    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1994, Book II)]
    [August 3, 1994]
    [Pages 1415-1417]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks to Health Security Express Participants
    August 3, 1994

        The President. My fellow Americans, Congress has to decide whether
    it's going to listen to the insurance companies or to Jan Cox's last
    wish.
        We all know what the problem is here. You've just ridden a bus
    across the country, seeing real people who are just working hard, making
    the best they can of their lives, wanting a decent break. Those of you
    who have had these kinds of personal experiences that Daniel and Carolyn
    and John talked about can't figure out why we spend more than anybody
    else on health care, cover fewer people than any other country, and get
    poorer health results. It is because organized, intense, discrete
    minority interests are doing very well on a system that costs more than
    any other country's and covers fewer people. And every time you try to
    change it, they say, well, the world will come to an end.
        Well, like Hillary said, we ran for this job, along with Vice
    President and Mrs. Gore, because maybe we could be the home office of
    the ``American association of ordinary citizens.'' That's what we wanted
    to do. And every time we try to make a change, that's what they said.
        We showed up here; the deficit was going up, and the economy was
    going down. And I put together a plan, and I urged the people on the
    other side to work with me. And they said, ``No, if we vote for this,
    the sky will fall, the economy will collapse. And so we'll all vote
    against it and call it a big tax increase.''
        But the truth is the plan cut spending, raised taxes on the richest
    1\1/2\ percent of Americans, gave 15 million working people a tax cut;
    thanks to the Secretary of Education, gave 20 million Americans an
    opportunity to refinance their college loans at a lower interest rate.
    And, lo and behold, it produced a drop in unemployment and 3.8 million
    new jobs, and the sky didn't fall. Now the deficit's going down, and the
    economy's coming up. But it's hard to overcome these organized, intense
    interests.
        We had a different sort of fight over the big trade battle last year
    over on NAFTA. They said, ``If you do this, the economy will collapse.''
    But lo and behold, the Congress, this time with a bipartisan effort,
    passed NAFTA, and we're exporting 5 times as many cars to Mexico as we
    were last year. They're our biggest, most growing market.
        Change is hard up here, because even though most Members of Congress
    were once just like you, when they get up here they're a long way from
    home, and they know that you and the President are presented to the
    folks back home partly through the rhetoric and the money spent by
    organized, intense minority interests.
        And somehow, some way, this fight has got to be about Daniel Lumley
    and Carolyn Mosley and John and Jan Cox. That's what it's got to be
    about. It's got to be about my friend Justin Dart, sitting back there,
    and all the Americans with disabilities who could be in the work force,
    making money, paying taxes, contributing to our future, if they could
    just get health insurance while they're in the work force; all the
    nurses who hired on to help people get well and instead spend all their
    time calling insurance companies to try to figure out if this or that
    procedure can be done by the doctor in the first place. Goodness only
    knows how many people we employ in this country that would be working
    more productively in any other country. We have to put hundreds of
    thousands of people to work every day to figure out who's not covered or
    what's not covered in an insurance policy. There's not anybody else in
    the world spending their time and spinning their wheels, putting people
    to work asking them to spend their entire working life reading the fine
    print of insurance policies to see what is not covered. Can you imagine
    a more unsatisfying thing to do with your life?
        Lee Brown, our drug policy leader, do you know why he's here today?
    Because if we could pass health insurance for all Americans, it would

    [[Page 1416]]

    include drug treatment for all Americans. Now, he's a policeman; he
    spent all of his life trying to lower crime and fight criminals, be
    tough on law and order. But he learned as a police officer that there
    are a lot of people in trouble with drug and alcohol abuse, and they
    need treatment. And we'd save billions and billions of dollars.
        And it's not like we don't know what to do. Twenty years ago, Hawaii
    said, everybody here is going to get insurance; we're going to have
    employers and employees cover their health insurance. And if you've
    never been to Hawaii--I hope you get to go someday; it's a wonderful
    place--but everything there is more expensive than any place else
    because it's way out on an island somewhere, everything except health
    care, where the premiums for small business are 30 percent below the
    national average because everybody pays and no one runs away and
    everybody is covered.
        And you ought to be taken care of, whether you're a young man riding
    a motorcycle in the prime of your life or a young woman giving yourself
    to nursing or a man following a religious mission to work at a Christian
    radio station or any other thing. It just ought to be that way.
        We have a consensus in this country on universal health care. What
    we do not have is a consensus among people elected to represent the
    American people on making the tough decisions necessary to get universal
    health care.
        There are lots of things like that in life. A bunch of us, including
    me, would like to be thinner, but we don't diet. [Laughter] A lot of
    people would like to be stronger, but they don't lift weights.
        In the end, it comes down, when you've got something everybody wants
    to do but is not easy to do, the people that hired on have to make the
    decisions. And the Members of the United States Congress hired on, just
    like I did. We didn't say, ``Vote for me in a representative form of
    government, and I will make all the necessary decisions to solve the
    problems of the country except those that are difficult, controversial,
    and make people mad.'' That was not the deal.
        And you need to hang around this town, and you need to tell your
    stories. Because the questions that I get asked are, ``Well, what about
    this detail or that bill, or who is up, or who is down?'' I say I have
    answered my question. My question is, am I for you or not? Answer: Yes.
    And secondly, second question, did I offer a plan to solve your problem?
    The answer: Yes. Third question, was I willing to meet people who had
    different ideas or better ideas more than halfway? The answer is yes.
        These bills provide for longer phase-in. They give less orders,
    fewer orders. And they give more options to smaller business; they give
    a better financial break to small business. They are less bureaucratic.
    We have listened to the American people, and Congress has presented
    bills to do that. They've bent over backwards to recognize that the
    American people want options, and they don't like to be told to do
    anything. I don't blame them. Nobody likes that. But the conservative
    thing to do is to ask everybody to carry as much of their own load as
    they can and then for the rest of us to help.
        Those who are opposed to universal coverage say, ``We've got a whole
    class of people we're not going to ask to carry any load at all, and
    we'll ask everybody who's already doing their part to do even more.'' I
    think we have the conservative position, my fellow Americans, the
    responsible position. Everybody should do what they can, and then we'll
    help those who need more.
        I just want to ask you to remember this: Make this debate about John
    and Jan Cox, about the story Carolyn Mosley told, about the dreams of
    the future--teaching our children--that Daniel Lumley has, and about the
    personal stories that are here in this audience and all across America.
    Don't let it become part of some rhetoric, hot air, process, conflict,
    interest group deal. And say a simple word: We have moved; we have
    reached out to people of different views and different parties. This is
    not a partisan issue. I don't have any earthly idea what political party
    these three people are in or who they voted for for President, and I do
    not care. I want them to have health care.
        You make the debate about them, and remind the Congress that, just
    like the President, they signed on to represent ordinary Americans, to
    make the tough decisions and not to walk away. And this is a decision
    America has walked away from for 60 years. President Truman, three
    times, asked the American people to get the Congress to solve this
    problem, and the Congress said no. President Nixon, 23 years ago, asked
    the Congress to require employers and employees to split the difference
    and cover, with private health insurance, all Americans. Now,

    [[Page 1417]]

    it's been long enough, folks. I know we're supposed to deliberate up
    here, but we have now deliberated through three generations. [Laughter]
        Audience members. Pass it now! Pass it now! Pass it now!
        The President. Pass it now, for them and for you.
        God bless you all.

    Note: The President spoke at 11:10 a.m. on the South Lawn at the White
    House. In his remarks, he referred to Health Security Express riders
    Daniel Lumley, Carolyn Mosley, John Cox, and Mr. Cox's late wife, Jan.