    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1995, Book I)]
    [May 10, 1995]
    [Pages 661-667]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With President Boris Yeltsin of Russia
    in Moscow
    May 10, 1995

        President Yeltsin. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, journalists:
    This is the seventh meeting of the Presidents of the U.S. and Russia.
    This visit by Bill Clinton to Russia is of particular importance. The
    participation of such a high guest in the 9th of May celebration is seen
    by us as a tribute to the people killed in our common struggle against
    fascism.
        Before each Russian-U.S. summit, there is no shortage of all kinds
    of speculations about Russian and U.S. contradictions. Sometimes they
    even refer to crises in our relations. The results of the Moscow talks
    have yet again denied these speculations.
        Of course, even after the summit, differences to a number of issues
    have not disappeared. The important thing is that we seek to address
    these problems while maintaining a balance of interests and without
    prejudice to each other's interests but, on the contrary, in assisting
    each other.
        The agenda of this meeting was very busy and comprehensive. We
    addressed the key issues of international life, issues which are of top
    priority for both countries. I'm referring, above all, to the evolution
    of the European security structures, the START treaty and the ABM
    Treaty, strengthening the nonproliferation regime, economic cooperation,
    and terrorism.
        It is of fundamental importance that the discussion which we had
    about the model for European security proceed at taking into account the
    new role of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
    Today, this organization is beginning to play a central role in
    maintaining stability on the European Continent.
        We exchanged views on NATO issues. Today we better understand the
    interests and concerns of each other, and yet we still don't have
    answers to a number of questions. Our positions even remain unchanged.
        I hope that our joint statement on matters related to strengthening
    European security will provide a starting point for further efforts
    because it provides for cooperation in the establishment of a single
    indivisible Europe looking into the future.
        A serious document has been agreed on the problem of the ABM. We
    adopted a joint statement on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. I
    believe that that agreement will mark a major contribution to the
    adoption at the New York conference of a decision on an indefinite

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    and unconditional extension of the NPT treaty. The conference will
    probably end tomorrow.
        At the negotiations, the question was raised about future Russian
    supplies of equipment to Iran. That is, of course, not a simple
    question, and of course, you are going to ask that question, and both
    Presidents will answer that question.
        We discussed in detail the implementation of the economic charter we
    signed last year. As a result, we adopted a statement on the question of
    economic reform, trade, and investment. The U.S. President expressed his
    support for our reforms. We agreed to speed up the process of Russia's
    entry to the system of international economic institutions, above all,
    the COCOM.
        Of course, we discussed the Chechen issue. This is an internal
    matter for Russia, but I also believe it does have an international
    aspect. Russia has accepted the presence at Grozny of the OSCE
    assistance group.
        Terrorism knows no borders. Unfortunately, U.S. citizens recently
    were confronted with that barbarous phenomenon. I believe that everybody
    would agree that we should fight this evil jointly, and we have agreed
    upon that.
        During the talks, we had a fruitful exchange of views on the meeting
    of the political eight in Halifax, and not of the political but also of
    the economic eight. We also discussed a number of other international
    issues.
        Now I am ready to answer your questions. I give the floor to the
    President of the United States of America, Mr. William Clinton.
        President Clinton. First of all, I'd like to thank President Yeltsin
    and the Russian people for making me and the rest of our American
    delegation and the others who came here for the celebration of the 50th
    anniversary of the end of World War II feel so welcome. I was honored to
    play a part in that, and I think it was a very important day for our
    country and for our relationship.
        Today we focused on the future. And if you ask me to summarize in a
    word or two what happened today, I would say that we advanced the
    security interests of the people of the United States and the people of
    Russia. We increased the safety of the future of our peoples, and we
    proved once again that this regular, disciplined, working relationship
    that we have established, rooted in Russia's commitment to democracy and
    in a mature and balanced dialog and a commitment to continue to work on
    the differences between us in the areas of common opportunity, we proved
    that this is a good relationship and that it is worth the investment and
    that we are approaching it in the proper way.
        I characterize this as a success from a security point of view for
    several reasons. First of all, with regard to European security, while
    there was not an agreement between us on the details on the question of
    the expansion of NATO, Russia did agree to enter into the Partnership
    For Peace. And I committed myself in return at the meeting at the end of
    this month to encourage the beginning of the NATO-Russia dialog, which I
    think is very important. There must be a special relationship between
    NATO and Russia.
        We agreed to continue to discuss this at Halifax, and again at the
    end of the year when we see each other. And I made it clear that I
    thought that anything done with NATO had to meet two criteria: Number
    one, it must advance the interests of all the Partners For Peace, the
    security interests of all of them, including Russia, and number two, it
    must advance the long-term goal of the United States, which I have
    articulated from the beginning of my Presidency, of an integrated
    Europe, which I believe is very important. And I think Russia shares
    both of those objectives.
        Secondly, with regard to the nuclear sales to Iran, as you know, the
    United States opposes the sale of the reactor and the centrifuge. I want
    to say that I was deeply impressed that President Yeltsin told me that
    he had decided, in the interest of nonproliferation, not to supply the
    centrifuge and related equipment to Iran. I shared with him some of the
    intelligence from the United States on the question of whether Iran is
    trying to become a nuclear power. And we agreed in light of the
    questions of facts that need to be determined here and Russia's strong
    support for nonproliferation, to refer the question of the reactor
    itself to the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission for further work on
    resolution.
        I was very pleased today that we were able to make progress on the
    outstanding issues relating to weapon sales which will permit Russia to
    be a founding member of the post-COCOM regime, something, again, which
    will make the world a safer place.
        Fourthly, we agreed that both of us would work as hard as we could
    to get START II ratified this year, and then to go beyond that

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    to talk about what we could do further to support the denuclearization
    of the world and of our two arsenals.
        Fifthly, we agreed that we should step up our efforts in combating
    terrorism and organized crime, a problem that affects not only our two
    nations but also many others in the world, as we have sadly seen. And we
    discussed some fairly specific things that we might do together to
    intensify our efforts.
        As President Yeltsin said, we reaffirmed today in specific actions
    our support for the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and we look forward to its
    permanent extension. And we hope that the indefinite--excuse me, the
    indefinite extension will be adopted soon.
        And finally, we were able to reach agreement on the ABM theater
    missile defenses issue, which is a very important one, and many of the
    Americans here know, important for our attempts to go forward on START
    II and other things back home.
        We talked about our economic cooperation. We talked about the
    progress Russia is making. I expressed again the strong concern of the
    United States that the violence in Chechnya should be brought to an end.
    I urged the permanent extension of the cease-fire. I was encouraged that
    President Yeltsin, I believe, understands the gravity of this matter and
    also wants it concluded as quickly as possible.
        So we are, I think, in a better position in our two countries today,
    and our people will be safer as a result of this meeting. It was an
    advance for security. There was significant progress made. And we still
    have work to do.
        Press Secretary Sergey Medvedev. Now, dear colleagues, you have an
    opportunity to ask questions. I wish to remind you that we will give you
    the floor in sequence with my colleague, the Press Secretary of the U.S.
    President, Mr. McCurry.
        The first question, please.

    NATO Expansion and Russian Security

        Q. Russian Public Television. Boris Nikolayevich, before the
    negotiations began, both sides were quite categoric on questions at
    issue. Are any concessions possible today on the NATO problem? Are there
    any linkages possible? I know that President Clinton insists on flank
    restrictions in the south of Russia. Well, if both sides do not concede,
    what will President Clinton bring back to the United States?
        President Yeltsin. Well, I must tell you that we didn't have such a
    trading system in our talks. On the contrary, on the question of flank
    restrictions, Bill was the first to bring this matter up. And he said
    that he will surely support us on this difficult issue because it is
    true we are sort of in a trap with that issue.
        Now, about NATO, we should look at this question in broader terms.
    What about general European security and NATO? I cannot say that after
    protracted discussions today on this subject--and by the way, we even
    had to change the schedule--we, in fact, had a never-ending meeting, and
    we were not able to dot the i's and cross all the t's. And we decided,
    first, if it is so difficult, let us not hurry, and then let us continue
    our consultations when we meet in Canada in Halifax.
        We also believe that it may be we won't be able to agree in Halifax
    either. And we may need another meeting in November when the United
    Nations marks its 50th anniversary. We will meet in New York once again,
    and maybe at that time we may come to some final agreement.
        President Clinton. I think this meeting was a win-win meeting. That
    is, I do not--I believe that both our countries advanced our interests
    and the interests of our people.
        With regard to European security, the important thing for me was--
    not that Russia and the United States would agree today on the details
    of NATO expansion--indeed, it's important for all of you to understand,
    NATO has not agreed on that. NATO has not agreed on that.
        This whole year, 1995, was to be devoted for the rationale for
    expanding NATO and then determining how it might be done, with no
    consideration whatever of who would be in the included membership and
    when that would be done. That was the plan. So not only has there--have
    we not agreed on that, as far as I know, there may be significant
    differences among the NATO partners themselves.
        The important thing for me was that the President and I would agree
    that European unity, integration, is still our goal--we don't want a
    differently divided Europe--and that our NATO expansion plans should
    enhance the interests, the security interests of all of our partners,
    including Russia. Now, for my part, I haven't changed my position from
    the beginning on how this should be done.

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        The second thing I want to say is, the most important thing to me is
    that Russia has now agreed to proceed with participation in the
    Partnership For Peace, which is becoming very, very important in its own
    right and a significant force in increasing a sense of trust and
    understanding and working together in security within Europe.
        With regard to the flank issue you mentioned, we have not worked out
    all the details of that. We've agreed to continue working on it. The
    problem is, of course, that the treaty becomes effective at a certain
    date. Its terms were negotiated in a previous time. Then there is a lag
    time for modifications of the treaty. We believe some modifications are
    in order. We are supporting the Russian position there. What we want to
    do is to figure out a way for us to preserve the integrity of the treaty
    and compliance with it, but, in the end respond to the legitimate
    security interests of Russia. And I believe we can get there.

    Russia-Iran Nuclear Cooperation

        Q. Mr. President, you made clear in advance on the Iran nuclear deal
    that you wouldn't be satisfied with anything short of an outright
    cancellation of that sale. Today you said that it's going to be referred
    to a lower level, that you weren't able to solve this question. I want
    to know, are there any repercussions? Are you disappointed that you
    weren't able to get this sale closed? And will you resist Republican
    threats to cut off foreign aid to Russia?
        President Clinton. Well, first of all, this sale was in the
    pipeline, announced, and is legal under international law. I believe it
    is unwise. I think it should not go forward. We actually got more done
    today than I thought we would do, and we are ahead of where I thought we
    would be.
        As I said, President Yeltsin made it clear to me that even though it
    would be some financial sacrifice to Russia, he did not believe they
    should proceed with the centrifuge and the related portions of the sale
    that could have a much more direct and immediate impact on weapons
    production. I gave him some of our intelligence and made the best
    arguments I could about why I thought the whole sale should not go
    forward. And we agreed that since some of this involves an evaluation of
    technical matters, it would be appropriate to refer to the Gore-
    Chernomyrdin commission where we have gotten a lot of useful work done
    between our two countries. So we are actually further down the road on
    that issue than I thought we would be.
        Now, with response to the particular arguments about the cutoff of
    aid, I think what we should do is to look at the progress we have made
    today, look at the progress we have made in the last 2 years, ask
    ourselves whether the United States is safer and more secure as a result
    of these efforts. I think the answer is yes. We should keep working. We
    should treat this like a business relationship that is furthering the
    security of both countries, and we should do whatever is in our
    interest. And I believe that the programs that we presently have
    underway are clearly in our interest.
        President Yeltsin. I would like to add to what President Bill
    Clinton just said. The point is that the contract was concluded
    legitimately and in accordance with international law, and no
    international treaties were violated in the process. But it is true that
    the contract do contain components of peaceful and military nuclear
    energy. Now we have agreed to separate those two.
        Inasmuch as they relate to the military component and the
    possibility, the potential for creating weapons-grade fuel and other
    matters, the centrifuge, the construction of silos, and so on--we have
    decided to exclude those aspects from the contract, so the military
    component falls away, and what remains is just a peaceful nuclear power
    station on light water reactors, which is designed to provide heat and
    energy.
        Any more questions?
        Please, colleagues, it's our task.
        Q. Boris Nikolayevich, could you clarify, if possible, the mechanism
    for decisionmaking regarding the Iranian contract? According to
    President Clinton, the materials will be referred to the Gore-
    Chernomyrdin commission; who will then decide? Will they report to the
    heads of state, or will some other mechanism be worked out?
        President Yeltsin. After this question has been comprehensively
    considered by the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission, we, the two Presidents,
    will receive all the material and we will make the final decision.

    Chechnya

        Q. [Inaudible]--seem ironical to you that you have just celebrated
    the end of World War II and the killing goes on in Chechnya? And it

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    really has appalled the world, the killing of civilians. So what are you
    going to do about it, and how can you stop it?
        President Yeltsin. Well, first, there are no hostilities underway in
    Chechnya right now. Therefore, that is--there is no irony there.
    Furthermore, the armed forces are not involved there. Today, the
    Ministry of the Interior simply seizes the weapons which are still in
    possession of some small armed criminal gangs. But most importantly, we
    are doing some creative work there. We are rehabilitating buildings,
    utilities, trade, we ensure the necessary financing.
        The Chechen government has been set up, and it is headed by a
    Chechen, and it operates in accordance with the Russian Constitution.
    The dates for parliamentary elections are now being discussed.
    Therefore, creative work is being done, and I believe that soon we will
    have a normal situation there, the situation of a democratic republic,
    with all the ensuing rights for the citizens living in Chechnya.

    Terrorism

        Q. [Inaudible]--radio station. I have the following question: The
    people are very impressed with incidents of brutal terrorism. Boris
    Nikolayevich, you said that you discussed this and you agreed on some
    common actions. Could you elaborate on that? And I would be grateful if
    both Presidents could at least briefly address this question.
        President Yeltsin. Well, first we convinced each other that without
    joint efforts, we will not be able to cope with this evil in the world.
    What we really need is joint efforts--joint efforts, not talk, not
    conferences, not meetings but actions. And as regards actions, of course
    we did not discuss the matter specifically, but we have instructed our
    governments to work out those actions and to proceed without delay to
    taking those actions.
        President Clinton. He asked for an answer, I'd like--we talked; we
    did not agree on a number of specific actions, but we discussed some.
    And I think it might be helpful.
        First of all, President Yeltsin and I and the leaders of many other
    countries in the world are quite concerned that the great security
    threat of the 21st century might not be all those we had been
    discussing, either explicitly or by implication here in the last few
    moments. They instead might be coming from often nongovernmental sources
    in terms of terrorism and organized crime and the proliferation of
    weapons of mass destruction, getting into the hands of terrorists and
    organized criminals. So we discussed how we could cooperate more with
    law enforcement and intelligence. I think you know that the Federal
    Bureau of Investigation is opening an office here in Moscow, and we have
    been working with Russia for sometime now.
        We discussed how we could make sure we each were as technologically
    advanced as possible, because many of the adversaries we face are very
    advanced. And we discussed how we might work together to try to limit
    the destructive capacity of terrorists and organized criminals and limit
    their ability to proliferate the weapons, particularly in the biological
    and chemical area. It's a great concern to me, and both Russia and the
    United States probably have some resources there that we can bring to
    bear.
        And I think in light of what happened in Japan, all advanced
    countries should be very, very concerned about the prospect of the
    merger of terrorism with weapons of mass destruction, biological,
    chemical, and small-scale nuclear weapons.

    Chechnya

        Q. President Clinton, you've just heard President Yeltsin describe
    the situation in Chechnya in a way that may be at odds with news
    dispatches coming from the part of the country describing a massacre.
    And I wondered if--what your reaction is to his description, whether you
    accept it, if not why not, and what impact these reports of terrible
    things there may be having on the countries eager to join NATO, and what
    you would have to say to him about that?
        President Clinton. Well, I will say to you what I said to him
    personally already, and I think what he knows and Chancellor Kohl and
    other friends of Russia have said: The civilian casualties and the
    prolongation of the fighting have troubled the rest of the world greatly
    and have had an impact in Europe on the attitudes of many countries
    about what is going on here and about future relationships. I don't
    think anyone is unaware of that.
        What I have urged President Yeltsin to do is to try to make a
    permanent cease-fire, to try to move rapidly with the cooperation of the
    OSCE to get a democratic government there and to bring this to a speedy
    resolution, because I do believe it is something that is very troubling

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    to the world, particularly in the dimensions of civilian casualties.
        And I'm sure all the American journalists here know that we have a
    missing relief worker there ourselves. And I asked the President to help
    me find whatever could be found about Mr. Cuny, and he said that he
    would direct the Russian authorities there to try to help us. But this
    is a troubling thing for the world, and it's been a difficult thing for
    them as well.
        President Yeltsin. Looking at my watch, shall we agree, Mr. McCurry,
    just one question on each side?

    Economic Reform in Russia and Ukraine

        Q. Boris Nikolayevich, we will have a meeting at Halifax with the
    eight. Do you intend to improve on the results of the similar meeting in
    Naples? Did you discuss anything like that this time with Bill Clinton?
    Did you agree that Bill Clinton will help you somewhere in some of
    Russia's aspirations?
        And the question for the U.S. President--this is also a question
    from Ukraine--what are you bringing to Ukraine?
        President Yeltsin. Whoever I met during these celebration days, of
    course, with everybody we discussed Halifax. I and Russia are, of
    course, concerned about our role in the G-7 or in the G-8. That is why
    this morning, at 9 a.m., I had a meeting with the Prime Minister of
    Canada, Mr. Chretien, who will act as cochairman. We discussed the U.N.
    views--we discussed his views on the problem. I discussed this with Bill
    Clinton, with Helmut Kohl, with Francois Mitterrand.
        Well, generally speaking, everybody is optimistic on this subject,
    and they wish to support Russia. To give you an example, Mr. Chretien
    this morning said that Russia in Halifax will have 3 times more
    opportunities than last year in Naples. Well, that's not bad. The
    minimum we count on is as follows: The political eight, we believe, has
    now asserted itself; it is a fact of life; we are part of the political
    eight.
        Now about economic matters. At Halifax, first they will address the
    economic matters of the G-7 and then they will address international
    matters pertinent to the whole world. As regards their internal
    business, well, we have no claims to that. They discuss specific issues
    and important issues related to trade and other economic matters. But as
    regards global strategic matters of importance to the entire world,
    Russia should participate in such discussions fully. So I think we can
    call this seven and a half.
        President Clinton. [Inaudible]--specific questions. The United
    States, since I have been President, has supported two major aid
    packages to Russia to support the conversion to a market economy and to
    try to assist in developing all of the institutions necessary to make
    that successful, as well as to support our denuclearization efforts
    under the so-called Nunn-Lugar funds.
        We were also very strongly supportive of the recent $6.8 billion
    standby loan that the International Monetary Fund granted to Russia as a
    result of the economic reforms initiated under President Yeltsin. So I
    think that your country has a great deal to be proud of in the economic
    progress that has been made.
        I know you still are dealing with a lot of economic difficulties;
    all market economies do. And the markets don't solve all problems. So
    you have to work on trying to deal with those. But I believe that our
    partnership has been a good investment for the United States because we
    have a stronger, more democratic, more open, more free Russia, and we
    will continue to support that direction.
        With Ukraine, I must say, they've made a remarkable amount of
    progress in the last year or so, and I think President Yeltsin feels the
    same way. I am encouraged by the balance and discipline coming out of
    the government in Ukraine, and I will continue to support the process of
    reform there.

    Russia-Iran Nuclear Cooperation

        Q. President Yeltsin, several U.S. officials, including the
    Secretary of State, have suggested that if you go along with the sale of
    the nuclear reactors to Iran, this would endanger Russia's becoming a
    full member of the G-7 and other international institutions. And several
    Republican leaders in the U.S. Congress have warned that if you go ahead
    with this sale, it would endanger continued U.S. assistance to Russia.
    Are these kinds of threats persuasive, or was the intelligence
    information that President Clinton showed you today of Iran's nuclear
    ambitions, was that the convincing element to you? Or are you still
    basically at a disagreement with the United States over Iran's nuclear
    ambitions?
        President Yeltsin. We're not afraid of threats. We never react to
    threats. But as for your question, we have already told you, with the
    Presi-

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    dent, that technically we need to sort the question out. We need to sort
    out what relates to peaceful and to military purposes. And this has been
    entrusted to the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission. Once we get to
    signatures--once we get a document signed by two, we the Presidents will
    make the final decision.
        President Clinton. This may be a fitting question to close this
    press conference.
        I think it is important that the people of the United States and the
    people of Russia understand that from time to time, as with any sort of
    relationship, there will be differences of opinion. Occasionally, there
    will even be occasions where our interests are different. What we have
    been working on for over 2 years now are areas where our interests are
    not different, working through areas where our opinions might be.
        Now, in the case of this Iranian matter, just to take one example,
    if the United States is right and Iran is attempting to develop the
    capacity to build nuclear weapons, that would be more of an immediate
    security threat to Russia than to the United States, because you are
    closer to the country.
        So we don't really have different interests here. Both our countries
    are committed to the fight against terrorism. Both our countries are
    committed to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and its indefinite
    extension. Both our countries are dismantling our own nuclear arsenals
    at a more rapid rate than our treaties require.
        Now, in playing this relationship out, there will come times when
    there will be differences. If we ultimately differ on something, I think
    that we all know there may be consequences to having different positions
    and different actions. But I think we should be quite careful in using
    the language of threats in a relationship that in the last 2 years has
    made the world a much safer place. We have seen Russia's democracy
    strengthened. We have seen Russia's transition toward a private economy
    go more rapidly than all experts predicted. We have seen discipline
    asserted in this economy to a greater degree than most experts
    predicted. And we have seen more progress on thorny difficulties,
    complex matters, than most experts predicted.
        As a result, the people of the United States, the people of Russia,
    and the people of the world are safer today than they were 2 years ago
    and than they were before this last meeting between us occurred. That is
    the fundamental story. We will have differences. They will have
    consequences. But we should stay away from big words like ``threats''
    when we're managing matters which can be managed in a relationship that
    is quite good for the world and that has made us all safer.
        Thank you.

    Note: The President's 95th news conference began at 2:40 p.m. in the
    Press Conference Hall in the Kremlin. In his remarks, he referred to
    Frederick Cuny, an American relief worker in Chechnya who disappeared in
    April. President Yeltsin spoke in Russian, and his remarks were
    translated by an interpreter.