    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1993, Book I)]
    [July 7, 1993]
    [Pages 1027-1030]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
    of Italy in Tokyo
    July 7, 1993

        The President. Good morning. I have just finished my first personal
    meeting with Prime Minister Ciampi, and I enjoyed it immensely. The
    close ties between the United States and Italy will stand us in good
    stead as we try to meet the common challenges that we face. I told the
    Prime Minister that I admire very much the economic reforms and the
    political reforms that he and his government are undertaking and the
    impressive results they are producing.
        I also mentioned that in appointing one of the United States finest
    professional diplomats, Mr. Reg Bartholomew, Ambassador of Italy, I have
    tried to send a signal of the enormous importance of that bilateral
    relationship to the United States. The fact that Mr. Bartholomew grew up
    in the United States speaking Italian at home reinforces that tie.
        In addition, I invited the Prime Minister to come to the United
    States some time in the next couple of months for a personal visit at
    the White House so that we might discuss the issues of common concern
    further.
        We talked a good deal today about economic  issues  and  the
    importance  of  the G-7 reaffirming our support for a conclusion of the
    Uruguay round this year. This has gone on entirely too long. With
    recession in Europe, slow growth in Japan and the United States, it is
    imperative that we send a signal of economic expansion and hope. And
    both of us, I think it's fair to say, support that approach.
        We also discussed the foreign affairs issues which concern us both,
    including Somalia and Bosnia, and I was very impressed with the comments
    and the points that the Prime Minister made.
        I want to close by thanking Italy for its renewed effort in global
    problem-solving; the humanitarian and peacekeeping assistance in Bosnia,
    Albania, Somalia, Mozambique; its mediation efforts in the Nagorno-
    Karabakh. The United States highly values this as well as the critical
    partnership we have enjoyed with Italy in NATO, and we look forward to
    the NATO summit coming up in the next few months to reaffirm that
    partnership.
        Again, let me say, I thank the Prime Minister for his time today. It
    was very enlightening for me. I learned a good deal, and I look forward
    to a continued warm and constructive relationship between the United
    States and Italy.
        Mr. Prime Minister.
        Prime Minister Ciampi. First of all, I would like to thank the
    President for having invited me to visit Washington. This invitation I
    accept with great pleasure. I would also like to add that our talks
    today were very cordial and positive. And despite our age differences,
    the spirit was the same.
        I tried to illustrate to the President the great changes that are
    underway in Italy right now. But I also made it a point to emphasize
    that, despite these changes, one thing will not change, and that is our
    foreign policy. Italy will continue, as Italy has continued to do, to
    give its full consent to future problems, the most important problems
    which affect the world scene. It is important that this summit concludes
    by giving clear signals to the operators in the world. This clear-sent
    message would be to enhance a recovery of--to enhance the Uruguay round
    negotiations which have dragged on for too long. This would help to
    contribute our energies to over-

    [[Page 1028]]

    come the recession that we are going through now and to develop the
    economy in the world and to create new jobs.
        We also discussed the issues which directly affect the U.S. and
    Europe and the U.S. and Italy. We have also exchanged our opinions on
    the two most crucial issues of the day, which are Bosnia and Somalia. As
    far as Somalia is concerned, the most important thing is that we cannot
    forget what our priority goal is. And the goal is to normalize the
    political and social situation in the country, which has undergone
    domestic strife and which has prevented the distribution of food to the
    starving population. And in undertaking our military action, we must
    never forget the political action which, of course, must be supported by
    the military action. And I have found a full understanding on the
    President's part as far as Italy's request to have a greater presence of
    the Italians in Somalia.
        And in conclusion, I must again thank the President of the United
    States, Bill Clinton. This is our first meeting, although we have spoken
    on the phone before in a very cordial and practical conversation. The
    fact that we have finally met personally reinforces in me the sensation
    that the President is a very agreeable person and that we can work out
    our problems together.

    Political Reform

        Q. Mr. President, in your university speech, you appeared to be
    going over the head of the Japanese Government when you made this direct
    appeal to the Japanese consumers for open markets. Now, with Japanese
    elections only two weeks away, why shouldn't the Japanese see this as
    intervention in domestic politics? And given the uncertainty of the
    political situation right here now, isn't that somewhat of a political
    gamble on your part?
        The President. No, because I was not trying to interfere in domestic
    politics. I thought I owed it to the Japanese people and especially to
    the young people who were largely the audience today to make the case of
    the United States directly to them. I wanted them to understand clearly
    that the things that we advocate in terms of changing the trade
    relations between our two countries are things which I believe are in
    the interest of the Japanese as well as American workers.
        And just to reinforce the point about not wanting to interfere into
    the domestic politics, keep in mind, a major part of this election is
    being argued out on questions of domestic political reform. Italy is
    dealing with issues of domestic political reform. The United States is
    dealing with campaign finance reform and lobbying reform. This whole
    issue of political reform is very much alive in most of the advanced
    democracies today. The point of that is this: It is impossible for the
    United States to know with any real certainty what outcome of the
    election might produce a government more responsive to the arguments
    we're making.
        The present government has reached out to us in good faith to
    attempt to negotiate the principles behind a basic framework for new
    trade relations. Those negotiations are going on right now. So I want to
    make it clear--I'm very glad you asked the question--we are not, in any
    way, trying to influence the outcome of the election in terms of who
    wins what seats in the Diet. That is up to the people of Japan. But I
    owe it to the people of Japan, since there is no more important
    bilateral relationship than the relationship between the United States
    and Japan, to make the United States case directly to them, and that's
    what I was trying to do today.

    Somalia

        Q. Did you discuss the possibility that Italy gets a higher post in
    the high command militarily, and did you discuss the restarting of the
    negotiation towards national reconciliation in Somalia?
        The President. We discussed the former, but not the latter,
    expressly. The Prime Minister did say, and he's absolutely right, that
    the ultimate purpose of our presence in Somalia is to restore normal
    conditions of life and to try to help to build the nation there so that
    people can engage in self-government. Because of the intervention of the
    United Nations, people were saved from starving, medicine was provided,
    schools were reopened, the conditions of normal life have returned for
    most people. The present tension, occasioned by the action of General
    Aideed and then our reaction to that, is really the sort of thing people
    assumed would happen at the beginning of the United Nations
    intervention. But in the end, as the Prime Minister said, we have to try
    to have a political resolution of this.
        Now, with regard to the fact that the major elements there in terms
    of military forces are

    [[Page 1029]]

    Italian, Pakistani, and American--of course, there is unified United
    Nations Command under General Bir, something that we supported. How all
    the forces relate to General Bir is ultimately a matter for the United
    Nations Command to resolve. But I thought that the Prime Minister raised
    some serious questions and some legitimate issues, and I pledged to
    discuss those with our defense people and to get back to him and also to
    discuss it with the U.N. people. We didn't resolve it, and I can't say
    the United States has a position now, because this is the first
    opportunity I've had to discuss it. But he made a very important case
    that every nation with a substantial military presence there should at
    least have its views heard in some organized way. Perhaps he would like
    to comment, but I think that's a fair statement of where we were.
        Prime Minister Ciampi. I've little to add. It's very clear what I
    said, and it's very clear what President Clinton said.

    Japanese Elections

        Q. Mr. Clinton, I recognize that you weren't trying to interfere in
    Japanese politics. You did talk in the speech at Waseda about change. Do
    you see a linkage between the kind of change you're talking about and
    the kind of proposals being offered by the opposition parties?
        The President. Well, let me say again the question of political
    reform is one that every mature democracy has to face. But what I was
    talking about today is the necessity of changing the nature of the
    economic relationships. The opposition parties are in different places
    on a lot of those issues, and the incumbent government in the form of a
    personal letter from the Prime Minister has reached out across a gap to
    us within the last week that has not been bridged in years. So I will
    say again, I have no way of predicting what kind of election outcome
    would produce a government most likely to pursue this course that I am
    advocating, this new partnership with us. My belief is that no matter
    who wins the election, in the end, history is on our side and will
    require a change in the relationships.
        So I want to say again, I maintain a strictly neutral position about
    the people who are running and who should win. That is a decision for
    the Japanese people to make. I am generally supportive of the notion of
    political reform. I have generally tried to reassure the people of Japan
    that I do not think they should be too filled with anxiety in the face
    of these changes. This is the sort of thing that is happening in many,
    many countries, including the United States. But they will have to
    decide which party and which individual candidates and which leaders are
    best for them. That is not for the United States to say.

    Electoral Reform and Unity in Italy

        Q. Mr. President, you spoke about changes in democracies. But in
    Italy these changes have been fairly dramatic. There has been fear of
    separation between north and south. There have been proposals for the
    introduction of direct election of the government. Do you share those
    fears that a separation could be possible? And do you think the
    political change could happen fast? And do you think that works better
    where democracy is a direct election of the government?
        And just for Mr. Ciampi, you spoke about the need from the G-7 of
    getting clear messages for the markets. Don't you think that the markets
    are expecting clear messages from Italy that something more should be
    done? Will you go back to Italy proposing the more comprehensive plan
    for restructuring the political and economic systems of the country?
        The President. It is inappropriate for me to express a firm opinion
    about the questions you ask since the Italian people will have to
    resolve that for themselves, just as the Japanese people will have to
    resolve their questions of political reform. But I would make two
    observations.
        First is that the differences in economy and culture between the
    north and the south in your country have some analogy in our country.
    That is, we have some places in our country that are far wealthier than
    others. We have places in our country that are far different culturally
    than others. And that is a continuing challenge. My own view is that
    we're much better facing those things together and trying to create a
    community of interest than we would be if we were to split up. I realize
    the challenge it presents to Italy; I spent time in southern Italy; I
    spent time in northern Italy. I'm well aware of the fact that some parts
    of northern Italy achieve per capita incomes higher than the Federal
    Republic of Germany before the merger of West and East Germany. But I
    think that these are the kinds of challenges that would have to be
    faced, regardless, and the heritage of Italy as a united country is a
    very old one indeed.

    [[Page 1030]]

        With regard to the electoral system, at various times the people in
    democracies, when times are tough, tire of the system they have. In our
    country, for example, we had a third party candidate get the highest
    percentage of the vote that a third party candidate has gotten since the
    beginning of this century.
        On the other hand, I believe that the two-party system and the fact
    that we have roughly centrist parties with majority rule, right of
    center, left of center a little bit, but roughly centrist parties, has
    stabilized our political system over the years. Sometimes, people have
    been disappointed that there weren't clear-cut differences and ideas
    throughout American history in the parties, and then sometimes there
    are. But if you have a majority rule system, you tend to have more
    compromise and more stability. Sometimes people grow tired of it, and
    they look for other options. It has happened to us three or four times
    in our history where a new party has come up, and one of our existing
    parties has disappeared over 217 years. But it has served us well, I
    believe, on balance. Nearly any student of American history would say
    that we have been served well by that system. Now, whether it will work
    in Italy is a decision you'll have to make.
        Prime Minister Ciampi. First of all, I would like to add a few
    points, Mr. President, and they will be very brief and very clear. First
    of all, no new party in Italy or no party at all questions the unity of
    Italy. The second point is that the Italian Parliament is currently
    studying electoral reform to solve the institutional problems of Italy.
    Second of all, the Italian Government--and I would hope that you would
    read the relative documentation--is fully supporting the electoral
    reform and is making it the number one priority.
        The President. Thank you very much.
        Q. Progress on trade talks?
        The President. You know, I was out at the university, and then I
    came directly back here to meet with the Prime Minister. So I've
    received no report. I can't say.

    Note: The President's 20th news conference began at noon in the Wakakusa
    Room at the Okura Hotel. Prime Minister Ciampi spoke in Italian, and his
    remarks were translated by an interpreter.