    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1995, Book II)]
    [November 27, 1995]
    [Pages 1784-1787]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    [[Page 1784]]

    Address to the Nation on Implementation of the Peace Agreement in
    Bosnia-Herzegovina
    November 27, 1995

        Good evening. Last week, the warring factions in Bosnia reached a
    peace agreement as a result of our efforts in Dayton, Ohio, and the
    support of our European and Russian partners. Tonight I want to speak
    with you about implementing the Bosnian peace agreement and why our
    values and interests as Americans require that we participate.
        Let me say at the outset, America's role will not be about fighting
    a war. It will be about helping the people of Bosnia to secure their own
    peace agreement. Our mission will be limited, focused, and under the
    command of an American general. In fulfilling this mission, we will have
    the chance to help stop the killing of innocent civilians, especially
    children, and at the same time, to bring stability to Central Europe, a
    region of the world that is vital to our national interests. It is the
    right thing to do.
        From our birth, America has always been more than just a place.
    America has embodied an idea that has become the ideal for billions of
    people throughout the world. Our Founders said it best: America is about
    life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In this century especially,
    America has done more than simply stand for these ideals. We have acted
    on them and sacrificed for them. Our people fought two World Wars so
    that freedom could triumph over tyranny. After World War I, we pulled
    back from the world, leaving a vacuum that was filled by the forces of
    hatred. After World War II, we continued to lead the world. We made the
    commitments that kept the peace, that helped to spread democracy, that
    created unparalleled prosperity, and that brought victory in the cold
    war.
        Today, because of our dedication, America's ideals--liberty,
    democracy, and peace--are more and more the aspirations of people
    everywhere in the world. It is the power of our ideas, even more than
    our size, our wealth, and our military might, that makes America a
    uniquely trusted nation.
        With the cold war over, some people now question the need for our
    continued active leadership in the world. They believe that, much like
    after World War I, America can now step back from the responsibilities
    of leadership. They argue that to be secure we need only to keep our own
    borders safe and that the time has come now to leave to others the hard
    work of leadership beyond our borders. I strongly disagree.
        As the cold war gives way to the global village, our leadership is
    needed more than ever because problems that start beyond our borders can
    quickly become problems within them. We're all vulnerable to the
    organized forces of intolerance and destruction; terrorism; ethnic,
    religious, and regional rivalries; the spread of organized crime and
    weapons of mass destruction and drug trafficking. Just as surely as
    fascism and communism, these forces also threaten freedom and democracy,
    peace and prosperity. And they, too, demand American leadership.
        But nowhere has the argument for our leadership been more clearly
    justified than in the struggle to stop or prevent war and civil
    violence. From Iraq to Haiti, from South Africa to Korea, from the
    Middle East to Northern Ireland, we have stood up for peace and freedom
    because it's in our interest to do so and because it is the right thing
    to do.
        Now, that doesn't mean we can solve every problem. My duty as
    President is to match the demands for American leadership to our
    strategic interest and to our ability to make a difference. America
    cannot and must not be the world's policeman. We cannot stop all war for
    all time, but we can stop some wars. We cannot save all women and all
    children, but we can save many of them. We can't do everything, but we
    must do what we can.
        There are times and places where our leadership can mean the
    difference between peace and war, and where we can defend our
    fundamental values as a people and serve our most basic, strategic
    interests. My fellow Americans, in this new era there are still times
    when America and America alone can and should make the difference for
    peace.
        The terrible war in Bosnia is such a case. Nowhere today is the need
    for American leadership more stark or more immediate than in Bosnia. For
    nearly 4 years a terrible war has

    [[Page 1785]]

    torn Bosnia apart. Horrors we prayed had been banished from Europe
    forever have been seared into our minds again: skeletal prisoners caged
    behind barbed-wire fences; women and girls raped as a tool of war;
    defenseless men and boys shot down into mass graves, evoking visions of
    World War II concentration camps; and endless lines of refugees marching
    toward a future of despair.
        When I took office, some were urging immediate intervention in the
    conflict. I decided that American ground troops should not fight a war
    in Bosnia because the United States could not force peace on Bosnia's
    warring ethnic groups, the Serbs, Croats, and Muslims. Instead, America
    has worked with our European allies in searching for peace, stopping the
    war from spreading, and easing the suffering of the Bosnian people.
        We imposed tough economic sanctions on Serbia. We used our airpower
    to conduct the longest humanitarian airlift in history and to enforce a
    no-fly zone that took the war out of the skies. We helped to make peace
    between two of the three warring parties, the Muslims and the Croats.
    But as the months of war turned into years, it became clear that Europe
    alone could not end the conflict.
        This summer, Bosnian Serb shelling once again turned Bosnia's
    playgrounds and marketplaces into killing fields. In response, the
    United States led NATO's heavy and continuous air strikes, many of them
    flown by skilled and brave American pilots. Those air strikes, together
    with the renewed determination of our European partners and the Bosnian
    and Croat gains on the battlefield, convinced the Serbs, finally, to
    start thinking about making peace.
        At the same time, the United States initiated an intensive
    diplomatic effort that forged a Bosnia-wide cease-fire and got the
    parties to agree to the basic principles of peace. Three dedicated
    American diplomats, Bob Frasure, Joe Kruzel, and Nelson Drew, lost their
    lives in that effort. Tonight we remember their sacrifice and that of
    their families. And we will never forget their exceptional service to
    our Nation.
        Finally, just 3 weeks ago, the Muslims, Croats, and Serbs came to
    Dayton, Ohio, in America's heartland, to negotiate a settlement. There,
    exhausted by war, they made a commitment to peace. They agreed to put
    down their guns, to preserve Bosnia as a single state, to investigate
    and prosecute war criminals, to protect the human rights of all
    citizens, to try to build a peaceful, democratic future. And they asked
    for America's help as they implement this peace agreement.
        America has a responsibility to answer that request, to help to turn
    this moment of hope into an enduring reality. To do that, troops from
    our country and around the world would go into Bosnia to give them the
    confidence and support they need to implement their peace plan. I refuse
    to send American troops to fight a war in Bosnia, but I believe we must
    help to secure the Bosnian peace.
        I want you to know tonight what is at stake, exactly what our troops
    will be asked to accomplish, and why we must carry out our
    responsibility to help implement the peace agreement. Implementing the
    agreement in Bosnia can end the terrible suffering of the people, the
    warfare, the mass executions, the ethnic cleansing, the campaigns of
    rape and terror. Let us never forget a quarter of a million men, women,
    and children have been shelled, shot, and tortured to death. Two million
    people, half of the population, were forced from their homes and into a
    miserable life as refugees. And these faceless numbers hide millions of
    real personal tragedies, for each of the war's victims was a mother or
    daughter, a father or son, a brother or sister.
        Now the war is over. American leadership created the chance to build
    a peace and stop the suffering. Securing peace in Bosnia will also help
    to build a free and stable Europe. Bosnia lies at the very heart of
    Europe, next-door to many of its fragile new democracies and some of our
    closest allies. Generations of Americans have understood that Europe's
    freedom and Europe's stability is vital to our own national security.
    That's why we fought two wars in Europe. That's why we launched the
    Marshall plan to restore Europe. That's why we created NATO and waged
    the cold war. And that's why we must help the nations of Europe to end
    their worst nightmare since World War II, now.
        The only force capable of getting this job done is NATO, the
    powerful military alliance of democracies that has guaranteed our
    security for half a century now. And as NATO's leader and the primary
    broker of the peace agreement, the United States must be an essential
    part of the mission. If we're not there, NATO will not be there; the
    peace will collapse; the war will reignite; the slaughter of innocents
    will begin again. A conflict that already has claimed so

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    many victims could spread like poison throughout the region, eat away at
    Europe's stability, and erode our partnership with our European allies.
        And America's commitment to leadership will be questioned if we
    refuse to participate in implementing a peace agreement we brokered
    right here in the United States, especially since the Presidents of
    Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia all asked us to participate and all pledged
    their best efforts to the security of our troops.
        When America's partnerships are weak and our leadership is in doubt,
    it undermines our ability to secure our interests and to convince others
    to work with us. If we do maintain our partnerships and our leadership,
    we need not act alone. As we saw in the Gulf war and in Haiti, many
    other nations who share our goals will also share our burdens. But when
    America does not lead, the consequences can be very grave, not only for
    others but eventually for us as well.
        As I speak to you, NATO is completing its planning for IFOR, an
    international force for peace in Bosnia of about 60,000 troops. Already
    more than 25 other nations, including our major NATO allies, have
    pledged to take part. They will contribute about two-thirds of the total
    implementation force, some 40,000 troops. The United States would
    contribute the rest, about 20,000 soldiers.
        Later this week, the final NATO plan will be submitted to me for
    review and approval. Let me make clear what I expect it to include and
    what it must include for me to give final approval to the participation
    of our Armed Forces.
        First, the mission will be precisely defined with clear, realistic
    goals that can be achieved in a definite period of time. Our troops will
    make sure that each side withdraws its forces behind the frontlines and
    keeps them there. They will maintain the cease-fire to prevent the war
    from accidentally starting again. These efforts, in turn, will help to
    create a secure environment so that the people of Bosnia can return to
    their homes, vote in free elections, and begin to rebuild their lives.
    Our Joint Chiefs of Staff have concluded that this mission should and
    will take about one year.
        Second, the risks to our troops will be minimized. American troops
    will take their orders from the American general who commands NATO. They
    will be heavily armed and thoroughly trained. By making an overwhelming
    show of force, they will lessen the need to use force. But unlike the
    U.N. forces, they will have the authority to respond immediately and the
    training and the equipment to respond with overwhelming force to any
    threat to their own safety or any violations of the military provisions
    of the peace agreement.
        If the NATO plan meets with my approval, I will immediately send it
    to Congress and request its support. I will also authorize the
    participation of a small number of American troops in a NATO advance
    mission that will lay the groundwork for IFOR, starting sometime next
    week. They will establish headquarters and set up the sophisticated
    communication systems that must be in place before NATO can send in its
    troops, tanks, and trucks to Bosnia.
        The Implementation Force itself would begin deploying in Bosnia in
    the days following the formal signature of the peace agreement in mid-
    December. The international community will help to implement arms
    control provisions of the agreement so that future hostilities are less
    likely and armaments are limited, while the world community, the United
    States and others, will also make sure that the Bosnian Federation has
    the means to defend itself once IFOR withdraws. IFOR will not be a part
    of this effort.
        Civilian agencies from around the world will begin a separate
    program of humanitarian relief and reconstruction, principally paid for
    by our European allies and other interested countries. This effort is
    also absolutely essential to making the peace endure. It will bring the
    people of Bosnia the food, shelter, clothing, and medicine so many have
    been denied for so long. It will help them to rebuild, to rebuild their
    roads and schools, their power plants and hospitals, their factories and
    shops. It will reunite children with their parents and families with
    their homes. It will allow the Bosnians freely to choose their own
    leaders. It will give all the people of Bosnia a much greater stake in
    peace than war, so that peace takes on a life and a logic of its own.
        In Bosnia we can and will succeed because our mission is clear and
    limited and our troops are strong and very well-prepared. But my fellow
    Americans, no deployment of American troops is risk-free, and this one
    may well involve casualties. There may be accidents in the field or
    incidents with people who have not given up their hatred. I will take
    every measure pos-

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    sible to minimize these risks, but we must be prepared for that
    possibility.
        As President, my most difficult duty is to put the men and women who
    volunteer to serve our Nation in harm's way when our interests and
    values demand it. I assume full responsibility for any harm that may
    come to them. But anyone contemplating any action that would endanger
    our troops should know this: America protects its own. Anyone, anyone,
    who takes on our troops will suffer the consequences. We will fight fire
    with fire and then some.
        After so much bloodshed and loss, after so many outrageous acts of
    inhuman brutality, it will take an extraordinary effort of will for the
    people of Bosnia to pull themselves from their past and start building a
    future of peace. But with our leadership and the commitment of our
    allies, the people of Bosnia can have the chance to decide their future
    in peace. They have a chance to remind the world that just a few short
    years ago the mosques and churches of Sarajevo were a shining symbol of
    multiethnic tolerance, that Bosnia once found unity in its diversity.
    Indeed, the cemetery in the center of the city was just a few short
    years ago a magnificent stadium which hosted the Olympics, our universal
    symbol of peace and harmony. Bosnia can be that kind of place again. We
    must not turn our backs on Bosnia now.
        And so I ask all Americans and I ask every Member of Congress,
    Democrat and Republican alike, to make the choice for peace. In the
    choice between peace and war, America must choose peace.
        My fellow Americans, I ask you to think just for a moment about this
    century that is drawing to close and the new one that will soon begin.
    Because previous generations of Americans stood up for freedom and
    because we continue to do so, the American people are more secure and
    more prosperous. And all around the world, more people than ever before
    live in freedom. More people than ever before are treated with dignity.
    More people than ever before can hope to build a better life. That is
    what America's leadership is all about.
        We know that these are the blessings of freedom. And America has
    always been freedom's greatest champion. If we continue to do everything
    we can to share these blessings with people around the world, if we
    continue to be leaders for peace, then the next century can be the
    greatest time our Nation has ever known.
        A few weeks ago, I was privileged to spend some time with His
    Holiness Pope John Paul II, when he came to America. At the very end of
    our meeting, the Pope looked at me and said, ``I have lived through most
    of this century. I remember that it began with a war in Sarajevo. Mr.
    President, you must not let it end with a war in Sarajevo.''
        In Bosnia, this terrible war has challenged our interests and
    troubled our souls. Thankfully, we can do something about it. I say
    again, our mission will be clear, limited, and achievable. The people of
    Bosnia, our NATO allies, and people all around the world are now looking
    to America for leadership. So let us lead. That is our responsibility as
    Americans.
        Good night, and God bless America.

    Note: The President spoke at 8 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White
    House.