    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1995, Book II)]
    [October 23, 1995]
    [Pages 1672-1674]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    [[Page 1672]]

    Letter to Congressional Leaders Reporting on Iraq's Compliance With
    United Nations Security Council Resolutions
    October 23, 1995

    Dear Mr. Speaker:  (Dear Mr. President:)
        Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against
    Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1), and as part of my effort to keep the
    Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to
    obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the U.N.
    Security Council.
        Events in Iraq unfolded dramatically in the weeks following my
    August 3, 1995, letter to you on Iraq in a way that makes absolutely
    clear our firm policy has been the correct one. In the first half of
    August, Iraqi leaders, in both public statements and private remarks to
    U.N. officials, threatened retaliation if the Security Council failed to
    lift sanctions by August 31, 1995. The retaliation was not specified,
    but the Iraqi remarks echoed those made before previous Iraqi acts of
    belligerence. Ambassador Albright and her colleagues from the United
    Kingdom and France called upon the Iraqi U.N. Ambassador, made clear
    that such threats were unacceptable, and urged that Iraq implement all
    relevant Security Council resolutions.
        On August 9, 1995, two of Saddam Hussein's sons-in-law left Iraq and
    were granted refuge in Amman. One of these men, Hussein Kamil, directed
    Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs while holding various
    high level government positions during the 1980s and 1990s. Evidently
    fearful of what the defectors might reveal, Saddam Hussein hurriedly
    invited U.N. weapons inspectors to Baghdad to examine previously
    undisclosed information on his weapons programs. Saddam Hussein offered
    the extraordinary explanation that Hussein Kamil had hid all this
    information from inspectors and Saddam Hussein himself.
        While the international community had long understood that Saddam
    Hussein had pursued a vigorous and extensive weapons program, the
    revelations were still staggering. Ambassador Ekeus, head of the U.N.
    Special Commission on Iraq, reported to the Council that, among other
    things, Iraq had placed biological agents such as anthrax and botulin
    into bombs and missiles and deployed these weapons of terror to military
    bases and airfields in December 1990; lied about the extent of its
    biological weapons program as recently as a few months ago; launched a
    crash program after the invasion of Kuwait to produce nuclear weapons
    within a year; and continued its weapons research and procurement
    activities, including work on uranium enrichment, after the Security
    Council cease-fire resolutions, possibly until quite recently.
        The August 1995 revelations virtually erased what little credibility
    Saddam Hussein may have had left. It seems clear that, were it not for
    the defections, Iraq never would have revealed this information. Saddam
    clearly planned to hide this weapons information until he could use it
    to facilitate the reconstitution of his WMD programs. Saddam Hussein's
    intentions are hardly peaceful. There is every reason to believe that
    they are as aggressive and expansionist as they were in 1990. It is more
    important than ever that the Security Council demand Iraqi compliance
    with all relevant Council resolutions prior to any change to the
    sanctions regime.
        The August 1995 WMD program revelations have overshadowed the fact
    that Iraq has done nothing to comply with its other obligations. Iraq
    continues to drag its feet on its obligations to account for hundreds of
    Kuwaitis and third country nationals missing since the invasion. Iraq
    has not returned the millions of dollars worth of Kuwaiti property
    looted during the occupation. The Iraqi Republican Guards still use a
    large quantity of stolen Kuwaiti military equipment. Iraq continues to
    provide safe haven for terrorist groups. Given this Iraqi track record
    of disrespect for its international obligations, the Security Council
    maintained the sanctions regime without change at the September 8, 1995,
    review.
        Saddam Hussein's unwillingness to comply with the norms of
    international behavior extends to his regime's continuing threat to
    Iraqi citizens throughout the country. We and our allies continue to
    enforce the no-fly zones over northern and southern Iraq as part of our
    efforts to deter Iraq's use of aircraft against its population. As
    reported by Max van der Stoel, the Special Rapporteur of the U.N.
    Commission on Human

    [[Page 1673]]

    Rights, Iraq's repression of its southern Shi'a population continues,
    with policies aimed at destroying the Marsh Arabs' way of life and
    important environmental resources. Along with international and local
    relief organizations, we continue to provide humanitarian assistance to
    the people of northern Iraq. We have facilitated talks between the two
    major Kurdish groups in an effort to help them resolve their differences
    and increase stability in northern Iraq.
        The human rights situation throughout Iraq remains unchanged. Saddam
    Hussein shows no signs of complying with U.N. Security Council
    Resolution 688, which demands that Iraq cease the repression of its own
    people. Iraq announced an ``amnesty'' in July for all opponents of the
    regime, but the announcement was seen by most Iraqis and by
    international human rights observers as an ill-conceived ploy. The
    regime's recently announced plans to amend the Iraqi constitution are
    viewed by Iraqi exiles as a transparent effort to bless an extension of
    Saddam Hussein's presidency.
        Last October, the U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution 949,
    which demanded that Iraq not utilize its forces to threaten its
    neighbors or U.N. operations, and that it not redeploy or enhance its
    military capacity in southern Iraq. However, Saddam Hussein has
    continued to conduct military activities that we believe are intended to
    threaten Kuwait. The defections of Saddam Hussein's family members,
    coupled with indications of heightened Iraqi military readiness,
    increased our concerns that Iraqi leadership might lash out as it did
    last October when we responded during Operation Vigilant Warrior. In
    this time of uncertainty, we felt it prudent to improve the deterrence
    and warfighting capability of U.S. forces within the U.S. Central
    Command area of responsibility. Accordingly, the deployment of a
    mechanized task force was accelerated to participate in a scheduled
    exercise in Kuwait and a ground theater air control system was deployed
    to improve our command and control capability within the region.
    Additionally, 13 prepositioning ships were moved into the Gulf to
    increase our deterrence posture.
        We continue to receive good support from the Gulf States in our
    sanctions enforcement efforts. The Multinational Interception Force
    (MIF) conducting the maritime enforcement of U.N. economic sanctions
    against Iraq continues to serve magnificently. Since October 1994, the
    MIF has diverted to various Gulf ports 14 sanctions-violating vessels,
    which were carrying cargoes of oil or dates having an estimated
    cumulative value of over $10 million. The multinational composition of
    the MIF has been significantly strengthened. Ships from Belgium, New
    Zealand, Italy, Canada, and the United Kingdom have been committed to
    participate in MIF operations for the remainder of 1995.
        The expeditious acceptance of two recently diverted sanctions-
    violating vessels by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait has greatly contributed to
    the deterrent effect of MIF sanctions enforcement operations and has
    also freed enforcement vessels escorting the diverted vessels to return
    to patrol operations. Panama and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have
    deflagged three sanctions-violating vessels while Honduras has enacted
    stricter sanctions enforcement measures and has continued deflagging
    proceedings against vessels involved in violating Iraqi sanctions.
        Security Council Resolution 687 affirmed that Iraq is liable under
    international law for compensating the victims of its unlawful invasion
    and occupation of Kuwait. Although the U.N. Compensation Commission
    (UNCC) has approved some 355,000 individual awards against Iraq worth
    about $1.39 billion, it has been able to pay only the first small awards
    for serious personal injury or death (aggregating $2.7 million). The
    remainder of the awards cannot be paid because the U.N. Compensation
    Fund lacks sufficient funding. The awards are supposed to be financed by
    a deduction from the proceeds of future Iraqi oil sales, once such sales
    are permitted to resume. However, Iraq's refusal to meet the Security
    Council's terms for a resumption of oil sales has left the UNCC without
    adequate financial resources to pay the awards. Iraq's intransigence
    means that the victims of its aggression remain uncompensated for their
    losses 4 years after the end of the Gulf War.
        To conclude, Iraq remains a serious threat to regional peace and
    stability. I remain determined that Iraq comply fully with all its
    obligations under the U.N. Security Council Resolutions. My
    Administration will continue to oppose any relaxation of sanctions until
    Iraq demonstrates peaceful intentions through its overall compliance
    with the relevant resolutions.
        I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts, and shall
    continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue.

    [[Page 1674]]

            Sincerely,

                                                          William J. Clinton

    Note: Identical letters were sent to Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House
    of Representatives, and Strom Thurmond, President pro tempore of the
    Senate.