[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1995, Book I)]
[April 4, 1995]
[Pages 448-455]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



The President's News Conference With Prime Minister John Major of the 
United Kingdom
April 4, 1995

    The President. Good afternoon. Please be seated. I am delighted to 
welcome Prime Minister Major back to the White House.
    Throughout this century, the United States and the United Kingdom 
have stood together on the great issues that have confronted our people. 
Our common cause has been at the heart of our success in two World Wars 
and, of course, in the cold war. In just the last 2 years British-
American cooperation has played an essential role in allowing us to 
reduce the threat of weapons of mass destruction, in promoting peace 
around the world, and certainly in expanding free trade.

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    Today we have continued working in that tradition. We've had 
excellent discussions. We've covered a broad range of issues. We have, 
as always, found much to agree about.
    On security issues, we agreed that the inevitable process of NATO 
expansion must proceed smoothly, gradually, and openly, without any 
surprises. This is essential for extending stability, democracy, and 
prosperity throughout Europe. We believe that, in parallel with the 
enlargement of NATO, the alliance must develop and maintain close ties 
with Russia.
    We affirmed our shared commitment to a political settlement in 
Bosnia, based on the Contact Group plan. The conflict is being prolonged 
because of Bosnian-Serb intransigence. Renewed fighting will not end the 
conflict but only lead to more bloodshed and continued stalemate.
    The Prime Minister and I also vowed to continue working together to 
contain the Iraqi threat to stability in the Persian Gulf region. We are 
deeply concerned that Saddam Hussein could be regaining the ability to 
build weapons of mass destruction. We are determined that Iraq must meet 
all its United Nations obligations. This is no time to relax sanctions.
    The Iraqi people are suffering tremendously under Saddam's tyranny, 
and they do deserve the help of the international community. But easing 
up on a regime that oppresses people will not help them. So while there 
can be no compromise, the United States, the United Kingdom, and 
Argentina have put forward new proposals in the United Nations to get 
food and medicine to the people of Iraq. We hope other nations will join 
these efforts and support our Security Council resolution and pressure 
Saddam Hussein to stop the needless suffering of his innocent citizens.
    Prime Minister Major told me a great deal about his recent trip to 
the Middle East. We both strongly believe this is a hopeful moment for 
broadening the circle of peace. The United States and Europe must 
continue to fight the efforts to derail the peace process by those who 
prefer destruction to peace. It is clear that for peace to take root in 
the region, more economic assistance is vital. Peace and prosperity 
depend upon one another. I applaud the United Kingdom's investment 
program in the West Bank and Gaza, as well as its debt relief measures 
for Jordan. We must all continue to support those who take risks for 
peace.
    Nowhere is this more true than in Northern Ireland. I salute the 
Prime Minister for the tremendous efforts he is making to bring an 
enduring peace to Northern Ireland. Today, Northern Ireland is closer to 
a just and lasting settlement than at any time in a generation, thanks 
in large measure to the vision and courage of John Major. He and Prime 
Minister Bruton of Ireland together introduced the Joint Framework, 
which provides a landmark opportunity to move ahead toward a political 
settlement, one that will be backed by both of Northern Ireland's 
communities. We also agreed that the paramilitaries of both sides must 
get rid of their weapons for good so that violence never returns to 
Northern Ireland.
    And we must work to increase economic opportunity in that area. 
Their prospects have been blighted by bloodshed for too long. Next month 
our White House Conference on Trade and Investment in Ireland will help 
to expand the ties between the United States, Northern Ireland, and 
Ireland's border counties. Building those kinds of bonds will help to 
lead to a better life for all the people of the region.
    The Prime Minister and I discussed some other issues. We agreed on 
the need for an indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty at 
the review conference that begins this month. To further the cause of 
nonproliferation, the Prime Minister joins me in calling for full 
implementation of the framework agreement we negotiated with North Korea 
to end that country's nuclear program.
    And we discussed the need to adapt our international institutions to 
the challenges of the next century at the G-7 summit in Halifax. I was 
particularly impressed by the thinking that the Prime Minister has done 
on this profoundly important issue. The United States and the United 
Kingdom, after all, helped to shape those institutions. They have served 
our interests for the last half century. With the extraordinary 
relationship between our two countries as important as ever, I am 
confident we can make the changes necessary and work together to advance 
our shared values and our common interests, to promote peace and 
democracy and prosperity in the years ahead and, of course, in the 
century ahead.
    Finally let me say, we discussed the ceremonies that will mark the 
50th anniversary of the end of World War II. Because of my prior 
commitments, I've asked the Vice President to

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represent me and all Americans in London on May 8th at services that 
will commemorate the great wartime bravery and sacrifice of so many 
Britons. And I look forward to seeing Prime Minister Major when we go 
together to Moscow on May 9th to pay our respect to the heroism of the 
Russian people in that conflict.
    Mr. Prime Minister.
    Prime Minister Major. Mr. President, thank you very much.
    We've had the opportunity today for a good-humored, worthwhile, 
productive, and very far-reaching series of exchanges on a whole range 
of matters. The President has set out much of the agenda we discussed, 
and I won't reiterate what the President said, except to say that in his 
remarks he spoke not just for the United States but for the United 
Kingdom as well. I share the views he expressed, and I won't reiterate 
them.
    We spent some time looking forward at two separate matters which I 
think are of some importance to both our countries and of wider 
importance as well. The first of them the President just touched on, and 
that was the review of the Bretton Woods institutions and the United 
Nations that we agreed with the other G-7 heads of government at Naples 
last year that we should undertake and return to at Halifax later this 
year.
    We've given a great deal of discussion to that, and I think for a 
range of reasons the time is right to look at a fairly comprehensive 
reform of some of those institutions. And we exchanged some ideas today 
on precisely how we might do that and agreed that we would exchange 
further ideas before we came to the G-7 summit. I think there is scope 
to rationalize some of the international financial institutions.
    We wish to look particularly, in addition to that, at the United 
Nations where there are a number of overlapping functions. I am a very 
strong supporter of the United Nations, and I wish to see the United 
Nations a successful organization for the year 2000. It does seem that, 
looking at it, some of the areas of the U.N. could well do with 
updating, refreshing, to make sure that they are entirely applicable to 
the problems they will have to face in the late 1990's and beyond the 
turn of the century. And I hope very much that we will be able to get 
together with some more of our ideas and float those in greater detail 
when we get to the Halifax summit later on this year.
    We also spent some time looking at the commonality of interests that 
exists between the United Kingdom and the United States. There are a 
huge range of areas where there is common interest, and not just those 
that were discussed--the agreements that we have in terms of policy 
towards Russia, Iran, Iraq, the Middle East, Bosnia, and a range of 
other areas.
    But beyond that, I think there's a commonality of interest in the 
future security and prosperity of the Central and East European states, 
and also with two other matters: First, the further extension of free 
trade, to which I wish to return in just a second; and second, with 
looking together and combating together some of the problems of 
instability, extremism, and terrorism that we can begin to see in parts 
of North Africa, parts of the Levant, and parts of the Middle East. And 
we spent some time considering how we might address some of those 
problems in the future. It was necessarily a discussion that dealt with 
problems that may arise and dealt in some cases, frankly, with 
generalities. But it was an opportunity to look forward, rather than to 
just discuss the immediate topical problems that we face at the moment.
    One area of growing importance that we touched on was the 
possibility of seeing how we can build on the Uruguay round agreement of 
a year or so ago and see how we can move forward to deal with much freer 
trade in financial services, for example, removing many of the nontariff 
barriers that still exist between Western Europe and the United States, 
and seeing how, step by step, we can move forward to a much greater 
element of free trade between North America and the Western European 
nations. That is something that needs to be done. I think it's something 
that's of immense benefit. And I found our discussion on that immensely 
productive and it's one I know that we will both return to in the 
future.
    So I found the discussion not just on contemporary matters of use, 
but I found the sharing of ideas about how we deal with the development 
of the transatlantic relationship to deal with the problems that are 
going to arise in the future and also the examination of the common 
transatlantic view on many of the international problems around the 
world to be a very worthwhile and a very refreshing discussion, and I'm 
delighted we were able to have it.
    And I think the President and I will be happy to take any questions 
anyone may have.

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    The President. Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press].

Taxes

    Q. Mr. President, I would like to ask you about two tax matters at 
home. Congress has sent you a bill that would provide health insurance 
tax deductions for self-employed people. But it also allows 
billionaires, a handful of billionaires, to avoid taxation by renouncing 
their citizenship. Will you sign or veto that measure? And secondly, the 
House tomorrow takes up the Republican tax bill that provides benefits 
to a range of businesses and also a $500 child tax credit for families 
earning up to $200,000 a year. I know you have your own approach, but 
can you live with the Republican approach?
    The President. Well, as to the first question, I strongly support 
restoring deductibility to self-employed people for the cost of their 
health insurance. I think it's unconscionable to have a different 
standard for them than for corporations. And that was a big part of my 
health care reform bill last year. So I'm on record strongly in favor of 
that. As a matter of fact, I'd like to see it expanded.
    I am deeply troubled that the conference committee took out a 
payment mechanism by simply asking billionaires who made their money as 
Americans and largely made their money in the United States to pay the 
taxes they owe and instead to let them evade American income taxes by 
giving up their citizenship now that they have it made. So I'm going to 
have to look at that very closely and examine whether there might be 
some other opportunities to achieve that objective. But it's just wrong 
for us to walk away from that. That's just wrong.
    Now, on the second matter, you know what my views are on that. We 
have two objectives here. I support tax relief for the middle class. I 
support greater tax fairness. I think it should be much more focused on 
things that will raise incomes in the short term and in the long term, 
so I favor a sharp focus on educating people and raising children, on 
families and education. But we cannot afford a cut of that magnitude and 
do the right thing by the deficit. And we should not be cutting taxes in 
ways that benefit very wealthy Americans and require us in turn to cut 
education, which will weaken our country as a whole. Education is the 
middle class social safety net, if you will. It is the key to our 
economic future as well. So I think that's a big mistake. I think it's 
too big. I think it is--we need to focus on the deficit, and we don't 
need to be cutting education and investment in our future to give tax 
relief to people who don't really need it.
    Prime Minister Major. Don MacIntyre [The Independent].

Northern Ireland Peace Process

    Q. Could I just ask the President whether he accepts the British 
Government's pronouncements that Sinn Fein has not yet gone quite far 
enough on decommissioning of arms to justify a ministerial talk? And 
also, could I ask the Prime Minister whether he's satisfied with the 
administration on that issue?
    The President. Well, I think it's a decision entirely for the 
British Government to make when in negotiations with Sinn Fein, when 
ministerial talks are appropriate. I will say this: I was very clear 
when the Adams visa was granted with permission to fundraise that there 
must be an agreement, a commitment in good faith, to seriously and 
quickly discuss arms decommissioning. Without a serious approach to arms 
decommissioning, there will never be a resolution of this conflict.
    And so I think that--I would hope that there would be no difference 
in our position on that because I think the Prime Minister is right 
about that; we have to deal with this arms decommissioning issue. And I 
know that there is an attempt by the government to work with the 
paramilitaries on both sides to achieve that objective, and that's what 
I think should be done.
    Prime Minister Major. Let me just add to that point. We've already 
started discussions at ministerial level with the loyalists 
paramilitaries on decommissioning, and those discussions are proceeding. 
What we're seeking to do is to have exactly the same discussions on 
exactly the same terms with Sinn Fein.
    Now, if Mr. Adams is serious about moving towards peace--and he has 
repeatedly spoken about it--then he needs to discuss with the British 
Government the question of the modalities of decommissioning the arms. 
We need to know how it can be done, when it can be done, what needs to 
be done, a whole series of details. That matter has to be discussed.
    Now, I think it is right for that matter to be discussed at 
ministerial level with Sinn Fein. And we've made it perfectly clear 
that, providing

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they are prepared to discuss that matter--and we've suggested what an 
agenda might be, and we're in discussion with them about that--then I 
think it is right for us to move to ministerial discussion on 
decommissioning of arms.
    What is absolutely clear is that unless we are able to make progress 
on decommissioning of arms, there will be no possibility of Sinn Fein 
sitting down with the democratic political parties, the other democratic 
political parties in Northern Ireland. They simply won't be prepared to 
talk about meeting a settlement until there has been progress on 
decommissioning of arms. So I very much hope Mr. Adams will embark upon 
those discussions speedily.

Iraq

    Q. Mr. President, I just wondered if you could elaborate on 
something you said in your opening remarks about your concerns with Iraq 
and their apparent ability to build weapons of mass destruction.
    The President. I didn't say they had the apparent ability. I said 
they could be regaining it. And what I mean by that--I want to be very 
specific about it--what I mean by that is, unless Mr. Ekeus and the 
international inspectors can certify that they're in full compliance 
with all the relevant United Nations resolutions, then we have no 
assurance that they are not regaining the capacity to move forward with 
weapons of mass destruction. That is what I mean, but that is all I mean 
about it.
    Q. So you're saying you don't have evidence that they are actually--
--
    The President. That they are doing that now? I do not. And I want to 
make clear--that's why I used the word ``could be regaining.''
    The United States position, which the United Kingdom has supported 
and for which I am very grateful, is that we should not relax these 
sanctions until there is full compliance with the resolutions. The 
resolutions were not passed in a careless way. They are carefully worded 
resolutions designed to assure the international community that this 
cannot happen. And unless those resolutions are complied with, the 
international community cannot know that this cannot happen.
    Q. Mr. Prime Minister, do you share that view?
    Prime Minister Major. I share that view, absolutely. I think we need 
to await Mr. Ekeus's report. From all I hear, it's not going to be 
satisfactory about the way Iraq is behaving. We are concerned about the 
humanitarian aspect of people in Iraq. There is a Security Council 
resolution, which I trust is going to be passed, which will open up a 
better possibility for Saddam Hussein to sell oil in order to feed 
people in Iraq. It's an option that will be there. I very much hope 
he'll take that option.
    But on the general relief of sanctions, until he has met the 
Security Council resolutions, met the Security Council resolutions in 
full, and we have seen independent verification that he has met the 
Security Council resolutions in full, then we entirely agree that there 
could be no relief whatsoever from the sanctions that have been imposed.

Northern Ireland Peace Process

    Q. Mr. President, having broken bread with Gerry Adams----
    The President. It's Mr. Major's turn.
    Q. Well, it's to both of you. Having broken bread with Gerry Adams, 
could you, person-to-person, man-to-man, recommend that he speak with 
Gerry Adams himself?
    The President. That's a decision for the Prime Minister to make in 
the context of the peace process. I have said--I said on St. Patrick's 
Day when I spoke then, I will say again, we are where we are today 
because of the risks that John Major has been willing to take for 
peace--and they have been considerable risks to himself, to his party, 
to his government--because he knows that this matter must be resolved. 
And I applaud that. The details of the decisionmaking must be made by 
the participants. And that is a decision for him to make.
    Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International].
    Prime Minister Major. Adam Boulton [Sky TV]--sorry.
    The President. We didn't do a British--go ahead.
    Prime Minister Major. No, no, no--go after Helen. Ladies first. Adam 
Boulton next. He will willingly wait, won't you, Adam? [Laughter]

U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy

    Q. Mr. President, with all due respect, your nuclear policy is 
filled with inconsistencies, replete. You want to stop Russia from 
building a nuclear reactor in Iran. You want to ease sanctions against 
Pakistan, which we believe is developing nuclear weapons. You want Egypt

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to sign the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, and all other states in 
the area. And you never try to persuade Israel, which does have a 
nuclear arsenal, to sign the treaty. Can you explain?
    The President. Well, first of all, I'm trying to remember if I can 
remember all those three things. [Laughter]
    The United States does not want Russia to give the capacity to Iran 
because we don't want that to be the beginning of their increased 
capacity to develop nuclear fuel and technology for other purposes. And 
given their conduct, I think that is the right policy, and I don't have 
any problem with it.
    With regard to Pakistan, the simple question there is whether the 
policy we have pursued in the last few years is achieving its objectives 
and whether we will be a stronger force for peace and reconciliation and 
ultimately for the defanging, in terms of weapons of mass destruction, 
in the area if we change our policy or if we stay with it. I think it's 
time for--I think we should seriously review the policy.
    If you look at the number of people in those countries in South 
Asia, the potential they represent for the future and the powder keg on 
which they sit because of their problems, the United States, it seems to 
me, has an obligation to do the very best we can to bring about the best 
result and the most peaceful result. And that's all we're doing.
    Q. [Inaudible]--even if it's producing weapons?
    The President. We don't support that. We want everybody to be a 
member of the nonproliferation regime. We want everybody to do that. And 
that's why I said what I did to President Mubarak of Egypt. Our position 
is that we want the largest number of people possible to participate in 
the nonproliferation regime and to go forward with its requirements. And 
we want to keep as many states nonnuclear as possible. And we are doing 
our best to reduce the nuclear threat by reducing the number of nuclear 
weapons that we have, in agreement with the Russians and with the other 
former states--states of the former Soviet Union.
    And I think that our policy is consistent if you look at what the 
objective is. The objective is to reduce the threat of nuclear war to 
the world in the future and to reduce the threat of other weapons of 
mass destruction. There still is no more significant obligation I have 
to future generations, and that is the common thread running through all 
these policies.
    Prime Minister Major. Adam.

United Kingdom-U.S. Relations

    Q. Given that as Tories, Democrats are supposedly on the opposite 
side ideologically, and given that we understand Teddy Blair of Labour 
may be coming here soon, I wonder if I could ask you how important you 
think your personal relations are for the relations between our two 
countries?
    Prime Minister Major. Do you want to have first crack at that? 
[Laughter]
    The President. Well, first of all, I think that in foreign policy, 
the differences are not easily discernible by party. We have, as you 
heard today, broad overlap, and indeed, in our country the differences 
among us here in America as Americans in foreign policy don't tend to 
break down along party lines. For example, the Speaker of the House and 
the Senate majority leader supported the position I took on debt relief 
for Mexico, which was opposed by a number of members of their party and 
a number of members of mine.
    So I think there is--at the end of the cold war in this country, and 
I sense throughout Europe perhaps, there are forces arguing for kind of 
an inward-looking approach, a little bit more, if not isolationist, 
disengaged approach. And there are others who believe we must still 
continue to broaden the frontiers of relationships, to expand trade, in 
order to support democracy and prosperity. I am in that latter group. 
Prime Minister Major's in that latter group. Last year at the G-7 
meeting, we were the two strongest proponents of expanding opportunities 
for economic integration of the countries there. So I just don't believe 
that there is a necessary partisan breakdown to our common objectives in 
the world community.
    Secondly, I think we've got a good personal relationship, and I feel 
very comfortable about where it is. And I think it's honest and open. 
And it endures occasional disagreements, but the agreements are far more 
numerous and over the long run should be the shaping factors of our 
relationship.
    Prime Minister Major. The fact of the matter is that we know well 
enough--we know one another well enough and the relationship is good 
enough to have those disagreements. And it doesn't affect the broad sway 
of agreement that

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exists between the two countries. I was fascinated to see that you 
referred to differences between parties and not within parties. And I 
think that's a great advance. [Laughter] I'm delighted--I'm delighted 
you put it that way.
    Let me just make a broader point, really, about the Anglo-American 
relationship. At almost any time there's probably an issue--be 
astonishing if there wasn't, if there wasn't some measure of difference 
on an issue between two sovereign governments, whether they happen to be 
Conservative or Labor in the United Kingdom, Democrat or Republican in 
the United States. But against that, I think you have to look at the 
huge range of things in which the instinctive outlook between the United 
Kingdom Government and the United States Government is exactly the same.
    If you run down most of the great issues of the moment--relationship 
with Russia, relationship with the Middle East, relationship on 
terrorism, relationship with Iran, relationship with Iraq--you won't 
find a scintilla of difference--present policy on Bosnia--between the 
British Government and the United States Government. If you look at the 
two nations that were foremost in propounding a free trade agreement, 
the GATT agreement, and taking that forward, you'll find the same 
relationship, the British and the American Government.
    As for looking forward, I spoke a few moments ago of two areas where 
we've actually been looking forward today, together, of what we might 
actually do in the future. But as to whether the relation is good 
enough, perhaps I can just give you a practical example. If you were to 
spend a weekend, Adam, on one of our nuclear submarines, you would find 
a Trident missile on it. I'm not sure you could travel on anyone else's 
submarine and find a Trident missile on it. And I hope very soon in the 
future that you'll be able to see Tomahawk cruise missiles in the United 
Kingdom armory. And I'm not sure anybody will have those.
    Now, they're practical illustrations of the extent of the closeness 
of the defense, of the security and other relationships between the 
United Kingdom and the United States. And the fact of the matter is, it 
is sufficiently close and has been sufficiently close for a large number 
of years to enable the President and I to have the occasional 
disagreement if we want without any harm coming of it.
    The President. Rita [Rita Braver, CBS News].
    Press Secretary McCurry. Make this the last one.

Russian Nuclear Cooperation With Iran

    Q. If I could get back to the issue of Russia, you said that you do 
not want the Russians to go forward with their plans to sell a nuclear 
powerplant to Iran. What, if anything, did you talk about in terms of 
putting some real pressure on them? Is there anything you can do at this 
point to stop it from going forward? And if they do go forward, will it 
put a damper on the Western relationship with Russia?
    The President. Well, we're continuing to have negotiations and 
discussions with them about it. And I think that's all I can really say 
at this time because we're in the midst of our conversations.
    I thought Helen was going to ask me the question I think you asked 
me the last time, which is, are we trying to discourage Russia from 
selling to Iran the technology we're trying to finance in North Korea. 
The difference is, when I became President, I found a full-blown nuclear 
program in North Korea, which I'm trying to take down. And I don't want 
to leave some future President in the United States and the people of 
Britain with a program in Iran that they have to try to take down. I'm 
going to do the best I can to deal with it.
    Q. Well, a lot of Americans, sir, are questioning whether or not the 
United States can really rely on Russia in any way--[inaudible].
    The President. Well, let's don't jump the gun here. We're having 
these serious discussions. We're working it through. We have a lot of 
interests in a democratic and a reformist Russia. And the Prime Minister 
and I talked about it at some length today. And I think that they have 
done better economically than either the Prime Minister or I thought 
they would a couple of years ago in terms of pursuing the path of 
reform. They have continued to honor their Constitution and their 
electoral system and obligations to democracy. And we're going to have 
differences from time to time, but I wouldn't assume we can't work this 
one out. We're going to keep working hard on it.
    Prime Minister Major. Peter [Peter Riddell, Times of London].

Bretton Woods Institutions

    Q. Mr. Prime Minister, the President mentioned your ideas on the 
Bretton Woods institu-


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tions and the U.N. How much have you worked that up in detail, and what 
would it actually involve? I mean, is it a fully--a several-page plan, 
or what?
    Prime Minister Major. It's developing rather than being developed. 
We agreed last year that we needed to look at some of the overlap there 
was in the Bretton Woods institutions and see how we could look at 
making the--bringing the United Nations a little more up to date.
    If I could just give you a couple of illustrations--if you mean have 
we yet got a detailed, worked-out position between the United Kingdom 
and the United States, the answer is no, we haven't. We've both been 
looking separately, as we agreed we would do at the G-7 summit last 
year, at the sort of ideas we might bring forward for discussion with 
partners at Halifax later on this year and the sort of things that we're 
looking at in--by ``we'' I now mean the United Kingdom--in terms of the 
financial institutions. You'll be aware of the idea we've had in the 
past of selling some IMF gold to help some of the poorer nations. That's 
still on the agenda as far as we're concerned. Looking at perhaps a 
greater degree of rationalization of some of the activities of the IMF, 
OECD, and the World Bank--that's an area we're looking at.
    We'd like to look at the way in which poverty is dealt with through 
the U.N. There seem to us to be a number of overlapping agencies, a 
certain amount of duplication, which could credibly be looked at. In 
terms of trade, we'd like to see what can be done to bed down the World 
Trade Organization satisfactorily. In terms of environment, I would 
suggest that there are some areas of overlap as well. The U.N. 
Environment Program and the Commission for Sustainable Development, 
there seem to be areas of overlap.
    Now, they're just specimen samples of the sort of things we are 
looking at. I emphasize, we are in the early stages of that examination. 
We haven't reached any conclusions. But I think those are matters we 
must examine.
    Other things I'd like to see us examine at the summit would be to 
look more comprehensively at crime, drugs, and money laundering. We had 
a G-7 task force on money laundering some time ago. That's been 
successful. I think we should revisit that, given the nature of the 
problem and given the problem that exists internationally with crime and 
drugs. And I think we'd like to look a little more carefully at what 
might be done in terms of conflict prevention.
    Those are just broad headlines of some of the areas we're looking 
at. We shared them in general outline today. We will come to them in 
detail at the summit.
    The President. Thank you very much.

Note: The President's 90th news conference began at 2:53 p.m. in the 
East Room at the White House. In his remarks, he referred to President 
Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Rolf Ekeus, chairman, United Nations Special 
Commission (Iraqi Weapons); Gerry Adams, leader of Sinn Fein; and 
President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt.