[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1993, Book I)]
[July 20, 1993]
[Pages 1117-1123]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks to Democratic Members of the House of Representatives
July 20, 1993

    Thank you very much, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Leader. 
Ladies and gentlemen, as all of you know I have just spent several days 
away from Washington, stopping along the way to look at the floods in 
Iowa and going through California to meet with the National Education 
Association and then on to Japan where I met with the leaders of the 
seven large industrial nations of the world, which included an agreement 
to reduce tariffs by historic rates, agreed to continue our common 
efforts to promote democracy and economic progress in Russia, and 
reached an agreement with Japan that, for the first time, convinced the 
Japanese explicitly to reduce dramatically their trade surplus with us 
and to work with us with specific numerical objective criteria to deal 
with that problem. Then I went to Korea to see our young men and women 
in uniform there defending freedom at a distant outpost. I got within 
about 10 yards of the dividing line between North and South Korea, the 
Bridge of No Return, then flew back through Hawaii to see the many, many 
thousands of sailors there at Pearl Harbor along with the leaders of our 
military in the Pacific Command. And then I came back with Leader 
Gephardt on Saturday to go to St. Louis to visit the Governors who have 
been victimized by the floods, and their people have.
    All these trips have a common thread, as disparate as they were. I 
had an opportunity to see people who were serving this country and 
people who are living here and working hard, making our jobs possible. 
And I was immensely moved, as I always am, by the incredible character 
and courage and good common sense of the American people.
    Now, we come here at a difficult time for the country and for the 
world. The world is in a significant economic crisis. All the wealthier 
countries of the world are facing difficulties in creating new jobs. For 
a very long time there has been a kind of political paralysis in this 
country where we always knew what we had

[[Page 1118]]

to do, but we could never quite bring ourselves to do it. And because we 
had divided Government, it was always possible for one branch to blame 
the other one for what did not get done. And the worse the problem got, 
the more painful their solutions became. That is always the way in human 
life, not just in Government but in every part of our lives.
    Now, because of your help and the leadership and the raw courage 
many of you have demonstrated, we've brought our country to the verge of 
fundamental economic change. In just 6 months we have certainly changed 
the nature of the economic debate here in our Nation's Capital. The new 
direction that I discussed with you in February in the State of the 
Union Address is at hand. Once, a President joked that the deficit he 
created was big enough to take care of itself. Now no one jokes about 
it, and no one doubts that we are about the serious business of reducing 
that deficit and the stranglehold it has on our ability to create better 
times now and to provide a better future for our children.
    Rather than debating whether to ignore the deficit, we have now 
begun a serious discussion about how to really bring it down. That is 
leading change, not going along with events. Where once Presidents sent 
you budgets that were not worth the paper they were printed on, now we 
have a real economic plan that, for all the controversy, is moving 
through Congress at a record pace.
    I am amused now when I read that the difficult tough choices that I 
have asked the Congress to make are passing with narrow margins in our 
majority party when last year 75 percent of the House Members of the 
other party voted against their own President's budget and for years 
Presidential budgets have been political documents, not serious attempts 
to turn this country around.
    Now we are involved in a serious attempt to do that, you and I 
leading the change. Where once the other party taxed middle class people 
so that those in upper income groups would not have to pay even their 
fair share, we have a plan that asks those that benefited most in the 
1980's and whose taxes went down then to pay their fair share, not 
because we want to punish success but because it is the American way to 
ask everyone to pay according to their ability to do so. That is what 
the middle class demands, and that is a change we are making.
    Where once National Government had slogans for small business, we 
now have an economic plan that actually provides target incentives to 
business to create real jobs, something we have needed for a long time. 
And this effort to pass this plan as it has moved through the Congress 
has clearly, as the Chairman of the Federal Reserve said not very long 
ago, been the major force in driving interest rates to their lowest 
level in 20 years, something that is leading to a huge amount of 
refinancing of home loans, business loans, something that clearly will 
act in a positive way that will manifest itself in new investment today 
and new jobs in the near future. Where once Government spending soared 
even as investment in the future decreased, we now have an economic plan 
that dramatically shifts spending priorities away from wasteful cuts and 
still with some prudent, wise investments.
    Once, our economic planners in the White House focused on quick 
fixes for the next election. Every budget document that came up to this 
Hill for years was discarded by serious people in both parties. You know 
it as well as I do. It's just a political document to make sure that the 
President can stay in good graces with the American people, instead of 
telling the truth and making the tough choices.
    Now there is an economic plan before you that looks at the long 
term, not the next election. We look at the next generation, hoping that 
by the next election the American people will see that as exactly what 
has been done. Where once the other party used welfare as a whipping boy 
without doing anything to move a single person from welfare to work, we 
now have an economic plan that is step one of a long-term strategy to 
end welfare as we know it. The earned-income tax credit in this plan 
will save everybody who works 40 hours a week with children in the home. 
If you do that, that's work, we're going to reward it, and we will lift 
you out of poverty. It's one of the most significant social reforms 
enacted in this country in a generation. And we do it through the tax 
system, rewarding work.
    Where once a President had to go to international economic 
conferences like the one I just attended with their hats in their hand 
and sit there while people from other countries criticized the United 
States relentlessly, saying, ``How can you expect us to grow the world 
economy when you have a big deficit and you,

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a wealthy country, soak up savings from all over the world, financing 
half of your public and private debt, or one-third of it, anyway, from 
foreign sources?'', I had the privilege of going to a G-7 meeting which, 
for the first time in a decade, did not criticize the United States but 
complimented the United States for a serious attempt to reduce the 
deficit. And make no mistake about it, that is what gave me the 
leverage, your action to reduce this deficit gave me the leverage to 
argue that the time had come to reduce these tariffs and to take it back 
and make it part of an international agreement on trade that will create 
hundreds of thousands of manufacturing jobs in this country in the next 
few years.
    This is an agreement that we made that will create manufacturing 
jobs in America. There is no doubt about it. Everyone can see it, 
everybody who has ever studied it. It is not like many of the issues we 
have around here where there's a lot of debate and argument. Everyone 
knows that this is a good deal for America. We have to make it part of 
the global trade agreement by the end of the year, and we have a good 
chance to do it now because the agreement at the G-7 would never have 
happened if you hadn't passed the budget in the Senate and the House and 
given me the leverage to say we're doing our part, now you do yours.
    Make no mistake about it, we would never, never have reached this 
agreement with Japan to change the nature of our trading relationships 
had I not had the leverage to say, I know that during the 1980's you 
took the trade surplus you had and turned it into an investment deficit 
by sending a lot of your money back to this country to help us to 
finance our deficit and keep our interest rates from absolutely 
exploding, but we are taking care of that. We're doing what you asked us 
to do. We're bringing our deficit down, investing more in our economy, 
our productivity is going up. We can compete again. Now we have to 
change the trade rules. If you hadn't passed, each House, a version of 
that budget, we would not have been able to do that. That is what is 
happening today.
    Yes, it is painful. Yes, it is difficult. But it is progress. It is 
change. It will make a difference. And it is focused on the long-run 
interests of the people of this country. We have come this far. This is 
no time to turn back. We have been bold. This is no time to be timid. We 
have faced this crisis squarely. This is no time to blink.
    We can come out of this conference with a plan that can pass the 
Congress and, most importantly, can pass the critical judgment of the 
American people if we make sure they know what is in it. As you work 
through the myriad of important details in this massive economic 
conference, we would do well to keep in mind that history will not note 
who wins in the technical detailed arcana that may consume much of the 
debate. But our children and our grandchildren will remember whether we 
were bashful or bold. They will remember whether we showed courage or 
whether we turned away from this challenge. They will remember whether 
we gave in to gridlock in the kind of easy rhetoric that has come to 
dominate our politics of the last few years or whether we govern.
    I understand and appreciate the fact that compromise and consensus 
and conciliation will have to be the order of the day. Nothing this 
difficult and complex can be accomplished without listening to different 
voices and different ideas. But I have no illusions about the challenges 
that lie before us.
    Of course, this is politically difficult and institutionally 
demanding. But that, again, makes it a challenge worth accepting. 
Remember this: None of it will be worth anything if at the end of the 
day, we provide something less than fundamental change. From the 
beginning of this process, that is what I have tried to argue. Yes, 
there will be changes around the edges. Yes, there have been already 
changes around the edges. But we must provide fundamental change. What 
are elements of that change? First, we have to seize control of our 
economic destiny, put our fiscal house in order.
    This deficit is the bone in the throat of America. And we ought to 
deal with it by passing a plan that reduces it by $500 billion, putting 
it in a trust fund so the American people know, because they don't trust 
anyone in politics, that the money will be used to reduce the deficit 
and having an enforcement mechanism that says if we miss the targets, 
because no one is smart enough to foresee everything that will occur 
over the next 5 years, the President does have to come forward with a 
plan to set it right every year. That is the first thing we ought to do 
to establish credibility with the American people.
    Second, we ought to return to the fundamental notion of fairness. 
Those who have the most

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should pay the most. We did the reverse in the 1980's, and it didn't 
work out very well. Every serious study shows that most of the economic 
gains of the last decade went to the top one percent. The people who put 
those policies forward said you ought to do that because then they will 
create more jobs. But we created jobs at a slower pace, at a slower 
pace. We are over 3 million jobs behind where we ought to be today at 
this point in a so-called economic recovery. Why? Because the policy 
doesn't work. Because of the changes that have been made in this 
program, that have been moved through the Congress with some more 
spending cuts and some less tax increases that were originally proposed, 
I can now say to you that we ought to require that at least 70 percent 
of the tax burden of this plan fall on people with incomes above 
$200,000--that is now possible because of the changes which have been 
made--and that there will be no increases on working families unless 
their incomes are well above $100,000 a year.
    Third, we must keep faith with the hard-working middle class 
families who have worked hard and paid more for the last 12 years. They 
are the backbone in the country, and the economy is not working for 
them. Many of them work harder every year for less, and many of them are 
afraid of losing their health insurance. Many of them are afraid that 
the Government will never again do anything that really makes a 
difference. But if we take action to remove the uncertainty that they 
have and to clear the cloud of rhetoric that they've heard with our 
adversaries who don't want to do anything, trying to convince them that 
they're going to pay the lion's share of the tax load, we can again not 
only gain their confidence but, even more important, do something that 
is very much in their interest by passing this program.
    Because you have been pressing, you especially in the leadership, 
for deeper spending cuts and for different tax proposals that, in the 
aggregate are less, we can now say, looking at the proposals on the 
table, that we will not need to ask the average working family to pay 
more than about $50 a year to contribute to this plan. That is a 
reasonable thing.
    You cannot make me believe, once you get out there and tell the 
truth to the people in any district represented in this room, that the 
average middle class family with incomes above $30,000 a year and below 
the income tax increase threshold wouldn't pay a buck a week to get this 
deficit down. I don't believe it. I think they would. And I think they 
expect to do something to contribute to the future of this country as 
long as they know it's fair and we're not going to squander the money. 
And that's the opportunity we're going to be given, to demonstrate to 
them that fact during this conference and in the weeks ahead.
    Fourth, we cannot ignore the fundamental economic reality that a lot 
of Americans are still left out and left behind in this weak economy. We 
have got to have incentives in the final bill to spur growth, to create 
jobs, to deal with the fact that no industrial country is now able, even 
in times of economic growth, to generate very many new jobs. We have got 
to try some new things. That's why I'd like, for example--I don't want 
to start listing them, because you may think I've left something out I'd 
want in--but just for example, that's why I think we ought to try that 
venture capital gains tax that is in the House bill that was, by 
parliamentary accident, taken out of the Senate bill. We've got to try 
some different things to create new jobs. And while I feel very strongly 
that we ought to create the empowerment zones in the inner cities and 
the small towns and the poor rural areas to see if we can make free 
enterprise work in these places, there's not enough Government money to 
go in and recover the fortunes and the futures of the people who live 
there. We've heard our adversaries on the other side talk about this 
concept for years. Why don't we do it and do it right and see if it 
works? This is a good proposal. Let's try it.
    While we're at it, let me say one other thing. In the plans adopted 
by both the Senate and the House, without respect to all this hot air 
and rhetoric I've heard about how tough it is on small business, the 
hard, cold truth is that both these plans will give a tax cut to 90 
percent of the small businesses in the United States of America that 
spent one red cent reinvesting in their business, because we doubled or 
more the expensing provision without raising their income tax. How can 
the small business associations of this country come out against this 
proposal when we are lowering taxes on 90 percent of their members? And 
the Wall Street Journal has got an article today documenting that fact. 
That ought to stay in the plan, even if the leadership opposes it.
    Finally, I am for the cuts that have been

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made. But we have to recognize that there is a limit to how much, 
particularly in this reconciliation process, we can cut beyond where we 
are without hurting the elderly, the working poor, and the middle class. 
There is a limit to what we can do.
    As you know, almost all the increases left in this budget are in 
health care. And I am committed to coming up with a solution to this 
process which brings the problem--it gets health care costs in line with 
inflation. That's the way to deal with that. But you cannot just 
arbitrarily cut it out. I do not believe we should cut Medicare more, at 
least than the Senate number. I just don't believe we should. There is a 
limit to how much we should cut it unless we are solving the problem. We 
can cut it more when we solve the problem. We have to do this first, and 
then we can do that. Let's fix the budget first.
    Now, if we meet these requirements, we will have produced a plan 
that delivers on economic renewal, that looks to the long run, not just 
the short term, that gives the American people a sense that we are 
rewarding and honoring the values and the vision of the people who work 
hard and play by the rules: work, family, education.
    I believe these requirements can unite this conference. Of course, 
in some ways, even though our opponents have had some near-term 
rhetorical success, I think they have done something to unite us as well 
by serving as the implacable guardians of an indefensible status quo, 
against governing, in the favor of gridlock or the short-term fears that 
keep us from facing our problems instead of courage to seize control of 
our destiny and our future. Their policies ought to give us courage. 
After all, they had the ball for 12 years, and look what they did with 
it.
    Now, I said on February the 18th in the State of the Union Address 
that I was not interested in blame, and I'm still not. And there's 
enough blame to go around, and there still is, not just among people in 
both parties of the Congress but among people who were Governors, 
mayors, and judges back then. That's fine. But there is blame to go 
around if you don't take responsibility now towards the future.
    Just a few days ago there was a remarkable article in the Wall 
Street Journal, hardly an organ of the national Democratic Party--
[laughter]--which said that Republicans' response to the budget crisis 
and the economic crisis of the country represented, and I quote, ``no 
new anything.'' That should unite us. On every important test, their 
alternatives have come up short. In both the House and the Senate, they 
offered much less deficit reduction and yet more pain to the average 
people in this country. They didn't lock their savings into a trust fund 
or have a real mechanism to enforce it. They weren't willing to stand up 
and ask their powerful and privileged and well-to-do and successful to 
pay even their fair share. In fact, they weren't willing to ask those 
people to pay anything at all. But they were more than happy to ask 
people on Medicare and the veterans and others to pay even more after we 
had already cut all those programs, again, saying the burden ought to be 
borne by the elderly, the working poor, and the middle class.
    Our plan supports growth and fairness, and theirs is another victory 
for special interests. They refuse to even close loopholes for three-
martini lunches or CEO salaries out of line with performance or the 
loophole that subsidizes the very lobbyists who write the loopholes. I 
read their plan. They didn't want to do that. They have no targeted 
incentives for businesses to create jobs in a global economy where 
plainly new strategies are called for, no targeted investments for 
growth; just taking more from health care, from veterans, from 
everything else that helps the average people in this country, just so 
the well off don't have to pay one red cent in new taxes.
    Frankly, folks, I'm tired of what is sort of cold-blooded being 
passed off as courageous, just because of the sloganeering. The slogans 
are easy: ``tax and spend,'' ``cut spending first,'' ``it's spending, 
stupid.'' They all sound so good, so that they mask the reality. The 
reality is, this budget cuts $250 billion in spending, over 200 specific 
spending cuts, not the general we'll-take-care-of-it-later of our 
opponents, the Vice President talked about, over hundreds of specific 
budget cuts in excess of $100 million apiece. That's what it does. There 
is nothing to be ashamed of here except somehow we haven't found a way 
to take a big old knife and cut through the rhetorical fog that has been 
blanketing our efforts in this town for the last several months. But I 
assure you, we're going to do it in the days ahead.
    You know, in the Senate Finance Committee, there was an interesting 
little drama that played

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itself out after we heard all this stuff about ``tax and spend'' and 
``it's spending, stupid'' and ``we're going to cut spending''. When the 
bill got down to the lick-log in the Senate Finance Committee, how many 
spending cuts do you think were offered by the other side, over and 
above the tough ones we had already put in place? Zero. Not one. Not one 
red cent. When it came down to getting away from this general stuff and 
to the specifics, nothing. Why? Because nobody wants to say anything 
hard. Because, sure, it is always the best thing in the heat of the 
moment to tell everybody just what they want to hear, but all of the 
easy things have been done. That's why we're in the fix we're in. And we 
have to do some things that are difficult.
    Let me say, it grieves me in some ways that this has become a 
partisan fight. I did not seek that. I still have some hope that some of 
the genuinely conscientious and responsible Members on the other side, 
when this conference report emerges, will vote for it. I know many of 
them think there are many good things in it. And we have done some 
changes, frankly, that moved this bill in the direction that the more 
moderate and responsible Members have asked for on the other side. But I 
will not shrink from defending what I know in my heart will help the 
economy when it is subjected to untrue and unfair attacks. This is the 
nature of our profession, I guess, but somewhere along the line, what's 
really in the interest of the American people ought to count, too.
    The last thing I want to say is that if you know you have to go this 
alone, and we don't get much help from the other side, there's an awful 
temptation, I guess, to do nothing, or at least to do nothing for a 
while. And I can tell you the cost of doing nothing is far higher in 
both political and economic terms than paying the price of progress 
today. We were elected to govern. We were elected to end gridlock. I 
don't know how many people I heard last year tell me, ``Even if you make 
me mad, do something. Do something. Move this thing. Break us out. Get 
something going.'' If we flinch or fail to get our mandate for a moment, 
the reaction to that would be far greater than any particular 
unpopularity of this effort.
    When we succeed and set our Nation on a new direction, and it will 
begin the day after both Houses vote for a combined plan--there will be 
a surge in conference--people will then see the facts, not the fog but 
the facts of what was in this program. The reality will take over. Then 
we will be on our way to building an economy which once again restores 
the American dream. We have been seeing it slip away for literally 20 
years now. The peak of middle class prosperity in this country occurred 
20 years ago in 1973. Ever since then, all new additions to earnings 
have come from people working longer hours or more people in the same 
family working. Ever since then, for 20 years, we have had different but 
inadequate responses to the challenges of the global economy. And then 
for the last 12 years, we tried trickle-down economics, which was shove 
it all up and hope it gets invested back down and it will work out fine.
    Now, I believe that the truth is somewhere between and beyond, more 
importantly, the old paradigms of Government. We cannot spend our way 
out of this crisis. The Government cannot work the American people, 
alone, out of this crisis. But neither can we ignore our fundamental 
responsibilities to put our house in order, invest in our people, and 
have the kind of program that will move us into the 21st century.
    This country is doing a lot of good things that often get lost 
because of the momentary insecurities. There has been a huge increase in 
productivity in the private sector. Your country is the high-quality, 
low-cost producer of hundreds, indeed thousands of goods and services 
that can help us if we can open markets and if we can get our house in 
order here and if we can continue to improve the skills of our people 
and if we can deal with the particular problems of various areas of the 
country and various parts of our economy. We can move this thing. We do 
not need to stay in the rut we're in. But we have been on this path in 
one way or the other for two decades. We cannot expect to move out of it 
in 6 months. But we will never move out of it unless we move. We can't 
just sit around and pray for rain. It doesn't work that way.
    Let me close with just this personal indulgence, if I might. Thirty 
years ago today, I visited Washington, DC, for the first time in a now 
rather well-known encounter I had with President Kennedy in the Rose 
Garden. I had hardly ever been out of Arkansas, and I wasn't sure where 
I was or what I was seeing. But I knew one thing in the week I spent 
here: I had no doubt whatever that the Congress of the United States and 
the President of the Unit-


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ed States could solve whatever problem and could meet whatever challenge 
we were facing. Now people all over America don't believe that anymore. 
Thirty years ago when I was here, I didn't have an instant of a doubt. 
And it was an incredible honor to be in this place, because this is 
where my country's business was done. Four months after I was here, of 
course, President Kennedy was assassinated, and the pain of that still 
lives on in this country and perhaps was the beginning of the slow 
undoing of our collective confidence in ourselves and our institutions. 
But you know, if you remember all the wonderful things that John Kennedy 
said, I think in some ways my favorite line was that ``We must always 
remember that here on Earth, God's work is truly our own.'' The only way 
to ever honor any memory of something gone is to do something today 
which reinforces the validity of that memory in our hearts.
    This day, it's far more important in our Nation's history for 
another reason, not because of my first trip here but because it was on 
this day in 1969 that an astronaut fulfilled one of President Kennedy's 
greatest dreams, when Neil Armstrong became the first person ever to 
walk on the Moon. When John Kennedy directed our attention to the 
heavens and inspired our notion of expanding knowledge, he saw it not as 
a test of our capacity, if you will remember, but of our character. He 
said, and I quote, ``We choose to go to the Moon in this decade and to 
do the other things not because they're easy but because they're hard. 
Because the challenges are one we are willing to accept, one we are 
unwilling to postpone, and one we intend to win.''
    So I say to you: I ask for your support, your unfailing efforts, 
your courage, your energy, because it is time to meet that kind of 
challenge. I know this is hard, more than anything else because it's 
been so hard in the last 2 months to get the facts out to the people. 
Every single piece of evidence shows that when people know what we're 
trying to do and what the details of this plan is, whether it's a Senate 
plan, a House plan, or something in between, a majority of the American 
people will see it as fair, sensible, and progressive. We are being not 
by the specifics, but by the rhetoric that has enveloped the fog of this 
town. I am telling you, once we act, we can make it go away because then 
the reality will begin to hit people's lives.
    And so I ask you in this place in time to remember the challenge 
that John Kennedy laid down in deciding to go to the Moon. This should 
be one we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and 
one we intend to win. Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 3:02 p.m. at the Cannon House Office 
Building. A tape was not available for verification of the content of 
these remarks.