    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1995, Book I)]
    [April 30, 1995]
    [Pages 614-618]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks at the World Jewish Congress Dinner in New York City
    April 30, 1995

        Thank you very much. Thank you, Edgar. Foreign Minister Peres, thank
    you for being here, for your visionary leadership, your wise words. To
    all of the friends of Edgar Bronfman who are here from Canada and from
    around the world, I am profoundly honored to be with you this evening
    and to receive this wonderful Nahum Goldmann Award.
        I know he was the president of the World Jewish Congress, the World
    Zionist Organization, the Jewish Agency, Conference of Presidents of
    Major Jewish Organizations. Every group I can think of associated with
    Edgar Bronfman, except the Seagram's Group--[laughter]--we would all
    like to be president of that, thanks to the work he has done. I would
    remind you, Edgar, that I'm a relatively young man without a great deal
    of job security. I hope you will keep me in mind in the future.
    [Laughter]
        We gather--I wish you wouldn't laugh quite so much at that.
    [Laughter] We gather tonight to celebrate the accomplishments of an
    extraordinary man. For all of you, your presence here is testimony to
    your shared values, your shared goals, and to the countless lives that
    Edgar Bronfman has touched. In these years of great change and
    opportunity and of great anxiety and even fear, in years of too much
    cynicism, the Jewish community has found in Edgar Bronfman the rarest of
    combination, a leader armed with passion for his people's cause and
    endowed with the strength to act on that passion. As president of the
    World Jewish Congress and a citizen of the world, Edgar Bronfman has
    given life to

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    Emerson's observation that an institution is the length and shadow of
    one man.
        In the long years when the Soviet Union imprisoned Jews within its
    borders, many raised their voices in anger, but Edgar journeyed to
    Moscow to win their release. When millions in Russia and all across
    Eastern Europe won their freedom from tyranny's grip, many rejoiced, but
    Edgar took the lead in helping Jewish communities reclaim their proud
    spiritual and physical heritage that many feared had been lost forever.
    And as a new era of peace dawns in the Middle East, many celebrate, but
    Edgar works every day to reconcile the people of Israel and the
    Palestinians and to bring new life to ancient lands. Wherever Jews dream
    of a better life and wherever those dreams are threatened, Edgar
    Bronfman is sure to be found.
        A week ago today, Hillary and I went to Oklahoma City to mourn with
    and pay our respects to the victims and families of the terrible bombing
    there. Last summer, Edgar undertook a similar journey of his own when he
    flew to Argentina just hours after hearing of the bombing of the Jewish
    community center in Buenos Aires. There in the midst of the rubble and
    the ruins, he called on leaders, visited the injured, spoke to the
    children, told them to stand firm against those who traffic in fear, to
    hope and not hate, but to work every day to turn that hope into reality.
    In these times, that is a lesson every citizen of every continent should
    learn and take to heart. It echoes loudest in the ears of those who have
    known so much terror and so much sorrow.
        As was said earlier today by my friend Benjamin Meed, we mark the
    time when half a century ago the most terrible chapter in the history of
    the Jewish people was brought to a close. Unfortunately, 50 years later,
    merchants of hate still live among us here at home and around the world.
    Of course, we cannot compare their actions or their capabilities to the
    horrors that were visited upon the Jewish people, but they do practice
    and they do preach violence against those who are of a different color,
    a different background, or who worship a different God. They do feed on
    fear and uncertainty. They do promote paranoia. In the name of freedom
    of speech, they have abandoned the responsibility that democratic
    freedoms impose on all of us.
        In this freest of nations, it must strike all of you as ironic that
    many of these people attack our Government and the citizens who work for
    it, who actually guarantee the freedoms that they abuse. In the name of
    building a better future, they would relive the most destructive
    chapters of evil. So while we cannot compare what they are saying and
    doing to what the Jewish people suffered decades ago, we dare not
    underestimate the dangers they pose. They can certainly snuff out
    innocent lives and sow fear in our hearts. They are indifferent to the
    slaughter of children. They threaten our freedoms and our way of life,
    and we must stop them.
        Our early patriot Samuel Adams once said, ``If we suffer tamely a
    lawless attack upon our liberty, we encourage it and involve others in
    our doom.'' Here in America it is not only our right, it is our duty to
    stop the terror, to bring to justice the guilty, and to stand against
    the hatred, and to help others in other lands to do the same.
        Since the beginning of our administration we have taken broad and
    swift measures to fight terrorism here and abroad. We have brought to
    trial the alleged bombers of the World Trade Center, who struck at the
    heart of this city. We have actively pursued those who crossed the line
    into illegal and violent activity. We have taken strong actions against
    nations who harbor terrorists or support their bloody trade. We have
    worked to prevent acts of terror, sometimes with remarkable success. And
    in a world where open borders and new technologies make our job harder,
    we have worked closer and closer with other nations to unravel the
    networks of terror and hunt down those who threaten our people.
        But the tragedy of Oklahoma City and its aftermath have made it
    clear that we must take stronger steps. This week I asked Congress to
    approve my antiterrorism initiatives: the power to hire 1,000 new
    Federal officials in law enforcement and support to create a new
    counterterrorism center under the direction of the FBI; to authorize the
    military to use its special capabilities in incidents involving
    chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons of terror in our country. Our
    proposals would also allow us to tag materials used to make bombs so
    that suspects could be more easily traced.
        Although no one can guarantee freedom from terror, at least these
    common sense steps will help to make our people safer. So tonight I
    appeal again to Congress to pass these measures without delay.

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        While we take these actions at home, we must also continue and
    strengthen our fight against terror around the world. Tonight I want to
    speak to you about terrorism in the Middle East, about rogue nations who
    sponsor death in order to kill peace and what we can do further to
    contain them.
        From the beginning of my Presidency, our policy in the Middle East
    has run on two tracks. Support for the peace process that reconciles
    Israel and her neighbors: I have been honored to work with Prime
    Minister Rabin and Foreign Minister Peres and their government and the
    people of Israel in that regard. And the policy of the United States has
    been the correct one, that we would never seek to impose a peace on
    Israel and her neighbors, but if Israel takes risks for peace we will be
    there to minimize those risks and maximize the chances of success. And
    we are ahead of where we were 2 years ago, and by God's grace, we will
    continue to make progress in the years ahead. I am especially proud of
    this work that we have all been able to do and particularly proud of the
    work of Secretary Christopher in this regard.
        But the second part of our policy in the Middle East is also
    important: opposition to all those who would derail the peace process,
    promote terrorism, or develop weapons of mass destruction. The dangers
    remain great. The closer we come to achieving peace and normalcy in the
    region, the more desperate become the enemies of peace. On buses and
    along busy streets, terrorist attacks have claimed innocent lives, and
    we grieve with the families of the victims.
        We have strengthened our efforts to act against groups like Hamas
    and Hezbollah, and we are encouraging Chairman Arafat in his efforts to
    crack down on arrests and prosecute those extremists who resort to
    violence. But individuals and extremist groups are not the only threat.
    Israel shares the lands of the Middle East with nations who still seek
    to destroy the peace, nations like Iran and Iraq and Libya. They aim to
    destabilize the region. They harbor terrorists within their borders.
    They establish and support terrorist base camps in other lands. They
    hunger for nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. Every day,
    they put innocent civilians in danger and stir up discord among nations.
    Our policy toward these rogue states is simple: They must be contained.
        Iran has presented a particular problem to the peace process of the
    peoples of the Middle East. From the beginning of our administration, we
    have moved to counter Iran's support of international terrorism and in
    particular its backing for violent opponents of peace in the Middle
    East.
        At the same time, we have tried to stop its quest to acquire weapons
    of mass destruction, which would make it a threat not only to its
    neighbors but to the entire region and the world. Our policy has helped
    to make Iran pay a price for its actions. The nation has effectively
    been cut off from receiving credit from international financial
    institutions.
        The United States and our allies in the G-7 have stopped Iranian
    purchases of weapons from our nations. We have refused to cooperate with
    Iran on sensitive matters such as nuclear energy and have tightened
    trade restrictions on items that might be used to build weapons.
        We have not always been successful, as all of you know. The most
    recent reports of Russia's agreement to sell gas centrifuge equipment to
    the Iranians and to train nuclear technicians from Tehran are disturbing
    to me. Because Iran has more than enough oil to supply its energy needs,
    we must assume that it seeks this technology in order to develop its
    capacity to build nuclear weapons.
        The United States has an overwhelming interest in fighting the
    spread of these weapons. And Russia, as a neighbor of Iran, has a
    particular interest in the same goal. If Russia goes forward with the
    sale of nuclear reactors, it will only undermine that objective. We have
    strenuously urged the Russians to reverse these decisions, and I will
    make that case directly to President Yeltsin when I visit Moscow in just
    a few days.
        My fellow Americans, I speak especially to you when I say that many
    people have argued passionately that the best route to change Iranian
    behavior is by engaging the country. Unfortunately, there is no evidence
    to support that argument. Indeed, the evidence of the last 2 years
    suggest exactly the reverse. Iran's appetite for acquiring and
    developing nuclear weapons and the missiles to deliver them has only
    grown larger. Even as prospects for the peace in the Middle East have
    grown, Iran has broadened its role as an inspiration and paymaster to
    terrorists. And there is nothing to suggest that further engagement will
    alter that course.
        That is why last month, after the Conoco Company announced a $1
    billion contract to help Iran develop its oil reserves, I was prepared

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    to stop the project by signing an Executive order banning any United
    States firms from financing, supervising, or managing Iranian oil
    reserves. But Conoco ultimately decided to abandon the deal. And let me
    add that one of the most effective opponents of that was Edgar Bronfman.
    As a major shareholder in Conoco, he would have gained financially from
    that. But he put the public interest above his self-interest, as he has
    so often throughout his life.
        I did not reach my decision in that case lightly. One of the major
    hallmarks of our administration's foreign policy has been opening new
    markets abroad and aggressively helping our firms to compete, to create
    jobs for Americans here at home. But there are times when important
    economic interests must give way to even more important security
    interests. And this is one of those times.
        So tonight, in this great dinner in honor of this champion of
    freedom, I am formally announcing my intention to cut off all trade and
    investment with Iran and to suspend nearly all other economic activity
    between our nations. This is not a step I take lightly, but I am
    convinced that instituting a trade embargo with Iran is the most
    effective way our Nation can help to curb that nation's drive to acquire
    devastating weapons and its continued support for terrorism.
        The Executive order I plan to sign next week will cover not only the
    energy sector but all United States exports to Iran and all investments
    by American firms and the branches they own or control. We estimate that
    the embargo will have a limited effect on our companies and our workers.
    But after reviewing all the options, I have determined that if we are to
    succeed in getting other nations to make sacrifices in order to change
    Iran's conduct, we, too, must be willing to sacrifice and lead the way.
    In my discussions with President Yeltsin and with the G-7 leaders in
    Halifax in June, I will urge other countries to take similar or parallel
    actions.
        I do want you to know that I do oppose the suggestion some have made
    that we impose a secondary boycott and prohibit foreign firms doing
    business with Iran from doing business with the United States. I don't
    agree with that. I think that decision would cause unnecessary strain
    with our allies at a time when we need our friends' cooperations. My
    decision to impose this embargo should make clear to Iran and to the
    whole world the unrelenting determination of the United States to do all
    we can to arrest the behavior and ambitions of that nation.
        It would be wrong to do nothing. It would be wrong to do nothing as
    Iran continues its pursuit of nuclear weapons. It would be wrong to
    stand pat in the face of overwhelming evidence of Tehran's support for
    terrorists that would threaten the dawn of peace.
        Securing a lasting and comprehensive peace must be our urgent
    priority. The heart of our efforts, of course, is the continuing strong
    relationship between the United States and Israel. But we must make it
    work by standing against those who would wreck the peace and destroy the
    future even if peace is made.
        Let me say to you tonight, the strategy we have pursued is working.
    Never before have Arabs and Israelis met so frequently, traveled so
    freely, understood so well that their common destiny in peace and
    prosperity is urgent for all. When they are ready to turn a page on the
    path, the United States will work with them to shape a future of hope.
    And we will not stop working until the circle of peace is complete.
        Six months ago, when I had the great honor to visit Jerusalem after
    we signed the peace treaty between Jordan and Israel, I said to the
    members of the Knesset that the enemies of peace will not succeed
    because they are the past, not the future. We must work to make that
    statement true.
        Foreign Minister Peres said that he felt sorry for me because we had
    lost our enemy. And we all laughed a little bit uncomfortably because we
    knew there was a grain of truth in what he said. Oh, we knew so clearly
    when we had the Soviet Union, the cold war, and the massive nuclear
    threat. Today, no Soviet Union, no cold war, and for the first time
    since the dawn of the nuclear age, no Russian missiles are pointed at
    the children of the United States. That is a cause for celebration, and
    we should be happy about it.
        But I will tell you what I think the threat to the 21st century will
    be, and you can see its outlines all over the world today. The threat to
    the 21st century is simply this: These children who are here tonight
    should grow up in the most exciting, most prosperous, most diverse world
    in the entire history of humanity, but all the forces that are lifting
    us up and bringing us together contain a dark underside of possibility
    for evil, so that the forces of integration

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    that are lifting the world up and bringing the world together carry
    within them the seeds of disintegration. And the great challenge for the
    21st century will be how to see the opportunities presented by
    technology, by free movement of people, by the openness of society, by
    the shrinking of the borders between nations without being absolutely
    consumed by the dangers and threats that those same forces present.
        That is the challenge of the 21st century because evil has not been
    uprooted from human nature, and the more open and the more flexible we
    are, the more vulnerable we are to the forces of organized evil. That is
    what you saw in Oklahoma City. That is what you saw in the terrible
    incident with the religious fanatic taking a little vial of poison gas
    in the subway in Japan. That is what I see when I go to Russia and what
    they really want from me now is an FBI office because organized crime is
    taking over their banks. Or when I went to the Baltics, and in Riga what
    they really want is some law enforcement help because now that the
    totalitarian regime has been stripped away from the Baltics, they are
    worried that their port will become a conduit for drugs and other
    instruments of destruction.
        And that is what you see in the Middle East. Why do the terrorists
    seek to blow up innocent people in Israel? Because the only way to make
    the peace work between the Israelis and the Palestinians is to have free
    movement between the two. And if free movement between the two means
    that innocent people are killed, then the Government of Israel, because
    the people demand it, must erect barriers. And then when the barriers
    are erected, the income goes down in the Palestinian area, making the
    peace a failure. The openness makes the peace possible to succeed and
    provides the threat to its undoing. That is a microcosm of the challenge
    of the 21st century.
        If you go home tonight and think about it, nearly every modern
    problem can be explained in those terms. The forces of progress and
    opportunity and integration all carry within them the seeds of abuse by
    organized evil. And we must stand up against it.
        In Proverbs, the Scriptures say that there will someday come a time
    when the wicked are overthrown and there are no more, but the house of
    righteousness will stand. Now in my Baptist upbringing, all the
    preachers used to tell us that that would only happen when the end of
    human time had come and we were all lifted to the hereafter. No one
    knows that, but I will say this: Edgar Bronfman has worked to hasten the
    day when the house of righteousness will stand, and so must we.
        This can be a great time for human history, and our children and
    grandchildren can have a great future because of the lives of people
    like Edgar Bronfman. But the challenge is clear: Can we make the forces
    of terror the past? Yes, we can, but we have to work at it.
        Thank you, and God bless you all.

    Note: The President spoke at 9:34 p.m. in the Grand Ballroom at the
    Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. The Executive order of May 6 prohibiting certain
    transactions with respect to Iran is listed in Appendix D at the end of
    this volume.