[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1996, Book I)]
[March 15, 1996]
[Pages 456-460]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at a Saint Patrick's Day Ceremony With Prime Minister John 
Bruton of Ireland and an Exchange With Reporters
March 15, 1996

    The President. Mr. Prime Minister, welcome back to the White House.
    Prime Minister Bruton. Thank you. And now may I present this bowl of 
shamrock.
    The President. Thank you. It's very beautiful. We're delighted to 
have you here, and we'd be glad for you to make whatever remarks you'd 
like.
    Prime Minister Bruton. Mr. President, first of all, this gift of a 
bowl of shamrock symbolizes an Irish greeting. And it's a greeting, 
first and foremost, which says thank you, thank you to the United States 
for making a home for so many generations of Irish people who have come 
here to participate in the greatest democracy in the world.
    It's also a way at this particular time of saying thank you to you 
personally for your contribution to giving us peace in Ireland. The 17 
months of the cease-fire during which so many lives were saved, those 17 
months would never have come were it not for the courage that you showed 
and the interest that you took in bringing peace to Ireland. Your 
interest gave confidence to peacemakers in Ireland, and that interest is 
something that I believe will be crucial in bringing peace back to 
Ireland now that it has been, unfortunately, interrupted.
    I believe that the important thing we need to reestablish the cease-
fire has already been achieved. That is the setting of a fixed date for 
all-party talks, the 10th of June of this year. As we know, those who 
are concerned about progress in Northern Ireland, those who are 
concerned from a republican perspective, a nationalist perspective, that 
adequate progress was not being made, were demanding consistently the 
setting of a fixed and unconditional date for talks. That date has now 
been set. The talks will start on the 10th of June.
    Meanwhile, difficult discussions are taking place, mapping out the 
route towards the talks, the various things that need to be done so that 
talks will start in the best possible atmosphere on the 10th of June. I 
want to stress that the only qualification required of any party for 
participation in those talks is that they should not support a campaign 
of violence. Thus the only qualification required for something that we 
want very much, which is full Sinn Fein partici-


[[Page 457]]

pation in these talks, is the reinstatement of the cease-fire. And I ask 
the IRA to reinstate the cease-fire so that Sinn Fein will be able to 
take their unique and deserved part in the talks that will be starting 
on the 10th of June.
    I want to say also, from the point of view of the Irish Government, 
that it is extremely important that these talks, when they start on the 
10th of June, do not become logjammed on one item. Of course, the issue 
of the decommissioning of arms and the very important and difficult 
questions that were so lucidly dealt with by Senator George Mitchell in 
his report--of course those are critical issues which must be dealt with 
in the talks from the very outset and dealt with in a serious way. But I 
want to say that, from the point of view of the Irish Government--and we 
will be participating fully in these talks--we're not willing to allow 
any one item, be it decommissioning or anything else, to prevent 
progress on other items. We want to see a total and comprehensive 
engagement on all of the issues across all of the problems by all of the 
parties.
    And I want to stress that the goal of these talks is truly 
ambitious. It is a comprehensive agreement, not an internal settlement 
within Northern Ireland, a comprehensive settlement dealing with the 
relations between Britain and Ireland, dealing with relations between 
Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland, and of course, instituting 
justice within Northern Ireland and fairness within Northern Ireland 
itself.
    What we're aiming at in that three-stranded approach is a system of 
government for the people of Northern Ireland to which both communities 
can give equal allegiance. All throughout the world where problems of 
this nature exist, where there are two communities mixed together with 
differing national allegiances, the tendency has been in the past for 
one community to be predominant and the other to be subordinate. What 
we're looking for in Ireland is something different. It is a system of 
government where both communities will feel equal, where both will have 
the same loyalty to the institutions each share and each live under. 
That's something which I believe that deserves to happen; it deserves to 
happen in this generation.
    And I recollect, when I first came to this house, and you, Mr. 
President--I've given you some shamrock today--you made me a 
presentation of a book which was entitled ``How the Irish Saved 
Civilization.'' It was about the role of Irish monks in preserving 
learning during the Dark Ages after the fall of the Roman Empire. And it 
quite properly, I think, indicated your realization that we of Irish 
heritage have a capacity to do some things that affect the whole world.
    And it's my view that if we in Ireland can devise political 
institutions, form a society where you have two communities with 
radically different allegiances, and let us not minimize the differences 
of allegiance that exist between unionists and nationalists, if we have 
the imagination, the spirit, and the confidence to devise institutions 
in these talks that will start on the 10th of June, I believe that we, 
Irish people and people of Irish heritage, will again be contributing a 
model to the world, a beacon of hope to the world similar to the one to 
which you drew my attention when you presented me with that most 
excellent book.
    Thank you very much, Mr. President.
    The President. Thank you very much, Mr. Prime Minister, Mrs. Bruton, 
members of the Irish delegation. Senator Mitchell, it's good to have you 
back. And I want to thank you in the beginning for the beautiful Irish 
crystal and the shamrocks. Especially this year, I need a shamrock or 
two--[laughter]--and I will try to put them only to public use. 
[Laughter]
    When the Prime Minister hosted me in Ireland last year at Dublin 
Castle in a room called Saint Patrick's Hall, it struck me that he would 
be back here for Saint Patrick's Day. And I'm glad to have him back in 
this house which was itself designed by an Irishman more than 200 years 
ago, especially since one in four of all American Presidents trace their 
roots back to Ireland.
    I want to thank the Prime Minister for being here especially this 
year because of the extraordinary physical efforts he has made in the 
last few days. He first accepted my invitation, along with President 
Mubarak of Egypt, to join us at Sharm al-Sheikh in Egypt. So he has been 
to Egypt just in the last couple of days before coming here. And I know 
he was at an event last night and made a speech. So we certainly can 
attest to his physical stamina as well as his leadership ability and to 
the evidence that this gives once again to Ireland's willingness to 
stand for peace, not only within Ireland and in Northern Ireland but 
throughout the world.

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And that's something that all of us are very grateful for.
    I also want to take this opportunity to thank you in front of the 
American people for the wonderful way you made me and the First Lady 
feel at home when we were in Ireland. I will never forget that great sea 
of Irish and American flags on College Green in Dublin. And I will also 
never forget that I have not yet collected on my golf game at 
Ballybunion. [Laughter] I expect to be back there as soon as I can.
    I thank you for also recognizing the importance of the historic 
bonds between our countries. This Nation is flooded with Irish-Americans 
in every walk of life, contributing mightily to our welfare and to our 
future. And just as Irish-Americans love our own country, we also love 
the land of our ancestors. So there is a fervent and deep desire in this 
country to do what we can to support the peace that took root in 
Northern Ireland a year and a half ago, to see it grow stronger, to see 
it endure. I want to thank two Irish-Americans who have worked so hard 
for that, our Ambassador, Jean Kennedy Smith, and Senator Mitchell. I 
thank them for their efforts.
    Let me say that when I was in Northern Ireland last year--the 
American people have heard me say this repeatedly, but I want to repeat 
it again--the thing that impressed me most was the obvious deep desire 
of people in both communities for peace. It was overwhelming. It was 
palpable. It was loud. It was unambiguous. It was exuberant. It was 
determined. It seems to me that that alone is enough to send a message 
to those who would resort to bombs and bullets that their ways are the 
ways of the past and that the people cannot be denied the future they 
have decided upon.
    So I want to salute again the Prime Minister for all the work he has 
done to move the peace process forward, from the joint framework 
document to the twin-track process with Prime Minister Major. He has 
shown that he's willing to take risks for peace, and he's achieved some 
significant breakthroughs for which we're all grateful.
    In the aftermath of the terrible bombings in London, his courage and 
his commitment are making a difference again. The February 28th 
announcement by the Irish and British Governments was truly a milestone 
achievement. It sets a firm date for all-party talks on the future of 
Northern Ireland. And that is the goal we have been working for; June 
10th, a firm date, is the goal we have been working for. Violence has no 
place in this process.
    I applaud what the Prime Minister said today: The cease-fire must be 
restored. It must be restored because it is a right and decent and 
honorable thing to do. And it must be restored because, as the Prime 
Minister said, that is the only way the talks can be inclusive. And 
unless everybody is involved in all-party talks, unless the all-party 
talks are all-party talks, that process cannot truly go forward. I want 
to commend the loyalist leaders on the restraint they have shown at a 
time of significant challenge and for working to maintain the cease-fire 
in the face of the recent assaults.
    We want to do all we can here to sustain the momentum for peace. We 
want to work closely with Prime Minister Bruton and his colleagues, with 
John Major and the British Government, with all the parties involved to 
support their efforts to end the violence and move the process forward. 
We can't allow anyone to hijack the future of peace in Northern Ireland. 
We can't allow anyone to deny the children their hopes and the just 
destiny they should have. Again let me say, I will do everything I can 
to support this process. The Prime Minister and I had a very good 
meeting before coming out here. I think we are in clear and complete 
accord on how we should proceed.
    And finally, let me thank again--the American people should know 
that there is no country in the world that has contributed more 
consistently over the last several decades to peace in other parts of 
the world than Ireland. And I thank them for the work that they have 
done. From Lebanon to Cyprus to Bosnia, the Irish are always there to 
take on the most demanding issues in the rest of the world. They have 
made an important contribution to the international police task force in 
Bosnia, which is now led by an Irish commissioner.
    And I certainly look forward to working with Prime Minister Bruton 
when Ireland assumes the European Presidency in July. Even to Americans 
who are not Irish, I would say to you, with Ireland making so many 
labors for peace in so many places in the world more consistently over 
more years than any other nation in the world, it is the obligation of 
the United States to work hard to help to achieve peace in Northern 
Ireland. We are going to do some good work. I think we are going to 
prevail.

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    And so on this happy day for all Irish-Americans, I thank you for 
remembering the book that I gave you. I read it with great fascination. 
It gives every Irish person in the world a unique set of bragging 
rights. [Laughter] And on this day of bragging rights, Mr. Prime 
Minister, I am delighted to welcome you and all of your delegation back 
to Washington.
    Thank you very much.

Northern Ireland Peace Process

    Q. Mr. President, how far can your administration go in helping to 
guarantee that the talks will actually take place on the date stipulated 
and that there will be progress after that?
    The President. I'm not sure how to answer your question in the sense 
that I don't know that any country can guarantee the results of a peace 
process within another country. I can tell you that Senator Mitchell is 
still on the case, and we are still on the case, and we plan to reach 
out to all the parties, to stay in touch with all of them, and to make 
our views known and to do whatever we can to support the disciplined, 
coordinated, and, we believe, proper approach that has been announced by 
the Prime Minister and by Prime Minister Major on February 28th. My own 
view is if we can start the all-party talks and all the parties are part 
of the all-party talks, which means we have to restore the cease-fire, 
and then if all issues are approached in good faith and in a 
comprehensive and disciplined fashion, the chances of a successful 
outcome are pretty good.
    You know, again, it's not for me to comment on the substance of 
these things, but it seems to me that if you look at the differences 
between the parties on a lot of these matters about what life for the 
people of Northern Ireland would look like on the other side of this 
process, those gaps are not too difficult to bridge. I have seen wider 
gulfs bridged just in my time here in the White House.
    So I believe that the real problem is overcoming this enormous 
accumulation of distrust, the emotional scars and baggage of the past, 
and the belief that somehow somebody is going to be tricked by somebody 
else into an outcome in which one side gets what it wants and the other 
side is left standing at the station. I think if we can overcome that 
and get this process started with everybody in good faith, that the 
actual facts of the matter can be resolved. That's what I believe.
    Q. Mr. President, if you had an opportunity to directly address the 
seven people on the ruling body of the IRA, as opposed to Gerry Adams, 
these people who have total mistrust and distrust of the British 
administration, what would you be saying to them to convince them that 
they should trust John Major and the British administration at this 
point in time?
    The President. Well, first of all I would say to them, you don't 
have to trust them at all. You can take these things as they come. But I 
can say that the United States--that our involvement here presumes the 
integrity of any agreement which would be made, and that what you ought 
to do is to realize that all you do, as every poll shows, is weaken your 
case among Irish, whether they're Catholics or Protestants, every time 
you blow up a building and kill somebody when we can get these talks 
started with people representing you and your views in the talks.
    There's no--you don't have to all of a sudden start trusting people. 
You just have to show up, start, go to work, and if your representatives 
and people who have the same concerns that you do reach an agreement in 
good faith, then it will be very hard for that agreement not to be 
carried, first of all, because the United States has placed its good 
faith, if you will, in the ultimate outcome of the product and, 
secondly, because the whole world is looking at this. You can't go 
through an agreement like this, come out and have everybody say, okay, 
these are the following six things we're going to do, and then see it 
come a cropper. I mean, that's what I would say to them.
    I'm not asking all these people to start trusting each other and 
loving each other overnight. That's not what all-party talks are about. 
All-party talks are about everybody shows up; here's the agenda; here 
are the four or five items we have to resolve; you go to work on them. 
If you don't resolve them, you certainly haven't lost anything. If you 
do resolve them, you have perhaps given yourselves and everybody else a 
chance to walk away from a terrible way of spending your life toward a 
more fruitful future for your children.
    Q. Mr. Clinton, how confident are you that the IRA will listen to 
your words and the other impassioned words that have been addressed to 
them?
    The President. I don't know the answer to that. I just know that if 
you look at--what's

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happened in the past hasn't worked. What's happened in the last couple 
of years has a chance of working. And the people whose lives are most 
affected prefer peace to war and prefer progress to violence.
    And I would say again, if you look at the substantive differences 
here, yes, there's the decommissioning issue that has to be addressed 
and has to be resolved. Senator Mitchell did a very good job, I thought, 
of dealing with that whole issue. But if you look at the other--the sort 
of governance questions, the questions about how the people in Northern 
Ireland will live, how do you assure that everybody will be treated with 
dignity, that everybody will be treated fairly, that everybody will have 
their say, those issues, it seems to me, can be resolved.
    There is nothing to be lost here by taking a leap of faith. You 
know, everybody can always go back to behaving in the terrible way they 
once behaved. I mean, you know, there's nothing--that's true, by the 
way, of every human being in the world. Every time somebody decides to 
try to make a change in his or her life, one of the things you always 
know is, if the change fails, you can always go back to doing what you 
were doing. If it's ultimately unsatisfying, if it leads to a dead end, 
what is to be lost in trying? Nothing, nothing.
    That's the argument I make. It's in everyone's self-interest to go 
forward. It is in no one's self-interest to keep their foot on the 
brakes of this process.
    Q. At what level, Mr. President, is your administration in contact 
with Sinn Fein or the IRA?
    The President. I think the only thing that's appropriate for me to 
say to you, sir, is that we have worked hard over this entire process to 
maintain what we thought was an appropriate level of communication with 
the parties involved. And that's all I think I should say about it.
    Q. Do you feel that the administration's allowing Gerry Adams to 
enter this country at this time has been beneficial for the peace 
process?
    The President. Yes. If I didn't think so, I wouldn't have done it.

Note: The President spoke at 2:47 p.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the 
White House. In his remarks, he referred to Finola Bruton, wife of Prime 
Minister Bruton; former Senator George J. Mitchell, Special Assistant to 
the President for Northern Ireland; Prime Minister John Major of the 
United Kingdom; and Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams.