[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1992, Book I)]
[July 9, 1992]
[Pages 1104-1105]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in 
Helsinki, Finland

July 9, 1992
    May I first thank President Koivisto and the Government and the 
wonderful people of Finland for their hospitality.
    It's fitting that we meet again in Helsinki, the city whose name 
came to symbolize hope and determination during the cold war. We 
declared the cold war over when we met in Paris in 1990. But even then 
we did not appreciate what awaited us. Since 1990, a vast empire has 
collapsed, a score of new states have been born, and a brutal war rages 
in the Balkans.
    Our world has changed beyond recognition. But our principles have 
not changed. They have been proven right. With our principles as a 
compass, we must work as a community to challenge change toward the 
peaceful order that this century has thus far failed to deliver.
    The United States has always supported CSCE as a vehicle for 
advancing human rights. During the cold war we saw the denial of human 
rights as a primary source of the confrontation that scarred Europe and 
threatened global war. And now a new ideology, intolerant nationalism, 
is spawning new divisions, new crimes, new conflicts. Because we believe 
that the key to security in the new age is to create a democratic peace, 
the United States sees an indispensable role for CSCE. Accordingly, I'd 
like to suggest a five-point agenda to make CSCE more effective.
    First, let us commit ourselves to make democratic change 
irreversible. We must not be so paralyzed by the turmoil around us that 
we lose sight of our historic mission: completing the grand liberation 
of the past 3 years. We should use CSCE to nurture democratic ways in 
those societies where people have been oppressed for generations under 
the heel of the state. We should reject the notion that democracy has 
opened Pandora's box. Democracy is not the cause of these problems but 
rather the means by which people can resolve their differences and bring 
their aspirations into harmony. We have proof of this. In this room are 
leaders of nations for whom democracy has made both aggression and civil 
war unthinkable.
    Second, let us all agree to be held accountable to the standards of 
conduct recorded in our solemn declarations. Those who violate CSCE 
norms must be singled out, criticized, isolated, even punished by 
sanctions. And let Serbia's absence today serve as a clear message to 
others.
    Third, let us commit CSCE to attack the root causes of conflict. The 
Dutch initiative for a high commissioner for national minorities is an 
important step toward providing early warning. It will help us act 
before conflict erupts. My country has proposed a CSCE project on 
tolerance which can lead to practical cooperation in fighting 
discrimination and racial prejudice. We cannot fail to make this a top 
priority while the so-called ethnic cleansing of Muslims occurs in 
Bosnia even as we meet.
    Fourth, let us strengthen our mechanisms for the settlement of 
disputes. CSCE should offer a flexible set of services for mediation, 
conciliation, arbitration so that conflicts can be averted. A prompt 
follow-on meeting should take up specific means for dispute settlement, 
including the U.S. idea whereby our community can insist that disputing 
parties submit to CSCE conciliation.
    Fifth, let us decide right here and now to develop a credible Euro-
Atlantic peacekeeping capability. This region remains

[[Page 1105]]

heavily armed from cold war days. Ad hoc operations of hastily assembled 
units will not suffice, and this is why I consider NATO's offer to 
contribute to CSCE peacekeeping so vital. We've learned that Europe's 
problems are America's problems, her hopes and aspirations ours as well. 
Because of NATO, my country will keep substantial military capabilities 
in Europe that could contribute to peacekeeping under CSCE. But it is 
not for NATO alone to keep the peace in Europe. We welcome a WEU role, 
and we also invite every nation here to work directly with NATO in 
building a new Euro-Atlantic peacekeeping force.
    I must conclude these remarks with another word on the nightmare in 
Bosnia. If our CSCE community is to have real meaning in this new world, 
let us be of one mind about our immediate aims. First, we should see to 
it that relief supplies get through no matter what it takes. Second, we 
should see to it that the United Nations sanctions are respected no 
matter what it takes. Third, we should do all we can to prevent this 
conflict from spreading. And fourth, let us call with one voice for the 
guns to fall silent through a cease-fire on all fronts.
    Let me close with this thought. We know more now than we did at our 
last gathering in Paris about this new era, its dangers, and yes, about 
its possibilities. There's still an abundance of uncertainty, and yet we 
cannot be daunted by the unknown. The steps we take here will be only 
first steps, but let them be determined first steps toward a true 
community of freedom and peace. To this end I came to Finland, to pledge 
the full support of the United States of America.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

                    Note: The President spoke at 5:35 p.m. at the 
                        Helsinki Fair Center.