[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1991, Book I)]
[January 29, 1991]
[Pages 74-80]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union
January 29, 1991

Mr. President and Mr. Speaker and Members of the United States Congress:
    I come to this House of the people to speak to you and all 
Americans, certain that we stand at a defining hour. Halfway around the 
world, we are engaged in a great struggle in the skies and on the seas 
and sands. We know why we're there: We are Americans, part of something 
larger than ourselves. For two centuries, we've done the hard work of 
freedom. And tonight, we lead the world in facing down a threat to 
decency and humanity.
    What is at stake is more than one small country; it is a big idea: a 
new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common 
cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind--peace and 
security, freedom, and the rule of law. Such is a world worthy of our 
struggle and worthy of our children's future.
    The community of nations has resolutely gathered to condemn and 
repel lawless aggression. Saddam Hussein's unprovoked invasion--his 
ruthless, systematic rape of a peaceful neighbor--violated everything 
the community of nations holds dear. The world has said this aggression 
would not stand, and it will not stand. Together, we have resisted the 
trap of appeasement, cynicism, and isolation that gives temptation to 
tyrants. The world has answered Saddam's invasion with 12 United Nations 
resolutions, starting with a demand for Iraq's immediate and 
unconditional withdrawal, and backed up by forces from 28 countries of 6 
continents. With few exceptions, the world now stands as one.
    The end of the cold war has been a victory for all humanity. A year 
and a half ago, in Germany, I said that our goal was a Europe whole and 
free. Tonight, Germany is united. Europe has become whole and free, and 
America's leadership was instrumental in making it possible.
    Our relationship to the Soviet Union is important, not only to us 
but to the world. That relationship has helped to shape these and other 
historic changes. But like many other nations, we have been deeply 
concerned by the violence in the Baltics, and we have communicated that 
concern to the Soviet leadership. The principle that has guided us is 
simple: Our objective is to help the Baltic peoples achieve their 
aspirations, not to punish the Soviet Union. In our recent discussions 
with the Soviet leadership we have been given representations which, if 
fulfilled, would result in the withdrawal of some Soviet forces, a 
reopening of dialog with the Republics, and a move away from violence.
    We will watch carefully as the situation develops. And we will 
maintain our contact with the Soviet leadership to encourage continued 
commitment to democratization and reform. If it is possible, I want to 
continue to build a lasting basis for U.S.-Soviet cooperation--for a 
more peaceful future for all mankind.
    The triumph of democratic ideas in Eastern Europe and Latin America 
and the continuing struggle for freedom elsewhere all around the world 
all confirm the wisdom of our nation's founders. Tonight, we work to 
achieve another victory, a victory over tyranny and savage aggression.
    We in this Union enter the last decade of

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the 20th century thankful for our blessings, steadfast in our purpose, 
aware of our difficulties, and responsive to our duties at home and 
around the world. For two centuries, America has served the world as an 
inspiring example of freedom and democracy. For generations, America has 
led the struggle to preserve and extend the blessings of liberty. And 
today, in a rapidly changing world, American leadership is 
indispensable. Americans know that leadership brings burdens and 
sacrifices. But we also know why the hopes of humanity turn to us. We 
are Americans; we have a unique responsibility to do the hard work of 
freedom. And when we do, freedom works.
    The conviction and courage we see in the Persian Gulf today is 
simply the American character in action. The indomitable spirit that is 
contributing to this victory for world peace and justice is the same 
spirit that gives us the power and the potential to meet our toughest 
challenges at home. We are resolute and resourceful. If we can 
selflessly confront the evil for the sake of good in a land so far away, 
then surely we can make this land all that it should be. If anyone tells 
you that America's best days are behind her, they're looking the wrong 
way.
    Tonight I come before this House and the American people with an 
appeal for renewal. This is not merely a call for new government 
initiatives; it is a call for new initiatives in government, in our 
communities, and from every American to prepare for the next American 
century.
    America has always led by example. So, who among us will set the 
example? Which of our citizens will lead us in this next American 
century? Everyone who steps forward today--to get one addict off drugs, 
to convince one troubled teenager not to give up on life, to comfort one 
AIDS patient, to help one hungry child.
    We have within our reach the promise of a renewed America. We can 
find meaning and reward by serving some higher purpose than ourselves, a 
shining purpose, the illumination of a Thousand Points of Light. And it 
is expressed by all who know the irresistible force of a child's hand, 
of a friend who stands by you and stays there, a volunteer's generous 
gesture, an idea that is simply right.
    The problems before us may be different, but the key to solving them 
remains the same. It is the individual--the individual who steps 
forward. And the state of our Union is the union of each of us, one to 
the other--the sum of our friendships, marriages, families, and 
communities.
    We all have something to give. So, if you know how to read, find 
someone who can't. If you've got a hammer, find a nail. If you're not 
hungry, not lonely, not in trouble, seek out someone who is. Join the 
community of conscience. Do the hard work of freedom. And that will 
define the state of our Union.
    Since the birth of our nation, ``We the People'' has been the source 
of our strength. What government can do alone is limited, but the 
potential of the American people knows no limits.
    We are a nation of rock-solid realism and clear-eyed idealism. We 
are Americans. We are the Nation that believes in the future. We are the 
Nation that can shape the future. And we've begun to do just that, by 
strengthening the power and choice of individuals and families.
    Together, these last 2 years, we've put dollars for child care 
directly in the hands of parents instead of bureaucracies; unshackled 
the potential of Americans with disabilities; applied the creativity of 
the marketplace in the service of the environment, for clean air; and 
made home ownership possible for more Americans.
    The strength of a democracy is not in bureaucracy. It is in the 
people and their communities. In everything we do, let us unleash the 
potential of our most precious resource--our citizens, our citizens 
themselves. We must return to families, communities, counties, cities, 
States, and institutions of every kind the power to chart their own 
destiny and the freedom and opportunity provided by strong economic 
growth. And that's what America is all about.
    I know that tonight, in some regions of our country, people are in 
genuine economic distress. And I hear them. Earlier this month, Kathy 
Blackwell, of Massachusetts, wrote me about what can happen when the 
economy slows down, saying, ``My heart is

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aching, and I think that you should know your people out here are 
hurting badly.''
    I understand, and I'm not unrealistic about the future. But there 
are reasons to be optimistic about our economy. First, we don't have to 
fight double-digit inflation. Second, most industries won't have to make 
big cuts in production because they don't have big inventories piled up. 
And third, our exports are running solid and strong. In fact, American 
businesses are exporting at a record rate.
    So, let's put these times in perspective. Together, since 1981, 
we've created almost 20 million jobs, cut inflation in half, and cut 
interest rates in half. And yes, the largest peacetime economic 
expansion in history has been temporarily interrupted. But our economy 
is still over twice as large as our closest competitor.
    We will get this recession behind us and return to growth soon. We 
will get on our way to a new record of expansion and achieve the 
competitive strength that will carry us into the next American century. 
We should focus our efforts today on encouraging economic growth, 
investing in the future, and giving power and opportunity to the 
individual.
    We must begin with control of Federal spending. That's why I'm 
submitting a budget that holds the growth in spending to less than the 
rate of inflation. And that's why, amid all the sound and fury of last 
year's budget debate, we put into law new, enforceable spending caps, so 
that future spending debates will mean a battle of ideas, not a bidding 
war.
    Though controversial, the budget agreement finally put the Federal 
Government on a pay-as-you-go plan and cut the growth of debt by nearly 
$500 billion. And that frees funds for saving and job-creating 
investment.
    Now, let's do more. My budget again includes tax-free family savings 
accounts; penalty-free withdrawals from IRA's for first-time home 
buyers; and to increase jobs and growth, a reduced tax for long-term 
capital gains.
    I know there are differences among us--[laughter]--about the impact 
and the effects of a capital gains incentive. So tonight, I'm asking the 
congressional leaders and the Federal Reserve to cooperate with us in a 
study, led by Chairman Alan Greenspan, to sort out our technical 
differences so that we can avoid a return to unproductive partisan 
bickering.
    But just as our efforts will bring economic growth now and in the 
future, they must also be matched by long-term investments for the next 
American century. That requires a forward-looking plan of action, and 
that's exactly what we will be sending to the Congress. We've prepared a 
detailed series of proposals that include: a budget that promotes 
investment in America's future--in children, education, infrastructure, 
space, and high technology; legislation to achieve excellence in 
education, building on the partnership forged with the 50 Governors at 
the education summit, enabling parents to choose their children's 
schools and helping to make America number one in math and science; a 
blueprint for a new national highway system, a critical investment in 
our transportation infrastructure; a research and development agenda 
that includes record levels of Federal investment, and a permanent tax 
credit to strengthen private R&D and to create jobs; a comprehensive 
national energy strategy that calls for energy conservation and 
efficiency, increased development, and greater use of alternative fuels; 
a banking reform plan to bring America's financial system into the 21st 
century so that our banks remain safe and secure and can continue to 
make job-creating loans for our factories, our businesses, and home 
buyers.
    You know, I do think there has been too much pessimism. Sound banks 
should be making sound loans now, and interest rates should be lower, 
now.
    In addition to these proposals, we must recognize that our economic 
strength depends on being competitive in world markets. We must continue 
to expand American exports. A successful Uruguay round of world trade 
negotiations will create more real jobs and more real growth for all 
nations. You and I know that if the playing field is level, America's 
workers and farmers can out-work, out-produce anyone, anytime, anywhere.
    And with a Mexican free trade agreement

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and our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, we can help our partners 
strengthen their economies and move toward a free trade zone throughout 
this entire hemisphere.
    The budget also includes a plan of action right here at home to put 
more power and opportunity in the hands of the individual. And that 
means new incentives to create jobs in our inner cities by encouraging 
investment through enterprise zones. It also means tenant control and 
ownership of public housing. Freedom and the power to choose should not 
be the privilege of wealth. They are the birthright of every American.
    Civil rights are also crucial to protecting equal opportunity. Every 
one of us has a responsibility to speak out against racism, bigotry, and 
hate. We will continue our vigorous enforcement of existing statutes, 
and I will once again press the Congress to strengthen the laws against 
employment discrimination without resorting to the use of unfair 
preferences.
    We're determined to protect another fundamental civil right: freedom 
from crime and the fear that stalks our cities. The Attorney General 
will soon convene a crime summit of our nation's law enforcement 
officials. And to help us support them, we need tough crime control 
legislation, and we need it now.
    And as we fight crime, we will fully implement our national strategy 
for combating drug abuse. Recent data show that we are making progress, 
but much remains to be done. We will not rest until the day of the 
dealer is over, forever.
    Good health care is every American's right and every American's 
responsibility. And so, we are proposing an aggressive program of new 
prevention initiatives--for infants, for children, for adults, and for 
the elderly--to promote a healthier America and to help keep costs from 
spiraling.
    It's time to give people more choice in government by reviving the 
ideal of the citizen politician who comes not to stay but to serve. And 
one of the reasons that there is so much support across this country for 
term limitations is that the American people are increasingly concerned 
about big-money influence in politics. So, we must look beyond the next 
election to the next generation. And the time has come to put the 
national interest above the special interest and to totally eliminate 
political action committees. And that would truly put more competition 
in elections and more power in the hands of individuals.
    And where power cannot be put directly in the hands of the 
individual, it should be moved closer to the people, away from 
Washington. The Federal Government too often treats government programs 
as if they are of Washington, by Washington, and for Washington. Once 
established, Federal programs seem to become immortal. It's time for a 
more dynamic program life cycle. Some programs should increase. Some 
should decrease. Some should be terminated. And some should be 
consolidated and turned over to the States.
    My budget includes a list of programs for potential turnover 
totaling more than $20 billion. Working with Congress and the Governors, 
I propose we select at least $15 billion in such programs and turn them 
over to the States in a single consolidated grant, fully funded, for 
flexible management by the States.
    The value, the value of this turnover approach is straightforward. 
It allows the Federal Government to reduce overhead. It allows States to 
manage more flexibly and more efficiently. It moves power and 
decisionmaking closer to the people. And it reinforces a theme of this 
administration: appreciation and encouragement of the innovative powers 
of States as laboratories.
    This nation was founded by leaders who understood that power belongs 
in the hands of people. And they planned for the future. And so must we, 
here and all around the world.
    As Americans, we know that there are times when we must step forward 
and accept our responsibility to lead the world away from the dark chaos 
of dictators, toward the brighter promise of a better day. Almost 50 
years ago we began a long struggle against aggressive totalitarianism. 
Now we face another defining hour for America and the world.
    There is no one more devoted, more committed to the hard work of 
freedom

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than every soldier and sailor, every marine, airman, and coastguardsman, 
every man and woman now serving in the Persian Gulf. Oh, how they 
deserve--[applause]--and what a fitting tribute to them.
    You see--what a wonderful, fitting tribute to them. Each of them has 
volunteered, volunteered to provide for this nation's defense, and now 
they bravely struggle to earn for America, for the world, and for future 
generations a just and lasting peace. Our commitment to them must be 
equal to their commitment to their country. They are truly America's 
finest.
    The war in the Gulf is not a war we wanted. We worked hard to avoid 
war. For more than 5 months we--along with the Arab League, the European 
Community, the United Nations--tried every diplomatic avenue. U.N. 
Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar; Presidents Gorbachev, Mitterrand, 
Ozal, Mubarak, and Bendjedid; Kings Fahd and Hassan; Prime Ministers 
Major and Andreotti--just to name a few--all worked for a solution. But 
time and again, Saddam Hussein flatly rejected the path of diplomacy and 
peace.
    The world well knows how this conflict began and when: It began on 
August 2d, when Saddam invaded and sacked a small, defenseless neighbor. 
And I am certain of how it will end. So that peace can prevail, we will 
prevail. [Applause] Thank you.
    Tonight I am pleased to report that we are on course. Iraq's 
capacity to sustain war is being destroyed. Our investment, our 
training, our planning--all are paying off. Time will not be Saddam's 
salvation.
    Our purpose in the Persian Gulf remains constant: to drive Iraq out 
of Kuwait, to restore Kuwait's legitimate government, and to ensure the 
stability and security of this critical region.
    Let me make clear what I mean by the region's stability and 
security. We do not seek the destruction of Iraq, its culture, or its 
people. Rather, we seek an Iraq that uses its great resources not to 
destroy, not to serve the ambitions of a tyrant, but to build a better 
life for itself and its neighbors. We seek a Persian Gulf where conflict 
is no longer the rule, where the strong are neither tempted nor able to 
intimidate the weak.
    Most Americans know instinctively why we are in the Gulf. They know 
we had to stop Saddam now, not later. They know that this brutal 
dictator will do anything, will use any weapon, will commit any outrage, 
no matter how many innocents suffer.
    They know we must make sure that control of the world's oil 
resources does not fall into his hands, only to finance further 
aggression. They know that we need to build a new, enduring peace, based 
not on arms races and confrontation but on shared principles and the 
rule of law.
    And we all realize that our responsibility to be the catalyst for 
peace in the region does not end with the successful conclusion of this 
war.
    Democracy brings the undeniable value of thoughtful dissent, and 
we've heard some dissenting voices here at home--some, a handful, 
reckless; most responsible. But the fact that all voices have the right 
to speak out is one of the reasons we've been united in purpose and 
principle for 200 years.
    Our progress in this great struggle is the result of years of 
vigilance and a steadfast commitment to a strong defense. Now, with 
remarkable technological advances like the Patriot missile, we can 
defend against ballistic missile attacks aimed at innocent civilians.
    Looking forward, I have directed that the SDI program be refocused 
on providing protection from limited ballistic missile strikes, whatever 
their source. Let us pursue an SDI program that can deal with any future 
threat to the United States, to our forces overseas, and to our friends 
and allies.
    The quality of American technology, thanks to the American worker, 
has enabled us to successfully deal with difficult military conditions 
and help minimize precious loss of life. We have given our men and women 
the very best. And they deserve it.
    We all have a special place in our hearts for the families of our 
men and women serving in the Gulf. They are represented here tonight by 
Mrs. Norman Schwarzkopf. We are all very grateful to General Schwarzkopf 
and to all those serving with him. And I might also recognize one who 
came with Mrs. Schwarzkopf: Alma Powell,

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the wife of the distinguished Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. And to the 
families, let me say our forces in the Gulf will not stay there one day 
longer than is necessary to complete their mission.
    The courage and success of the RAF pilots, of the Kuwaiti, Saudi, 
French, the Canadians, the Italians, the pilots of Qatar and Bahrain--
all are proof that for the first time since World War II, the 
international community is united. The leadership of the United Nations, 
once only a hoped-for ideal, is now confirming its founders' vision.
    I am heartened that we are not being asked to bear alone the 
financial burdens of this struggle. Last year, our friends and allies 
provided the bulk of the economic costs of Desert Shield. And now, 
having received commitments of over $40 billion for the first 3 months 
of 1991, I am confident they will do no less as we move through Desert 
Storm.
    But the world has to wonder what the dictator of Iraq is thinking. 
If he thinks that by targeting innocent civilians in Israel and Saudi 
Arabia, that he will gain advantage, he is dead wrong. If he thinks that 
he will advance his cause through tragic and despicable environmental 
terrorism, he is dead wrong. And if he thinks that by abusing the 
coalition prisoners of war he will benefit, he is dead wrong.
    We will succeed in the Gulf. And when we do, the world community 
will have sent an enduring warning to any dictator or despot, present or 
future, who contemplates outlaw aggression.
    The world can, therefore, seize this opportunity to fulfill the 
long-held promise of a new world order, where brutality will go 
unrewarded and aggression will meet collective resistance.
    Yes, the United States bears a major share of leadership in this 
effort. Among the nations of the world, only the United States of 
America has both the moral standing and the means to back it up. We're 
the only nation on this Earth that could assemble the forces of peace. 
This is the burden of leadership and the strength that has made America 
the beacon of freedom in a searching world.
    This nation has never found glory in war. Our people have never 
wanted to abandon the blessings of home and work for distant lands and 
deadly conflict. If we fight in anger, it is only because we have to 
fight at all. And all of us yearn for a world where we will never have 
to fight again.
    Each of us will measure within ourselves the value of this great 
struggle. Any cost in lives--any cost--is beyond our power to measure. 
But the cost of closing our eyes to aggression is beyond mankind's power 
to imagine. This we do know: Our cause is just; our cause is moral; our 
cause is right.
    Let future generations understand the burden and the blessings of 
freedom. Let them say we stood where duty required us to stand. Let them 
know that, together, we affirmed America and the world as a community of 
conscience.
    The winds of change are with us now. The forces of freedom are 
together, united. We move toward the next century more confident than 
ever that we have the will at home and abroad to do what must be done--
the hard work of freedom.
    May God bless the United States of America. Thank you very, very 
much.

                    Note: The President spoke at 9:09 p.m. in the House 
                        Chamber of the Capitol. He was introduced by 
                        Thomas S. Foley, Speaker of the House of 
                        Representatives. In his remarks, the President 
                        referred to Dan Quayle, President of the Senate; 
                        President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Alan 
                        Greenspan, Chairman of the Board of Governors of 
                        the Federal Reserve System; Attorney General 
                        Dick Thornburgh; United Nations Secretary-
                        General Javier Perez de Cuellar de la Guerra; 
                        President Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union; 
                        President Francois Mitterrand of France; 
                        President Turgut Ozal of Turkey; President 
                        Mohammed Hosni Mubarak of Egypt; President 
                        Chadli Bendjedid of Algeria; King Fahd bin Abd 
                        al-`Aziz Al Sa`ud of Saudi Arabia; King Hassan 
                        II of Morocco; Prime Minister John Major of the 
                        United Kingdom; Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti 
                        of Italy; Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, commander 
                        of the U.S. forces in the Persian Gulf, and his 
                        wife, Renda; and Gen. Colin L. Powell, Chairman 
                        of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and his wife, 
                        Alma. The address was broadcast live nationwide 
                        on radio and tel-

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                        evision. Prior to his address, the President 
                        attended a reception in the Speaker's Conference 
                        Room hosted by the congressional leadership. 
                        Parts of this address could not be verified 
                        because the tape was incomplete.