to it. So the cessation of hostilities usually precedes all
    peace negotiations. In fact, I'm hard pressed to find exceptions in
    modern history. And if there are exceptions, we shouldn't follow the
    exception; we should follow the rule.
        This is what I would do. And I think that this would be conducive to
    building trust that is badly needed between Israel and Syria in order to
    move forward with the negotiations on much more sensitive issues.
        The President. I would make two points very quickly. First, the
    United States is opposed to terrorism as practiced by anybody, anywhere.
    And our concerns with that have been an impediment in the improvement of
    our relations with Syria, which we have sought on its own merits and as
    a way to aid peace in the Middle East. We have an uncompromising
    position on terrorism, and we will maintain it, even if we have to pay
    for it from time to time.
        Secondly, I do intend to communicate with President Asad. I have to
    decide--you're the first person that asked me about a telephone call, so
    it hadn't occurred to me one way or

    [[Page 1092]]

    the other. It just sort of happened before. But we stay in regular
    contact about the peace process. And I have before, and I will again, on
    the basis of this meeting, reaffirm my belief that he should maintain
    contacts with Israel and discuss peace without preconditions.
        Q. Mr. President, some 150 U.S. rabbis sent you a letter yesterday
    asking you to cut off aid to the Palestinians and Israel if they don't
    live up to their commitments under the peace process. Is that something
    you would even consider doing? And short of that, what other steps might
    be considered to ensure compliance with the proposals in the peace
    process, such as tying U.S. aid to a continued moratorium on settlements
    in the occupied territories?
        The President. Well, first of all, we have found pretty good results
    when we've worked closely with the Palestinians in getting increased
    compliance. And I think the absence of large terrorist attacks in Gaza
    and the West Bank is evidence of their increased capacity--which is
    different from their will--not only their increased will but their
    increased capacity to comply with the terms and the agreements which
    bind them as well as Israel.
        So I don't believe that I should talk about what I would do if it's
    obvious that they had abandoned any attempt to comply with their
    obligations when it seems to me that, at least in the areas where we've
    been principally concerned, they have been willing to do more and they
    have been increasingly able to do more. So I want to focus on the
    ability of Mr. Arafat to succeed in holding up his end of the bargain.
    And if there comes a time when it's obvious they have no intention of
    doing that, then I'll cross that bridge when I come to it.

    Israeli Election

        Q. Can you explain to Mr. Netanyahu why you, Mr. President, and your
    administration were perceived as though it supported forcefully Mr.
    Peres to become the next Prime Minister?
        The President. I don't think it needed that much explaining.
    [Laughter] If there's one thing I've learned in years of dealing with
    Mr. Netanyahu, he's a very bright man. Sometimes I wish I could explain
    things that don't need much explaining.
        The important thing is----
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. Mr. President, we didn't discuss the
    election results.
        The President. We didn't discuss it at all. That's right.
        Yes, go ahead, Wolf [Wolf Blitzer, CNN].

    U.S. Economic Aid to Israel

        Q. Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister--in the past, Mr. Prime
    Minister, as the opposition leader in Israel, you've spoken about the
    need for Israel itself to voluntarily move away from its economic
    dependence on U.S. economic as opposed to military assistance. Are you
    willing now to give up that $1.2 billion a year in economic assistance
    given Israel's economic progress?
        And Mr. President, would you welcome a decision by Israel to give up
    that U.S. economic aid at this moment?
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. You're quite right that I intend to move
    Israel towards economic independence. It's not a simple or a one-shot
    move. It requires a strategy and some very hard decisions, like the kind
    we took just 2 days ago in a record cut of the budget, which is merely
    one part of our economic policy, which will also be deregulation,
    privatization, the breakup of cartels, and so on--all of which is hard
    to do, because of vested interests, with political costs, and certainly
    in the economic budget cuts, with considerable pain in some quarters of
    the population. But I'm committed to doing it. And I have no doubt that
    this policy pursued over the course of the coming 10 years will be able
    to move Israel considerably towards that goal of economic, and I stress
    the word economic, self-sufficiency.
        This doesn't mean that I can do it tomorrow, and I haven't said that
    I will. The only news that I can give you, Wolf, is that this is a visit
    of a Prime Minister to Washington without a bag of goodies that we ask
    for. We came in saying, ``We're doing it on our own. We're cutting our
    budgets, and we'll handle it on our own.'' But I must say that I
    appreciate the military assistance and the assistance in the security
    field especially, including the decisions the President took in this
    visit regarding early warning systems that are so important for us. And
    this is something that I think is appreciated by the entire people of
    Israel.
        The President. I agree with the Prime Minister's statement. I think
    that the capacity of the Israeli economy to grow because of the talents
    and the diversity of its people, the strength of the people, is
    virtually unlimited. I think it

    [[Page 1093]]

    will really take off in the years ahead. I think we should be supportive
    of that process. And there may come a time when aid is no longer needed
    and no longer sought, but I don't believe that this is the time to do
    anything to destabilize where we are. We need to focus on our goals in
    the Middle East, including greater economic prosperity in Israel and for
    our Arab supporters of the peace process as well.

    Israeli Settlements

        Q. Mr. President, how do you see the settlement policy of the new
    Government of Israel? And, Mr. Prime Minister, can you react to the
    President's response to this question, please?
        The President. Well, first of all, keep in mind the settlements as
    an issue in the abstract, or the larger issues of settlements, are, by
    prior agreement of the parties, to be resolved by agreements. That's the
    first thing.
        Secondly, we know as a practical matter that the settlements issue
    can become a contentious one, can become a problem--not the only problem
    in the peace process. So it's something that we have said repeatedly has
    to be handled with great care.
        Now, I think just saying those two things is about all that needs to
    be said. This is something that the more you talk about it, you could do
    more harm than good in the ultimate peace process. But I think those are
    the two touchstones, the lodestars that ought to guide decisions as we
    go along on settlements.
        Mr. Prime Minister.
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. Thank you, Mr. President. I had the
    opportunity to present to the President and earlier to the Secretary of
    State some statistics that showed that the--under the last 4 years under
    the Labor government of Mr. Rabin and Mr. Peres, the population of the--
    the Jewish population in the areas of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza grew by
    50 percent--five-zero--roughly at a rate of 10 percent a year, and
    compounded it gives you the 50 percent.
        This is natural growth. These are living communities. They have
    families. People get married, they have children. Because of the cost of
    housing in Israel, which is so high--and beyond the green line--also
    people move there to find cheaper housing and so on. So there's been a
    natural growth in the existing communities, and that is--I assume that
    no one here is expecting us to do less than the Labor government on this
    point.
        Secondly, regarding the question of additional or new settlements,
    this is obviously something we don't preclude, but the precise pattern,
    the decision of how, when, where to do this is something that I'll
    deliberate with my colleagues. And we shall do so; we shall reach a
    decision that I think should guide us on how we view the final political
    settlement. I think it's important to have a direction.
        But at the moment what I can tell you is that we have not yet
    decided on the precise pattern of our settlement policies so there is no
    concrete answer to your concrete question.
        The President.  Peter [Peter Maer, NBC Mutual Radio].

    Middle East Peace Process

        Q. Mr. President and Prime Minister, a couple of questions on the
    Palestinian issue. To you, Prime Minister, do you agree with the
    assessment that the President gave a couple of questions back--to the
    assessment of, rather, the Palestinians' will and capacity to deal with
    terrorists and other troublemakers?
        And President Clinton, would you have liked to have heard, or maybe
    you did privately hear, a firmer commitment from the Prime Minister to a
    set time for a meeting with Yasser Arafat?
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. I think that the fulfillment of
    commitments is central. And I am not just saying it as a trick, as a
    ruse, as a stalling device. We inherited two agreements, Oslo I and Oslo
    II, not to our liking. I thought they would lead to an expansion of
    terrorism. I thought they would have other consequences. But I inherited
    them as Prime Minister. And governments keep agreements. The same
    applies to the sides, the parties that sign agreements with the Israeli
    Government. And therefore, we expect the Palestinian Authority to
    fulfill the central commitments it undertook in Oslo. I think this would
    be only natural and this would put them, I would think, in a moral
    position to ask us to fulfill the remaining of our obligations.
        There are two central commitments of Oslo--there are many, but the
    two central ones on which, may I say, I got elected, promising to ensure
    that they're fulfilled. The first one is Jerusalem. There is,
    unfortunately, systemic violations of a solemn commitment that the PLO--
    or I should say, the Palestinian Authority--un-

    [[Page 1094]]

    dertook in Oslo not to have any of their offices or governmental
    activity in Jerusalem. And they have offices in Jerusalem, formal PA
    offices operating in Jerusalem, in direct contravention of Oslo. They
    also have security personnel, in direct contravention of Oslo. We expect
    the Palestinian Authority to desist--cease and desist from these
    activities in order to conform with their obligations. We wish them to
    conform, and we wish ourselves to conform.
        The second major area is security. I think that what has happened 4
    months ago, after the spate of suicide bombings, was that the
    Palestinian Authority realized for the first time that unless it acted
    to curb the terrorist attacks emanating from PLO domains, then no
    government in Israel--and this time I'm talking about the former
    government--even it could not continue with the process. And as a result
    they began to act. And I say ``began.'' They're acting. They've showed a
    capacity to curb terror emanating from their domains if they so wish.
    And this I think the President hit it right on the nail--right on the--I
    think he hit the nail right on the head.
        And the crucial question for us is, A, that this be done fully,
    which means dismantling Hamas--or disarming Hamas and Islamic Jihad
    members from their weapons. It also means not releasing criminals or
    perpetrators of terrorist acts, and a few other things. And this remains
    to be fulfilled. But there has been movement in that direction, which I
    think is important.
        I would say one thing on security. I think the crucial thing, the
    crucial awareness and understanding that we are trying to communicate to
    the Palestinian Authority is that the battle against terrorism cannot be
    episodic. It cannot be a product of whim or tactics or strategy. We're
    moving together towards peace. Don't use terror--indirectly, of course--
    don't use terror as an instrument of policy.
        It is virtually almost true--it is not always hermetically so, but
    it is virtually always the case that most of the terrorists' actions,
    the grievous ones, the terrible ones, that have been launched against us
    are done not by shadowy groups or isolated individuals but by known
    organizations whose activities can be curbed by our negotiating
    partners. And therefore, it is not true to say that by insisting that
    terror be curbed we're hindering the peace process, because it is our
    negotiating partners in the peace process who have the capacity to stop
    the terrorism.
        This is something we expect them to do. This is something they've
    shown a capacity to do. They can continue doing it. And if they do it,
    our response will be very, very positive in a number of areas and
    especially and most directly in the economic areas.
        You know that in Gaza they're suffering. In the PLO--in the PA
    areas, they're suffering because of lack of employment, because of the
    closure. I do not view the closure as a principle that has to be
    enshrined forever. I think we can and we should pursue a policy of
    economic openness with the Palestinian Authority. And I'd like to help
    out in the economic field. But the closure, as you know, is one of the
    consequences of the absence or the failure of the Palestinian Authority
    in the past to conform with their obligations vis-a-vis security and
    fighting terrorism.
        I think it's intertwined. And our policy again is reciprocity--
    fulfill the commitments, I think precisely as the President said, on
    both sides and maintain security.
        The President. Peter, you asked a specific question. Of course, the
    Prime Minister's already addressed this. They clearly have very high
    level contacts already established. And what I said to him, I'd be glad
    to say to you in public. I said, ``I think it's critical to do that, and
    I think the more contact, the better.'' I said what I said here, that I
    have been impressed by the increasing--not only the increasing will but
    the increasing capacity of Mr. Arafat and the Palestinian Authority to
    run their own affairs in security and in other areas. There's a world of
    difference in their ability to do this between now and 1993. And I
    believe that making sure that Israel and the Palestinians were on the
    same page, understood each other, and made the maximum number of
    agreements about how they were going to proceed is critical to keeping
    the peace process going.
        The details of it, I have--you've heard the Prime Minister comment
    on that, and that's a decision for them to make.
        We have one more question over here.
        Q. Mr. Prime Minister and Mr. President, don't you think that Mr.
    Arafat is your peace partner and should not be left out guessing until
    such time that you will see fit for Israeli security to meet with him? I
    think that it is a necessary element which will guarantee both the
    security of Israel and the Palestinians that you meet im-

    [[Page 1095]]

    mediately. And when will you, sir, since you expressed your opinion
    about the closure, when will you lift the closure and allow more
    Palestinian workers to work inside Israel?
        And Mr. President, your administration has spent a great deal of
    time and effort to bring peace to the Middle East, especially between
    the Palestinians and the Israelis. At this juncture, Mr. President,
    don't you think that a summit between Mr. Arafat and Mr. Netanyahu, King
    Hussein, and President Mubarak under your auspices here at the White
    House before November 5th will add a lot of good to the element of
    stability and possibly solution? Because these things which happened
    here at the White House were very fruitful, and they brought a lot of
    good feelings to the people in the Middle East.
        Thank you.
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. I've said that we may have agreements and
    we may have disagreements, but I assure you that one of the things that
    will not happen is that we will not have disagreements as a result of
    lack of communications. The communication channels will be open, they
    will be complete, and they will allow us to understand each other at the
    highest levels.
        You had a second question, I think. [Laughter] What was that?
        Q. Which was, when will you allow more Palestinian workers to work?
        Prime Minister Netanyahu. As soon as the security conditions--I
    deem--as soon as I deem the security conditions will allow it, I will
    ease the closure.
        The President. Let me just say, one of the most encouraging things
    to me about our conversation was the clear understanding the Prime
    Minister showed of the difficulty the closure is imposing on the
    Palestinians, not only in terms of not being able to move across the
    borders and go to jobs in Israel but also in destabilizing their own
    environment and undermining our ability, for example, to encourage
    others from the United States and elsewhere to invest in their
    territory.
        So we understand that. And also, I think that security is clearly
    the test. So this is, obviously, the next area where Mr. Arafat and the
    Prime Minister and his government need to go to try to reach an
    understanding. But I was encouraged by that.
        In terms of your suggestion about a summit, my experience, sir, is
    that when these things are called there needs to be an understanding in
    advance about what is going to be achieved and how it's going to be
    achieved. To be fair to the Prime Minister, he has just taken office not
    very long ago; he's just constituted his government. And I think it
    would be premature to do that at this time.
        But I believe the more contact we have at the higher levels, the
    better off we're going to be and the greater the likelihood of achieving
    peace. But I do not believe it's the appropriate time to do that now.
        Thank you.

     Note: The President's 127th news conference began at 2 p.m. in the East
    Room at the White House. In his remarks, he referred to Chairman Yasser
    Arafat of the Palestinian Authority and President Hafiz al-Asad of
    Syria.