    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1995, Book II)]
    [October 31, 1995]
    [Pages 1700-1703]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks on the Balkan Peace Process and an Exchange With Reporters
    October 31, 1995

        The President. Good morning. I have just met with Secretary
    Christopher and our Bosnia negotiating team, led by Ambassador
    Holbrooke. As you know, they are preparing to leave for Day-

    [[Page 1701]]

    ton, Ohio, in just a few moments. There, the Presidents of Bosnia,
    Croatia, and Serbia will start direct negotiations which we hope will
    lead to a peaceful, lasting settlement in Bosnia.
        I want to repeat today what I told President Tudjman and President
    Izetbegovic when we met in New York last week. We have come to a
    defining moment in Bosnia. This is the best chance we've had for peace
    since the war began. It may be the last chance we have for a very long
    time. Only the parties to this terrible conflict can end it. The world
    now looks to them to turn the horror of war to the promise of peace. The
    United States and our partners, Russia, Germany, France, and the United
    Kingdom, must do everything in our power to support them. That is what I
    have just instructed Secretary Christopher and our team to do in the
    days ahead in Dayton. We will succeed only if America continues to lead.
        Already our military strength through NATO and our diplomatic
    determination have advanced the possibility of peace in Bosnia. We can't
    stop now. The responsibilities of leadership are real, but the benefits
    are greater. We see them all around the world, a reduced nuclear threat,
    democracy in Haiti, peace breaking out in the Middle East and in
    Northern Ireland. In Bosnia, as elsewhere, when the United States leads
    we can make progress. And if we don't, progress will be much more
    problematic.
        Making peace in Bosnia is important to America. Making peace will
    end the terrible toll of this war, the innocent lives lost, the futures
    destroyed. For 4 years, the people of Bosnia have suffered the worst
    atrocities in Europe since World War II: mass executions, ethnic
    cleansing, concentration camps, rape and terror, starvation and disease.
    We continue to learn more and more even in the present days about the
    slaughters in Srebrenica.
        The only way to stop these horrors is to make peace. Making peace
    will prevent the war from spreading. So far, we have been able to
    contain this conflict to the former Yugoslavia. But the Balkans lie at
    the heart of Europe, next door to several of our key NATO allies and to
    some of the new, fragile European democracies. If the war there
    reignites, it could spread and spark a much larger conflict, the kind of
    conflict that has drawn Americans into two European wars in this
    century. We have to end the war in Bosnia and do it now.
        Making peace will advance our goal of a peaceful, democratic, and
    undivided Europe, a Europe at peace with extraordinary benefits to our
    long-term security and prosperity, a Europe at peace with partners to
    meet the challenges of the new century, challenges that affect us here
    at home like terrorism and drug trafficking, organized crime, and the
    spread of weapons of mass destruction. A peaceful, democratic, undivided
    Europe will be that kind of partner.
        In Dayton, our diplomats face a tremendous challenge. There is no
    guarantee they will succeed. America can help the parties negotiate a
    settlement, but we cannot impose a peace. In recent weeks, thanks to our
    mediation efforts, the parties to the war have made real progress. The
    parties have put into effect a Bosnia-wide cease-fire. They have agreed
    to the basic principles of a settlement. Bosnia will remain a single
    state comprised of two entities but, I repeat, a single state. There
    must be free elections and democratic institutions of government at the
    national and regional levels.
        Now, beyond this, many difficult issues remain to be resolved. These
    include the internal boundary between the Bosnia-Croat Federation and
    the Serb Republic, the status of Sarajevo, the practical steps that need
    to be taken to separate hostile forces, and the procedures for free
    elections. That's just a few of the difficult issues this team will have
    to confront beginning today.
        I urge the parties to negotiate seriously for the good of their own
    people. So much is riding on the success in Dayton, and the whole world
    is watching. If the parties do reach a settlement, NATO must help to
    secure it, and the United States, as NATO's leader, must participate in
    such an effort.
        Again I say, there is no substitute for American leadership. After
    so many years of violence and bloodshed, a credible international
    military presence in Bosnia is needed to give the parties confidence to
    live up to their own agreements and to give them time to begin the long,
    hard work of rebuilding and living together again. NATO is the one
    organization with the track record and the strength to implement a
    settlement.
        And as I've said many times, the United States, the source of NATO's
    military strength, must participate. If we don't participate in the
    Implementation Force, our NATO partners, understandably, would
    reconsider their own com-

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    mitments. We would undermine American leadership of the alliance. We
    would weaken the alliance itself. And the hard-won peace in Bosnia could
    be lost.
        American troops would not be deployed--I say this again--would not
    be deployed unless and until the parties reach a peace agreement. We
    must first have a peace agreement. And that is what I would urge the
    American people and the Members of Congress to focus on over the next
    few days. They would, if going into Bosnia, operate under NATO command,
    with clear rules of engagement and a clearly defined mission. They would
    not be asked to keep a peace that cannot be kept. But they would make
    sure we do our part in helping peace to hold.
        As the peace process moves forward I will continue to consult
    closely with Congress. If a peace agreement is reached I will request an
    expression of support in Congress for committing United States troops to
    a NATO implementation force. Our foreign policy works best when we work
    together. I want the widest possible support for peace.
        But now it would be premature to request an expression of support
    because we can't decide many of the details of implementation until an
    agreement is clearly shaped and defined. Let me stress again, we aren't
    there yet; there are still difficult obstacles ahead. The focus on
    Dayton must be on securing the peace. Without peace there will be
    nothing for us to secure.
        Earlier this month in New Jersey, I had the privilege of spending
    time with His Holiness Pope Paul--Pope John Paul II. At the end of our
    meeting, the Pope said something to me I would like to repeat. He said,
    ``You know, I am not a young man. I have lived through most of this
    century. This century began with a war in Sarajevo. Mr. President, you
    must not let it end with a war in Sarajevo.''
        All of us must do our part to hear the Pope's plea. Our conscience
    as a nation devoted to freedom and tolerance demands it. Our conscience
    as a nation that wants to end this mindless slaughter demands it. Our
    enduring interest in the security and stability of Europe demand it.
    This is our challenge. And I'm determined to do everything I can to see
    that America meets that challenge.
        Thank you.
        Q. Mr. President, what is the effect of the House resolution on
    these talks? And do you feel hemmed in by them?
        The President. No. No, I wouldn't expect it to have any effect on
    the talks. I think we have to get the peace agreement first. I expect to
    consult intensively with the leaders of Congress, beginning--I believe
    tomorrow the congressional leadership is coming in, and I expect to talk
    to them about Bosnia in detail and then to keep working with the
    congressional leadership and with Members of Congress who are interested
    in this right along, all the way through the process. And I expect them
    to say that they want to ask questions and to have them answered before
    they would agree to the policy that I will embark on.
        Q. Mr. President, looking back at the advice that General Colin
    Powell gave you on Bosnia when he was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
    Staff, was that bad advice, his reluctance to use air power to force the
    parties into negotiations?
        The President. Let me tell you, today we're starting a peace
    process. And we have done things that have brought us to this point. I
    believe we have done the right things. But I think the American people
    should be focused on peace and on the process and the work before us.

    Debt Limit Legislation

        Q. Mr. President, are you going to make peace with the Republicans
    tomorrow and strike some sort of debt extension agreement?
        The President. Well, I look forward to having the opportunity to
    discuss that with them. I know Senator Dole and Leon Panetta have had a
    brief conversation about it. I know that a lot of others are contacting
    the Congress about it. So we'll have a chance to talk about that
    tomorrow as well.
        Q. Are you willing to accept a short-term, through November 29th, as
    has been suggested, extension?
        The President. I think any responsible extension is a move forward.
    I think the main thing is we want to send a message to the world and to
    our own financial markets and to our own people that America honors its
    commitments, that we are not going to see the first example in the
    history of the Republic where we don't pay our bills.
        Thank you very much.
        Q. Mr. President, have you been briefed on the Aldrich Ames damage
    assessment?

    [[Page 1703]]

    Canadian Referendum

        Q. Are you happy about Canada?
        The President. Yes.

    Note: The President spoke at 11:35 a.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the
    White House. In his remarks, he referred to President Franjo Tudjman of
    Croatia and President Alija Izetbegovic of Bosnia-Herzegovina.