[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1994, Book I)]
[February 19, 1994]
[Pages 283-285]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



The President's Radio Address and an Exchange With Reporters
February 19, 1994

    My fellow Americans, this morning I want to speak with you about the 
conflict in Bosnia. My administration has worked for over a year to help 
ease the suffering and end the conflict in that war-torn land. Now, a 
prolonged siege of the Bosnian capital of Sarajevo has brought us to an 
important moment.
    In the coming days, American war planes may participate in NATO air 
strikes on military targets around Sarajevo. We do not yet know whether 
air strikes will be necessary. But I want to talk with you about what 
American interests are at stake and what the nature and goals of our 
military involvement will be if it occurs.
    The fighting in Bosnia is part of the broader story of change in 
Europe. With the end of the cold war, militant nationalism once again 
spread throughout many countries that lived behind the Iron Curtain and 
especially in the former Yugoslavia. As nationalism caught fire among 
its Serbian population, other parts of the country began seeking 
independence. Several ethnic and religious groups began fighting 
fiercely. But the Serbs bear a primary responsibility for the aggression 
and the ethnic cleansing that has killed tens of thousands and displaced 
millions in Bosnia.
    This century teaches us that America cannot afford to ignore 
conflicts in Europe. And in this crisis, our Nation has distinct 
interests. We have an interest in helping to prevent this from becoming 
a broader European conflict, especially one that could threaten our NATO 
allies or undermine the transition of former Communist states to 
peaceful democracies.
    We have an interest in showing that NATO, the world's greatest 
military alliance, remains a credible force for peace in the post-cold-
war era. We have an interest in helping to stem the destabilizing flows 
of refugees this struggle is generating throughout all of Europe. And we 
clearly have a humanitarian interest in helping to stop the 
strangulation of Sarajevo and the continuing slaughter of innocents in 
Bosnia.
    I want to be clear: Europe must bear most of the responsibility for 
solving this problem and, indeed, it has. The United Nations has forces 
on the ground in Bosnia to protect the humanitarian effort and to limit 
the carnage. And the vast majority of them are European, from all 
countries in Europe who have worked along with brave Canadians and 
soldiers from other countries. I have not sent American ground units 
into Bosnia. And I will not send American ground forces to impose a 
settlement that the parties to that conflict do not accept.
    But America's interest and the responsibilities of America's 
leadership demand our active in-


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volvement in the search for a solution. That is why my administration 
has worked to help contain the fighting, relieve suffering, and achieve 
a fair and workable negotiated end to that conflict.
    Over a year ago, I appointed a special American envoy to the 
negotiations to help find a workable, enforceable solution acceptable to 
all. And I have said that if such a solution can be reached, our Nation 
is prepared to participate in efforts to enforce the solution, including 
the use of our military personnel.
    We have participated in the enforcement of economic sanctions 
against Serbia. We initiated airdrops of food and medicine and 
participated in the Sarajevo airlift, a massive effort, running longer 
than the Berlin airlift, which has relieved starvation and suffering for 
tens of thousands of Bosnians. Together with our NATO allies, we began 
enforcement of a no-fly zone to stop the parties from spreading the war 
with aircraft.
    We have warned Serbia against increasing its repression of the 
Albanian ethnic minority in Kosovo. We have contributed 300 American 
troops to the United Nations force that is helping to ensure that the 
war does not spread to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, which 
lies between Bosnia and Greece. And we have worked with our allies to 
ensure that NATO is prepared to help solve this crisis.
    In August, at our initiative, NATO declared its willingness to 
conduct air strikes to prevent the strangulation of Sarajevo and other 
population centers. NATO reaffirmed that commitment at our summit in 
Brussels just last month. But the shelling of Sarajevo continued. Two 
weeks ago, in a murderous attack, a single shell killed 68 people in the 
city's market. And last week with our NATO allies, we said that those 
who would continue terrorizing Sarajevo must pay a price.
    On that day, NATO announced it was prepared to conduct air strikes 
against any heavy weapons remaining after 10 days within 20 kilometers 
of Sarajevo, unless such guns are placed under United Nations control. 
That 10-day period ends tomorrow night. If the U.N. and NATO authorities 
find the deadline has not been met, NATO stands ready to carry out its 
mission. American pilots and planes stand ready to do our part.
    I have asked Secretary of Defense Perry and the Chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Shalikashvili, to travel to Italy to meet 
with their counterparts from other participating NATO countries to 
review our preparations.
    Over the past two days, there have been some encouraging signs in 
Bosnia that our ultimatum may be working. Bosnian Serb leaders now say 
they will comply with the ultimatum. There is some evidence that heavy 
weapons are being pulled back from around Sarajevo, but others remain.
    Many nations have helped to underscore the seriousness of our common 
intent. I have conferred on this matter with Russian President Boris 
Yeltsin. And the Russians, in the last couple of days, have made very 
important contributions by using their influence with the Serbs and 
expressing a willingness to use their U.N. forces to help to enforce 
this order.
    If guns are truly being moved or impounded, we welcome the news. If 
the Serbs and others fully comply with NATO's ultimatum, there will be 
no need to use force against anyone. But we are determined to make good 
on NATO's word. And we are prepared to act. Our actions will be 
determined by one thing: the facts on the ground.
    I want to be clear about the risks we face and the objectives we 
seek if force is needed. American planes likely will account for about 
half the NATO air strikes if they proceed. General Shalikashvili has 
told me that our forces are well prepared for this operation. But the 
fact is, there is no such thing as a mission completely without risks, 
and losses may occur. I have conferred with my national security 
advisers and told them to take every precaution to protect our 
courageous soldiers in uniform.
    Our military goal will be straightforward: to exact a heavy price on 
those who refuse to comply with the ultimatum. Military force alone 
cannot guarantee that every heavy gun around Sarajevo will be removed or 
silenced, but military force can make it more likely that Bosnian Serbs 
will seek a solution through negotiation rather than through Sarajevo's 
strangulation and that more innocent civilians will continue to live.
    For that reason, I have also ordered American negotiators to 
intensify their efforts to help the parties reach a fair and enforceable 
settlement. I have consulted with leaders from both parties in the 
Congress and asked for their support in this effort. I want us all to 
stand united behind our forces if they need to conduct air strikes and 
united in our determination to do

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our part in bringing an end to this dangerous conflict.
    During this Olympic season, let us recall that only 10 years ago the 
winter Olympics were held in Sarajevo. Today, Sarajevo's athletic fields 
have been transformed into makeshift cemeteries for those killed in that 
city's siege.
    In the week since NATO issued the ultimatum, the big guns around 
Sarajevo have fallen silent. Now let us work to help make this break in 
the violence continue so that Sarajevo's future may be marked by images 
of peace rather than by those of war and carnage.
    While the cold war may be over, but the world is still full of 
dangers and the world still looks to America for leadership. Now, with 
our interests at stake and with our allies united at our side, let us 
show the world our leadership once again.
    Thank you, and God bless America.

[At this point, the radio address ended, and the President took 
questions from reporters.]

Bosnia

    Q. Mr. President, has President Yeltsin assured you that the Russian 
role will be entirely constructive and under the NATO leadership and 
that there is no risk of a renegade Russian force protecting Serb 
weapons or Serb forces?
    The President. Last night the United Nations Commander on the 
ground, General Rose, said that he was confident that all the U.N. 
forces, including the Russian forces, would carry out the U.N. mandate. 
And I have no reason to believe otherwise.
    Q. But has President Yeltsin given you any such assurance? When was 
your last communication with him?
    The President. When did I talk to him--the day before yesterday, I 
think. And we've been in constant communication. Based on my 
communications with him, I have no reason to believe otherwise.
    Q. Mr. President, if there is compliance, is Sarajevo sacrosanct, or 
will you try to extend and pose the ultimatum in other parts where their 
slaughter goes on?
    The President. I think for the next day and a half I'd like to let 
my statement stand for itself.
    Q. Mr. President, could you just give us an idea of what you think 
the likelihood would be of the need for air strikes?
    The President. I have nothing to add to the statement I made on 
that. I think my statement's pretty clear.
    Q. Do you wish you had prevailed a year ago on this, in this action, 
and could have saved thousands of lives?
    The President. We didn't have the votes we needed, though. We didn't 
have the consensus a year ago, we have now.
    Q. Do you agree with Mr. Churkin that if there are air strikes, it 
could lead to a wider war--it would in fact produce a wider war?
    The President. The purpose of the air strikes is made clear in the 
resolution of NATO and what the U.N. asked us to do. I think it is clear 
and self-contained and stands for itself. The words are clear.

President's Health

    Q. Are your eyes doing better, Mr. President?
    The President. They are much better. The doctor told me that nothing 
would heal them but time, and they're getting a little better. I don't 
look like the monster from the deep as much as I did 2 days ago.

Note: The President spoke at 10:06 a.m. in the Oval Office at the White 
House. In his remarks, he referred to Lt. Gen. Michael Rose, Commander 
of the U.N. Forces in Bosnia. Deputy Foreign Minister Vitaly Churkin was 
the Russian Special Envoy to the International Conference on the Former 
Yugoslavia.