[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1992-1993, Book II)]
[December 15, 1992]
[Pages 2189-2194]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at Texas A&M University in College Station, Texas
December 15, 1992

    Thank you all for that welcome back. Thank you very, very much. Good 
afternoon, everybody, and thank you all. I knew if I wore this necktie 
I'd get a nice welcome. But anyway--[applause]. Thank you, Dr. Mobley, 
thank you, Bill, for your kind introduction.
    May I salute Congressmen that are with us today, Congressman Joe 
Barton and Congressman Jack Fields; and Commissioner Rick Perry and Kay 
Bailey Hutchison and Representative Ogden; my old friend Fred McClure, 
who served at my side in the White House. And may I thank Chairman Ross 
Margraves for the wonderful program that he arranged for me today as I 
heard about this library. And I salute the board of regents members that 
are here; the members of the library committee; Chancellor Richardson, I 
think I mentioned, but I salute him.
    I want to say thanks to my hosts, the Memorial Student Center 
Political Forum. When that forum started, I think Congressman Bob 
Eckhardt and I were the first two speakers to speak at the political 
forum. I'd hate to tell you how far back that was. But anyway, I'm glad 
to be back here. And may I send my heartiest thanks to the corps of 
cadets and the fightin' Texas Aggies band over here.
    As I told Bill Mobley and Ross earlier, on a personal note, I am 
looking forward to spending more time here, to actively participating in 
our Presidential library that will be built here, to helping with the 
School of Public Service that will be part of that library. And Barbara 
and I are both looking forward to being part of the A&M family. Thank 
you very much.
    Now for the business at hand. In 36 days, I'll hand over the 
stewardship of this great Nation, capping a career in public service 
that began 50 years ago in wartime skies over the Pacific. And our 
country won that great contest but entered an uneasy peace. You see, the 
fires of World War II cooled into a longer cold war, one that froze the 
world into two opposing camps: on the one side, America and its allies, 
and on the other--[applause]--the forces of freedom thus against an 
alien ideology that cast its shadow over every American.
    Three years ago when I was honored to address the graduating class 
here at Texas A&M, I spoke of the need to move beyond containment. And I 
said, ``We seek the integration of the Soviet Union into the community 
of nations. Ultimately, our objective is to welcome the Soviet Union 
back into the world order.'' And was this aim too ambitious? Not for the 
American people.
    Today, by the grit of our people and the grace of God, the cold war 
is over. Freedom has carried the day. And I leave the White House 
grateful for what we have achieved together and also exhilarated by the 
promise of what can come to pass.
    This afternoon I would like to just share some of my thoughts on the 
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis is a 
simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent past, one 
truth rings out more clearly than ever: America remains today what 
Lincoln said it was more than a century ago, ``the last best hope of man 
on Earth.'' This is a fact, a truth made indelible by the struggles and 
the agonies of the 20th century and in the sacrifice symbolized by each 
towering oak on Simpson Drill Field here at Texas A&M University. The 
leadership, the power, and yes, the conscience of the United States of 
America, all are essential for a peaceful, prosperous international 
order, just as such an order is essential for us.
    History's lesson is clear: When a war-weary America withdrew from 
the interna-

[[Page 2190]]

tional stage following World War I, the world spawned militarism, 
fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind into another 
devastating conflict. But in answering the call to lead after World War 
II, we built from the principles of democracy and the rule of law a new 
community of free nations, a community whose strength, perseverance, 
patience, and unity of purpose contained Soviet totalitarianism and kept 
the peace.
    In the end, Soviet communism provided no match for free enterprise 
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And the 
American leadership that undermined the confidence and capacity of the 
Communist regimes became a beacon for all the peoples of the world.
    Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of 
the Soviet advance while our adversary probed for weaknesses that were 
never found. Presidents from both parties led an Atlantic alliance held 
together by the bonds of principle and love of liberty, facing a Warsaw 
Pact lashed together by occupation troops and quisling governments and, 
when all else failed, the use of tanks against its own people. By the 
1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our alliance would not crack when 
they threatened America's allies with the infamous SS-20 nuclear 
missile. Nor did the alliance shrink from the deployment of 
countervailing missiles to defend against this menace.
    In the Pacific, too, we built a new alliance with Japan, defended 
Korea, and called hundreds of thousands of Americans to sacrifice in the 
jungles of Southeast Asia.
    The American people demonstrated that they would shoulder whatever 
defense burden, make whatever sacrifice was needed to assure our freedom 
and protect our allies and interests. And we made use of this superb 
technology that our free enterprise system has produced. And having 
learned that they could not divide our alliance, the Soviets eventually 
were forced to realize that their command economy simply could not 
compete. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the 
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth, about us and about 
them.
    In the end, Soviet communism was destroyed by its own internal 
contradictions. New leaders with new vision faced the hard truths that 
their predecessors had long denied. Glasnost, perestroika: They may have 
been Russian words, but the concepts at their core were universal.
    The Soviet Union did not simply lose the cold war; the Western 
democracies won it. I say this not to gloat but to make a key point. The 
qualities that enabled us to triumph in that struggle, faith, strength, 
unity, and above all, American leadership, are those we must call upon 
now to win the peace.
    In recent years, with the Soviet empire in its death throes, the 
potential for crisis and conflict was never greater, the demand for 
American leadership never more compelling. As the peoples of Eastern 
Europe made their bold move for freedom, we urged them along a peaceful 
path to liberation. They turned to us. They turned to America, and we 
did not turn away. And when our German friends took their hammers to 
tear down that wall, we encouraged a united Germany, safely within the 
NATO alliance. They looked to America, and we did not look away. And 
when the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to roll back the 
tide of history, America did not walk away.
    I can remember speaking to Boris Yeltsin at that terrible moment of 
crisis. At times the static on the telephone made it almost impossible 
to hear him, but there was no mistaking what he wanted to know. He asked 
where the United States of America stood. And America answered, for all 
the world to hear, ``We stand with you.''
    Boris Yeltsin to this day hasn't forgotten. Praising our country on 
his visit to the White House this June, he said George Bush was the 
first to understand the true scope and meaning of the victory of the 
Russian people on August 19, 1991. He addressed me, but he was talking 
about our country, the United States of America.
    The free peoples of the world watched; they watched in awe as the 
Soviet Union collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take 
its place, wondering who might control its tens of thousands of nuclear 
weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We acted decisively to 
help

[[Page 2191]]

the new leaders reduce their arsenals and gain firm control of those 
that remain.
    Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record, a fact 
that will be studied for years in the library right here at Texas A&M 
University: The end of a titanic clash of political systems, the 
collapse of the most heavily armed empire in history, took place without 
a shot being fired. That should be a source of pride for every American.
    From the days after World War II, when fragile European democracies 
were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last days of the cold 
war, as our foes became fragile democracies themselves, American 
leadership has been indispensable. No one person deserves credit for 
this. America does. It has been achieved because of what we as a people 
stand for and what we are made of.
    Yes, we answered the call, and we triumphed, but today we are 
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot or cold, 
but to win the democratic peace, not for half a world as before but for 
people the world over. The end of the cold war, you see, has placed in 
our hands a unique opportunity to see the principles for which America 
has stood for two centuries, democracy, free enterprise, and the rule of 
law, spread more widely than ever before in human history.
    For the first time, turning this global vision into a new and better 
world is, indeed, a realistic possibility. It is a hope that embodies 
our country's tradition of idealism, which has made us unique among 
nations and uniquely successful. And our vision is not mere utopianism. 
The advance of democratic ideals reflects a hard-nosed sense of our own, 
of American self-interest. For certain truths have, indeed, now become 
evident: Governments responsive to the will of the people are not likely 
to commit aggression. They are not likely to sponsor terrorism or to 
threaten humanity with weapons of mass destruction. Likewise, the global 
spread of free markets, by encouraging trade, investment, and growth, 
will sustain the expansion of American prosperity. In short, by helping 
others, we help ourselves.
    Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask them to 
consider the last 4 years when a dozen dreams were made real: The Berlin 
Wall demolished and Germany united; the captive nations set free; Russia 
democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons eliminated, the rest vastly 
reduced; many nations united in our historic U.N. coalition to turn back 
a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and its Arab neighbors for the 
first time talking peace, face to face, in a region that has known so 
much war. Each of these once seemed a dream. Today they're concrete 
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and judicious 
application of American leadership, American power, and perhaps most of 
all, American moral force.
    Without a doubt, there's going to be serious obstacles and setbacks 
ahead. You know and I know that we face some already. Violence, poverty, 
ethnic and religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. And 
overcoming them is going to take time, and it's going to take tenacity, 
courage, and commitment. But I am absolutely convinced that they can be 
overcome.
    Look to Europe, where nations, after centuries of war, transformed 
themselves into a peaceful, progressive community. No society, no 
continent should be disqualified from sharing the ideals of human 
liberty. The community of democratic nations is more robust then ever, 
and it will gain strength as it grows. By working with our allies, by 
invigorating our international institutions, America does not have to 
stand alone.
    Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. We've 
carried the burden too long, they say, and the disappearance of the 
Soviet challenge means that America can withdraw from international 
responsibilities. And then others assert that domestic needs preclude an 
active foreign policy, that we've done our part; now it's someone else's 
turn. We're warned against entangling ourselves in the troubles that 
abound in today's world, to name only a few: clan warfare, mass 
starvation in Somalia; savage violence in Bosnia; instability in the 
former Soviet Union; the alarming growth of virulent nationalism.
    It's true, these problems--some frozen by the cold war, others held 
in check by Com-

[[Page 2192]]

munist repression--seem to have ignited all at once, taxing the world's 
ability to respond. But let's be clear: The alternative to American 
leadership is not more security for our citizens but less, not the 
flourishing of American principles but their isolation in a world 
actively held hostile to them.
    Destiny, it has been said, is not a matter of chance; it's a matter 
of choice. It's not a thing to be waited for; it's a thing to be 
achieved. And we can never safely assume that our future will be an 
improvement over the past. Our choice as a people is simple: We can 
either shape our times, or we can let the times shape us. And shape us 
they will, at a price frightening to contemplate, morally, economically, 
and strategically.
    Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like 
that in Somalia would scar the soul of our Nation. There can be no 
single or simple set of guidelines for foreign policy. We should help. 
But we should consider using military force only in those situations 
where the stakes warrant, where it can be effective and its application 
limited in scope and time. As we seek to save lives, we must always be 
mindful of the lives that we may have to put at risk.
    Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile 
nationalism will disrupt global markets, set off trade wars, set us on a 
path of economic decline. American jobs would be lost, our chance to 
compete would be blocked, and our very well-being would be undermined.
    Strategically, abandonment of the worldwide democratic revolution 
could be disastrous for American security. The alternative to democracy, 
I think we would all agree, is authoritarianism: regimes that can be 
repressive, xenophobic, aggressive, and violent. And in a world where, 
despite U.S. efforts, weapons of mass destruction are spreading, the 
collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a direct threat to the 
safety of every single American.
    The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. And let me 
be blunt: A retreat from American leadership, from American involvement, 
would be a mistake for which future generations, indeed our own 
children, would pay dearly.
    But we can influence the future. We can rededicate ourselves to the 
hard work of freedom. And this doesn't mean running off on reckless, 
expensive crusades. It doesn't mean bearing the world's burdens all 
alone. But it does mean leadership, economic, political, and yes, 
military, when our interests and values are at risk and where we can 
make a difference. And when we place our young men and women of the 
military in harm's way, we must be able to assure them and their 
families that their mission is defined and that its success can be 
achieved.
    It seems like ages ago that the people of Germany tore down that 
wall. But it's been only 3 years, and just over a year since the August 
coup was defeated by brave Russian democrats. And in this brief time, 
we've embarked on a new course through uncharted waters. The United 
States and its friends, old and new, have begun to define the post-cold-
war reality. And we are already transforming the old network of 
alliances, institutions, and regimes to face the future. And those 
challenges must be met with collective action, led by the United States, 
to protect and promote our political, economic, and security values.
    Our foundation must be the democratic community that won the cold 
war. And we've begun to adapt America's political, economic, and defense 
relationships with Europe and Japan to ensure their vitality and 
strength in this new era, for these will continue to be essential 
partners in addressing the next generation of problems and 
opportunities.
    For example, we've begun to transform the Atlantic alliance, that 
bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a more united 
Europe, a partnership primed to meet new security challenges in this age 
of uncertainty. And a new feature of our alliance, the North Atlantic 
Cooperation Council, enables NATO to reach out to our former adversaries 
in the Warsaw Pact.
    In the Pacific, we've affirmed the importance of the U.S.-Japan 
security ties to stability in Asia. But we're also exploring ways to 
work together as global partners to address common interests in 
economics, development, and regional problems.
    Then we've committed ourselves to expanding the democratic community 
by sup-

[[Page 2193]]

porting political and economic freedom in nascent democracies and market 
economies. And we're sharing this burden with the very nations America 
helped after World War II.
    Look, in Central and Eastern Europe, our enterprise funds and these 
other programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic 
infrastructure for nations long oppressed by Stalin's legacy. And now 
the FREEDOM Support Act will provide crucial help for reform in the 
lands of our former enemies.
    In Latin America, the day of the dictator has given way to the dawn 
of democracy. This very day, our Vice President is taking part in a 
ceremony in El Salvador that caps the long effort to end the killing and 
give the people there the opportunity to live in peace.
    Throughout the region, economic initiatives are helping a new 
generation of leaders reform their societies. The Brady plan and our 
Enterprise for the Americas Initiative have opened up extraordinary 
possibilities for a new relationship with our hemispheric neighbors. 
Investment, free trade, debt relief, and environmental protection will 
nurture the homegrown reforms throughout Latin America.
    We're strengthening the ability of the democratic community to deal 
with the political landmines that the cold war has exposed: aggressive 
nationalism, earlier I mentioned ethnic conflict, civil war, and 
humanitarian crises. The United States has led the world in supporting a 
United Nations more capable with dealing with these crises.
    All over the world, Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia, we've 
promoted elections not only as a goal but as a tool, a device for 
resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
    One of vital interest to every young person: In the area of security 
and arms control, we've stepped up patrol against the spread of weapons 
of mass destruction. The new chemical weapons convention will ban 
chemical weapons from the arsenals of all participating states. We've 
strengthened multilateral export controls on nuclear and chemical and 
biological and missile-related technologies. And in a mission without 
precedent, a U.N. inspection team is demolishing Iraq's unconventional 
weapons capability, and we're going to support them every inch of the 
way. And once implemented, the agreements we've negotiated will ban new 
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union. And above 
all, we've sought to erase nuclear nightmares from the sleep of future 
generations.
    We underscored one key security principle with a line in the sand: 
Naked aggression against our vital interests will be answered decisively 
by American resolve, American leadership, and American might. Our 
victory in the Gulf, in the Persian Gulf, was more than a blow for 
justice; it was a reminder to other would-be aggressors that they will 
pay a price for their outlaw acts.
    We've been committed to building the basis for sustained 
international economic growth for ourselves and for those nations of 
what were once the so-called second and third worlds. The heart of our 
efforts has been the creation of a stronger and freer international 
trading market.
    Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the way 
for an early conclusion to the Uruguay round of GATT and a major boost 
to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico, Canada, and the United 
States will sign a landmark agreement establishing the largest free 
trade zone the world has ever seen. And our efforts to forge a new 
mechanism for Asia-Pacific economic cooperation confirm America's 
commitment to remain an economic and security power in Asia.
    I believe we've taken important steps toward a world in which 
democracy is the norm, in which private enterprise, free trade, and 
prosperity enrich every region, a world in which the rule of law 
prevails. We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the 
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the squalor 
that still haunts so much of the globe. We can't rest while a handful of 
renegade regimes aspire to obtain weapons of mass destruction with which 
to threaten their neighbors or even America. There is much to be done 
before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But these first 
steps have taken us in that right direction.

[[Page 2194]]

    The challenge ahead, then, is as great as the one we faced at the 
end of the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater. 
Success will require American vision and resolve, an America secure in 
its military, moral, and economic strength. Success will require unity 
of purpose: a commitment on the part of all our people to the 
proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in the hope of a better 
world, a new world made better, with our friends and allies, again by 
American leadership.
    History is summoning us once again to lead. Proud of its past, 
America must once again look forward. And we must live up to the 
greatness of our forefathers' ideals and in doing so secure our 
grandchildren's futures. And that is the cause that much of my public 
life has been dedicated to serving.
    Let me just say this--[applause]--in 36--hey listen--[applause]--
come on now, you guys, as Barbara Bush would say--[applause]. But in 36 
days we will have a new President. And I am confident, I am very 
confident that he will do his level-best to serve the cause that I have 
outlined here today. And he's going to have my support--[applause]--and 
he will have my support, and I'll stay out of his way. And I really mean 
that. But it is more important than my support, it is more important 
that he have your support. You are our future.
    God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. Thank you 
all.

                    Note: The President spoke at 12:08 p.m. at G. Rollie 
                        White Coliseum. In his remarks, he referred to 
                        William H. Mobley, president, Herbert H. 
                        Richardson, chancellor, and Ross Margraves, 
                        chairman, board of regents, Texas A&M 
                        University; Rick Perry, Texas State commissioner 
                        of agriculture; Kay Bailey Hutchison, Texas 
                        State treasurer; and Frederick D. McClure, 
                        former Assistant to the President for 
                        Legislative Affairs.