    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1993, Book I)]
    [May 7, 1992]
    [Pages 591-596]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    [[Page 591]]

    The President's News Conference With European Community Leaders
    May 7, 1992

        President Clinton. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. We have
    just completed our first meeting of the leaders of the United States and
    the European Community. I would like to offer a warm welcome to
    Washington and the White House to Prime Minister Rasmussen and to
    President Delors.
        I had the pleasure of meeting with President Delors earlier, in
    March, and I'm delighted now to have the opportunity to see the Prime
    Minister of Denmark and the leader of the EC. Before I comment on some
    elements of the meeting, I want to describe first the attitude of this
    administration toward the European Community.
        It often seems to be the case that there is a great deal of focus,
    understandably, on some of the trade disputes that divide us rather than
    the bonds which unite us. It's useful to recall that our common ground
    is far, far wider than the areas of disagreement. The United States has
    long been a strong proponent of European unity and the importance of our
    transatlantic ties. Thirty-one years ago, President Kennedy made a
    statement that I believe holds as true today as it did then. He said,
    ``We see in Europe a partner with whom we could deal on the basis of
    full equality in all the great and burdensome tasks of building and
    defending a community of free nations.'' That same vision guides this
    administration.
        The European Community is our largest single trade and investment
    partner. Our relationships with Europe are directly responsible for an
    inordinate number of American jobs, and if we cultivate that
    relationship properly and grow our trade and investment, it will mean
    more economic opportunities for the American people.
        Even more important perhaps is our shared commitment to democratic
    values, to the protection of basic human rights, and to our collective
    responsibility to assist others who aspire to those values in their own
    society. We fully support Europe's efforts toward further integration,
    and we will work with the European Community to achieve our common
    goals.
        We believe a strong and united European Community as a key partner
    in the pressing problems around the world is very much in the interests
    of the United States. I want our partnership to be effective in finding
    solutions to the problems that we face together and to those few
    problems which continue to divide us.
        Today we agreed to provide leadership to assure a successful
    conclusion to the Uruguay round. A new GATT agreement could spark
    economic recovery in Europe and create waves of growth around the world.
    I have worked quite hard on this in the last several weeks. Just a few
    days ago I met with the Finance Ministers and the Central Bankers from
    the G-7 countries. And I said to them what I said today to Prime
    Minister Rasmussen and what I reiterated to President Delors: The United
    States wants a successful GATT round, and we are prepared to take a lot
    of trouble to get it done. We agreed that we would do that. My guests
    and I are committed to wrapping up these negotiations by the end of the
    year. We directed our negotiators to proceed urgently with other trading
    partners to restore momentum to the negotiations. Our aim is to have
    tangible progress to report when Prime Minister Miyazawa hosts us in
    Tokyo in July.
        We also reviewed the continuing tragedy in the Balkans. We agreed to
    work closely to avert further aggression against innocent populations.
    I've already answered some questions about this today, and I think I
    will let my guests make their statements before we make further
    comments.
        We discussed our common efforts to support democratic reform in
    Russia, Ukraine, and the other newly independent states of the former
    Soviet Union. The results of the referendum in Russia clearly indicate
    support for the approach that we have taken. We agreed that the G-7
    summit partners must continue to demonstrate their support for reform in
    Russia and in these other countries.
        I thank the EC leaders for the role they have played in encouraging
    the Middle East peace talks and the support they have given to the
    United States in working toward a successful conclusion to those talks.
    We also had a brief discussion about the growing similarity of our
    approaches toward protection of our environ-

    [[Page 592]]

    ment and other global problems. These are areas in which we can do more
    together. I asked the Prime Minister for some advice on health care and
    how they dealt with that in Denmark. We talked a little bit about the
    role of training the work force and its impact on productivity and how
    we need it to make both Europe and the United States more competitive in
    the global environment. And we agreed that we had a lot of things that
    we could learn from each other on and work together on.
        We believe, finally, that we have proved in Europe and the United
    States that you can have societies that are diverse and strong,
    societies that have a rich mosaic of different cultures but band
    together in common values of democracy and economic freedom and human
    rights. We know from the hard experiences of this century the importance
    of collective action in Europe to advance our common security. For all
    these reasons, I believe today more strongly than ever that we share a
    future of cooperation and progress.
        Thank you both for coming to Washington. I look forward to the
    progress we can make together in the weeks and months and years ahead.
        Mr. Prime Minister.
        Prime Minister Rasmussen. Thank you, President. Mr. Prime Minister,
    ladies and gentlemen, I wish to join the President of the United States
    in his positive appreciation of the result of this meeting.
        We had, throughout, constructive talks. And of all important issues,
    I think we have been basing our talks on openness and on common ground.
    In view of the initiative of the Danish presidency to strengthen the
    transatlantic dialog, I find that the consultations today were most
    encouraging. May I mention that we have underlined and we did agree
    today, I think, that the American-EC consensus on the need to strength
    our cooperation, not least on the economic growth area and the need for
    creating new employment, is so important that it did play a major role
    in our discussion. And I feel that we also, as the true upholders of
    democracy and free markets, have a wide range of jobs to do together.
        That leads me, Mr. President, to the subject you mentioned yourself,
    which I feel that the whole world are waiting upon the next answer to
    give. We have had an extensive and useful discussion on the tragic
    conflict in the former Yugoslavia, in particular in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
    We both confined and confirmed ourself in having responsibility here. We
    both agreed upon the need to go forward together. And it is my view that
    this will happen. On Monday the Foreign Ministers will meet in Brussels
    of the EC. We have seen some new developments during the last couple of
    days. Let me mention the most important ones:
        The leadership in Belgrade have said they will isolate the Serbs in
    Bosnia. Consequently, we must keep President Milosevic to his word.
        Secondly, this means that the Bosnian Serbs now defy the whole
    international community's acceptance of the Vance-Owen plan. We,
    therefore, do not take the so-called Bosnian parliament's ``no'' for an
    answer.
        And thirdly, I think that the international community, in particular
    the United States, the European Community, and Russia, is considering
    ways to increase the pressure on the Serbs in Bosnia. And may I confirm
    also, Mr. President, that the effectiveness of the sanctions has been a
    very, very important--has an important effects, and I want to thank you
    for the effective cooperation on that area also.
        Let me finalize my comment about the Bosnian case. We keep all
    options open. We must continue to follow the path we have taken up until
    now, namely that any additional measure should be taken and that we
    should take it together under the auspices of the United Nations
    Security Council.
        Allow me to turn to a few other major issues which I think is
    important. You mentioned yourself, Mr. President, the revitalization of
    the war of the economy. I was very happy today to state that after
    comments by President Delors and yourself, we did confirm each other
    once more in more detail the progresses on the GATT negotiations and the
    Uruguay round should be realized and would be realized also so that we
    together at the G-7 meeting in summer can present some positive results.
        I feel also that our discussion about Russia was very promising, and
    I want to thank you about these interesting positive attitude. And may I
    finalize by underlining our environmental common issue and goals. Once
    more I feel that what we have done today is the next important step also
    in environmental question. What we do in Europe and what you do in the
    United States do have important issues and effects on both countries and
    situations.

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        So what we shall do once more is to cooperate, be it economics, be
    in foreign policy, be it the tragic war in Bosnia. Thank you so much for
    a good meeting and very constructive attitude, Mr. President.
        President Clinton. Thank you.
        Mr. President.
        President Delors. President, Prime Minister, just a few words after
    the declaration of Mr. Rasmussen. My colleagues and myself thank
    President Clinton to give us the opportunity to discussion. I don't come
    back on Bosnia, but discussion was very fruitful just before an
    important meeting of the minister of foreign relations next Monday in
    Brussels.
        On the other subject, we have deepened our discussion on the Uruguay
    round. And since my first visit to President Clinton, I note that we
    have made progress together in terms of procedure and also in terms of
    substance. We concentrate our mind on the market access with the hope to
    finalize concrete results and to come back to Geneva through a
    multilateral declaration.
        We have also spoken about the economic outlook. For the first time,
    the Community has taken an initiative at the European level, mixed
    initiative with Community action and national action to improve the
    situation of the economy. We expect more growth with this first package,
    but we intend to rule over the situation and to complete, if possible,
    this package as far as the room to maneuver of the Community and each
    country allow the possibility to complete this package.
        And we have also discussed about the future framework of the large
    Europe with the efforts met by the Community to open their market to the
    Eastern European countries and also to have this country's close
    cooperation, not only on the economic field but also in the political
    field.
        Thank you.

    Bosnia

        Q. Mr. President, does this mean that you are closer now to getting
    the European Community to match up tougher military action in Bosnia?
        President Clinton. Well, I think it means that the Prime Minister's
    words mean exactly what they say. The Prime Minister said to me in our
    conversation that he thought that some of the reports of the journey of
    Secretary Christopher across the European capitals had minimized the
    extent to which European leaders and citizens in Europe feel responsible
    to do more to try to put an end to the killing and the suffering in
    Bosnia, and that as long as I was committed to the idea that we ought to
    do these things together, he thought we would move forward together to
    take more aggressive steps.
        I told you, I can't be more specific than I have been. You know
    pretty much where I am, but I think I have to wait until Secretary
    Christopher comes home and gives me his report.
        Q. So far, though, they have not gone along with you.
        President Clinton. That's not entirely true. There has been a lot of
    agreement on what should be done. There is still some disagreement
    around the edges about what the overall specific tactical steps should
    be, but I think that there is a lot more agreement than you think. And I
    think in the next few days you will see a common approach emerging.
        Q. Mr. President, you talk about a common approach. Does that
    automatically assume the use of force? And is the United States willing
    to provide arms to the Bosnians?
        President Clinton. I think you know how I feel about that. I think
    that the imposition of the arms embargo by the United Nations, before
    actually this country was even created and recognized, had the
    unintended consequence of giving the Serbs an insurmountable military
    advantage, which they have pressed with ruthless efficiency.
        So I feel very badly about what happened there. I think that's
    certainly one of the options that we have urged that be considered, and
    I think it's certainly one of the options that's still on the table. I
    think we've got to keep the heat on.
        Let me ask first--we ought to rotate this. Is there a member of the
    European press here? Anybody here from Denmark or from the European
    Community covering the European Community?
        Prime Minister Rasmussen. I see a couple of Danes over there.
        President Clinton. Could you call on them, Prime Minister? We're
    going to have some equal opportunity here.

    European Community

        Q. Mr. President, do you understand the

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    many things people don't want to join the EC?
        President Clinton. Don't want to join the EC?
        Q. Yes.
        President Clinton. Of course. That's a decision that's up to
    Denmark, of course. You'll get to vote on the Maastricht Treaty. But I
    can only--it's not for me to tell the people of Denmark how to vote, but
    I support the European Community. I support the Maastricht process. I
    hope it will prevail, but that's, of course, up to you.

    Bosnia

        Q. Mr. President, it appears, sir, that however things go, you may
    soon be asking Congress for some sort of approval or authorization for
    further action in the Balkans. Have you thought through, sir, what form
    you would want that to take and what it would be?
        President Clinton. I have given some thought to it, Brit [Brit Hume,
    ABC News]. I'm going to be heavily guided there by the leadership, the
    bipartisan leadership in the Congress and people who care most about
    these issues. I think that, again, before I make a final decision on
    that, I'm very, very anxious to talk to Senators Nunn and Lugar and the
    other four Senators who went across the region and all the way to Moscow
    in the last week. And obviously, it's important that I have my report
    from Secretary Christopher, but I've given some thought to it. I think
    it depends in large measure on the sense of the Congress about how we
    ought to proceed as well----
        Q. Mr. President, our bombing campaign during the Gulf war had only
    limited effectiveness. The Air Force was unable, for example, to take
    out the mobile SCUD missile sites. Given that fact, what rationale would
    there be for going to air strikes in Bosnia which is much more difficult
    terrain with artillery and installations that could be moved very
    easily?
        President Clinton. Well, let me answer you in this way. If I decide
    to ask the American people and the United States Congress to support an
    approach that would include the use of air power, I would have a very
    specific, clearly defined strategy to pursue and very clear tactical
    objectives for the use of that air power, which would have a beginning,
    a middle, and an end, and which not only I but our military advisers had
    advised me could be achieved.
        To be fair to the military in the Gulf, that's exactly what they
    said. If you remember, we had a different set of objectives in the Gulf
    and a very different opponent. The land was more open and easier to
    bomb, but they also were more heavily armed with missiles. So it was a
    completely different situation.
        I assure you today that if I decide to ask for the authority to use
    air power from the Congress and from the American people, I will make it
    very clear what the tactical objectives are, and they will be objectives
    that our military leaders say can, in fact, be achieved.

    Health Care

        Q. You said that you asked Mr. Rasmussen about the health care in
    Denmark. What about social affairs? Could you use anything from Denmark
    or the Scandinavian welfare system?
        President Clinton. Perhaps. One of the things that we talked about,
    generally, was the extent that which all of our countries are now facing
    common problems. But each nation in Europe and the United States has
    perhaps done one thing better or more completely or in a more advanced
    way than another nation. And I think--something that's important is not
    to reinvent the wheel.
        Yesterday I had a meeting with Republican leaders of the House and
    the Senate on the question of health care, and one of the things that
    encouraged me quite a lot is that some of them had actually traveled to
    Europe to look at some of the health care systems there. I think the
    more we can share with each other and learn from one another across a
    wide range, the better off we're going to be.
        Andrea [Andrea Mitchell, NBC News].

    Bosnia

        Q. Mr. President, why do you think the Europeans have been so
    reluctant on the issue of lifting the arms embargo, whereas they have
    considered other options, but on that they seem to be fairly well stuck?
    And then I'd like it if Prime Minister Rasmussen could comment on his
    views on lifting the arms embargo.
        President Clinton. Well, I don't think it's for me to speak for the
    Europeans. I think the arguments against lifting the arms embargo are
    fairly clear. You might argue that it will only widen the violence. You
    might argue that during the time between when you vote to do it and when
    it has an impact, it will only encourage the Serbs to intensify their
    efforts to kill and to gain territory. I think you might argue that it
    might make it difficult in the end to have

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    a settlement. I understand all those arguments. For me, they are
    outweighed by other considerations. But there are very serious concerns
    about that.
        Q. Mr. Prime Minister?
        Prime Minister Rasmussen. Yes. First of all, I think that what the
    President said, that we want to go together; and that, point two, we
    haven't closed any options, any options; and point three, I think that
    the discussion about lifting the weapons embargo, you cannot take that
    isolated.
        You have, as the President said, to evaluate and to take decisions
    upon the first step, the next step, and the next step. And you have to
    have clear political goals: what should you obtain, and what is at
    stake, and what is your means. So, in my mind--and I think we had a
    quite useful and constructive discussion--in my mind, you cannot exclude
    any options, which I have underlined, including the question you
    mentioned. But, on the other hand, I feel that you cannot discuss weapon
    embargo lifting without placing it in a whole range of issues with other
    steps. That is at stake in the discussion right now.
        The President. Susan [Susan Spencer, CBS News].

    President's Approval Rating

        Q. A non-Balkan question. We have a poll out tonight that shows that
    your job approval rating has gone from 64 to 49 percent in the last 2
    months, with particular erosion on the economy, which is what most
    people think you were elected to fix. Why do you think this has
    happened, and what, specifically, do you think you can do about that?
        President Clinton. I think there are two reasons. One is that I've
    been forced to deal with a lot of other issues. Most voters in this
    country don't like it when you spend any time on foreign policy because
    of the economic problems of the country. Secondly, I think even though
    the voters overwhelmingly supported the job stimulus package, what they
    really want is for the gridlock to end. And thirdly, I think that there
    is an inevitable sense that things take--people want things to happen
    immediately that don't happen immediately. And finally, I think that the
    stimulus got more publicity than the budget resolution. I think that,
    for example, I bet not 5 percent of the American people know that we
    passed a budget which has record-breaking deficit reduction and a long-
    term investment plan, and it passed at the most rapid point of any
    budget in 17 years. I bet not 1 in 20 American voters knows that because
    we did it, and success and the lack of discord is not as noteworthy as
    failures. So a multi-trillion-dollar budget resolution got--I'm not
    criticizing you; this is just part of the deal--got less play than a $16
    billion stimulus failure. So I think that people only can vote on and
    express what they know.
        I think the other big problem is, I haven't been out there as much
    as I should have been engaging the American people directly since
    February. I've been here doing huge, heavy lifting and long meetings on
    health care and the economy. That's what I've been working on, and I've
    been forced to deal with a lot of other issues. I think when the
    American people see that the program that I promised them on February
    17th is still intact and on the boards and going forward, when they
    realize that we are going forward with health care and that that is,
    notwithstanding, what the perception is, taking the lion's share of my
    time and attention, and when I get back out there and engage them again
    on it, I think that those things will turn around.
        But you know, you can't operate this job by polls. Anybody who
    thinks they can be President by polls--I didn't run the Governor's
    office that way. The only thing that matters is the polls that come
    around on election day, those are the things that matter. And you have
    to be willing to take on tough decisions. It takes a certain amount of
    time to do things, to make difficult decisions and to work through them,
    and you can't carry on a totally continuous campaign. It's simply not
    possible.

    Middle East Peace Talks

        Q. Mr. President, on the Middle East, you mentioned the Middle East
    talks. Do you think the U.S. should now offer proposals to bridge the
    gaps? Should the Syrians offer a full peace before Israel agrees to
    withdraw from the Golan Heights? And could you accept or see a
    Palestinian state eventually emerging from the talks?
        President Clinton. If I answer any of those questions I will
    undermine the Middle East peace talks. The real answer to that question
    is, if those parties can agree among themselves in good faith to
    proposals which will bring an end to the hostilities between Egypt and
    Syria--

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    I mean, between Israel and Syria, between Israel and the Palestinians--
    they can get the multilateral talks going, if they bring in the
    Jordanians, the Lebanese, that the United States will be prepared to be
    supportive of their agreements. That is the answer to that. And I hope
    they can reach them.
        Thank you very much.

    Note: The President's 14th news conference began at 2:03 p.m. on the
    South Lawn at the White House. In his remarks, he referred to Slobodon
    Milosevic, President of Serbia.