[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1991, Book I)]
[May 30, 1991]
[Pages 581-584]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks at the Federal Bureau of Investigation Academy Commencement 
Ceremony in Quantico, Virginia
May 30, 1991

    Thank you all very much. And Mr. Attorney General, Dick Thornburgh, 
thank you, sir. May I salute Director Sessions, a friend of long 
standing, a man in whose service I take great pride. I'm delighted that 
our drug czar, Bob Martinez, former Governor, is with us here today. I 
salute all the members, top-level members, of the law enforcement 
community that are with us here today.
    I'm delighted to see our landlord, General Al Gray, who heads the 
Marine Corps and to whom we all owe a vote of gratitude and thanks for 
the way he and those Marines performed in Desert Storm. Al, we're 
delighted to see you here. And I'm delighted to be here, though I think 
that, on my way in, I may have spotted Hannibal the Cannibal in the 
audience. [Laughter] For those parents and others, that's an inside joke 
that I'm not sure I understand myself, but nevertheless--[laughter].
    And of course, a special congratulations to today's newest Special 
Agents, the class of '91-6th. And given my doctors' orders, current 
orders, I'm glad it was you and not me who had to make it through the 
``Yellow Brick Road'' in order to be here today. [Laughter] But my 
heartfelt congratulations to you. And I share in the pride that your 
families all have in you today.
    Speaking of my health, which I am reluctant to do, but you might 
know that I just received a note--a true story--from a farmers' 
organization. And it said: ``This wouldn't have happened if you had 
eaten your broccoli.'' [Laughter] I don't want to get in a fight with 
them; just give me thyroid problems any day. [Laughter]
    But I'm very proud to be here saluting the FBI for its ``fidelity, 
bravery, and integrity.'' And I'm proud to salute this class for its 
``courage, commitment, and common sense.'' But I've got a problem. I 
don't want to embarrass a fellow Texan, but tell me, Bill, how come, 
under the jurisdiction of the Director of the FBI, there's a little 
Virginia town that has the highest crime rate in the Nation? And after 
looking around there today--and, Tony, thank you so much for you and 
your able compatriots showing me all this. But after looking around 
there today, there's one thing I know for sure: No matter how persuasive 
you are, after I leave the White House, I am not retiring to Hogan's 
Alley. [Laughter] Once is enough.
    But you young men and women graduating today have already solved 
your share of these Hogan's Alley crimes. And now you're going out to 
face the real thing. And we are grateful to you. You're joining an FBI 
that plays an essential role in preserving the peace of our country: 
investigating violations of Federal law in criminal and civil and 
counterintelligence fields. But there's something else very special 
about the FBI, beyond its crimefighting role. The Bureau sets an example 
for the country in showing how citizens and different levels of 
government can work together to meet our most important challenges. 
    The concept of teamwork between individuals and the various levels 
of government lies at the heart of the FBI's mission.

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And frankly, we need to work together across this land to battle the 
scourge of violent crime that threatens our homes, our families, and our 
future.
    Last year, six million American citizens--six million--fell victim 
to violent crime. Violent crime claimed the lives of over 20,000 
Americans. Look at the statistics and a frightening fact emerges: Our 
streets posed a greater threat to our own service men and women than did 
the foes in the Middle East. We deserve better than that as a nation. 
Our children--God bless our children, and they deserve better than that. 
And we will, with your help and your leadership, take back our streets.
    In May of 1989, I stood in the rain on the steps of the Capitol with 
some of the law enforcement officers who put their lives on the line for 
all of us. Together, we called on the United States Congress to pass our 
crime package, legislation designed to protect our cops by giving them 
the tools they need to get their job done. And yes, it was tough 
legislation, but it was fair legislation. Today, almost exactly 2 years 
later, I stand here in the midst of another group of law enforcement 
officers. Two years have passed, and Congress still has not acted on our 
request.
    Earlier this year, the Attorney General and I convened an 
unprecedented crime summit. We called upon the finest minds in American 
law enforcement. And in March, following the summit and taking into 
account what we learned there, we sent a crime bill to Congress. Our 
Comprehensive Violent Crime Control Act of 1991 will confront the 
terrifying spiral of lawlessness. It will strengthen our nation's 
criminal justice system, too often unfairly loaded against dedicated law 
enforcement officials.
    The act has four major elements. First, habeas corpus reform. We're 
determined to free the courts from frivolous, repetitive delays, 
gimmicks and challenges from people who have already exhausted their 
legal appeals. Our bill will ensure that convicted felons will no longer 
evade punishment by drowning justice in a sea of legal challenges 
unrelated to guilt or innocence.
    The second major element is exclusionary rule reform. It is simply 
intolerable that armed criminals go free when law enforcement officers 
have collected solid evidence in good faith efforts to follow court 
guidelines.
    Our bill limits the possibility of releasing violent criminals on 
the basis of legal technicalities. It permits juries to consider 
evidence that's been gathered by officers acting in good faith. This 
will avoid situations like that of the DC drug squad. At a bus station, 
they seized a bag they believed contained cocaine. They called the 
prosecutors and were told that they didn't need a warrant to search. 
Sure enough, they found a large supply inside. And sure enough, the 
evidence was ruled inadmissible, even though they'd acted in total good 
faith. Our bill would assure that such evidence survives in court. In 
addition, it allows introduction into evidence of firearms seized from 
dangerous criminals, no matter how officers obtain those weapons. And 
that makes sure, then, that those who misuse firearms are caught and 
punished, plain and simple.
    And third, more categories of firearm offenses and penalties. Under 
this bill, drug traffickers and violent felons who use semiautomatic 
weapons will face stiff mandatory sentences. First-time felons caught 
with firearms will spend 5 years behind bars. No plea bargains. No early 
release. Our bill also creates new Federal offenses for firearms, theft, 
and smuggling. We will silence the illegal guns that blast away in our 
streets, in our homes, and around our schools by punishing the violent 
criminals who misuse guns.
    And our fourth core provision is for the restoration of the Federal 
death penalty. We need an enforceable Federal death penalty for the most 
heinous crimes--for the senseless murder of a Federal judge or the 
terrorist killing of civilians or the cold-blooded execution of a law 
enforcement officer or Federal witness. We should give juries the option 
of imposing the death penalty for such depraved crimes. And we must send 
the strongest possible message to those who would commit such crimes. We 
must tell them that our society will protect itself from violent 
predators.
    And for more than a decade now Congress has talked about reinstating 
the Fed-

[[Page 583]]

eral death penalty. And now, frankly, Congress should act. In that way, 
we will be telling victims and the families of victims that we will not 
forget their suffering, their loss. We will be telling them there that 
we're doing everything we can to ensure that others don't suffer similar 
fates.
    But crime victims deserve more than compassion. They also deserve 
action. And that's why I take particular pride in the fact that, working 
with Congress, we have already not only reauthorized the 1984 Victims of 
Crime Act but have also boosted its annual victims compensation and 
assistance fund to $150 million. Those are dollars that come not from 
taxpayers but, as you all know, from the fines and penalties levied 
against criminals.
    But of course, the best way, the best way to help the victims of 
crime is to make sure that they don't become victims in the first place. 
And so, in our crime bill we've strengthened the core proposals with 
some potent new additions. Our act includes sections designed to curb 
terrorism, racial injustice, sexual violence, and juvenile crime. It 
requires appropriate drug testing as a condition of post-conviction 
release for Federal prisoners. It outlines protections for witnesses and 
for abused kids. The bill makes it easier for Federal officials to 
prosecute those who commit acts of sexual violence involving children. 
It provides for HIV testing of accused sex offenders. And it guarantees 
a victim's right to address the court at sentencing.
    Listen to these words: ``The land is full of bloody crime and the 
city is full of violence.'' The prophet Ezekiel wrote that over 2,000 
years ago. The battle between good and evil still rages. But our crime 
bill will strengthen the hand of good--that's your hand, the hand of our 
nation's law enforcement professionals.
    The American people, frankly, are tired of talk. I believe they want 
action. In March, we asked the Congress to pass a crime bill within 100 
days; I challenged them at a joint session up there. And so far, 85 days 
have passed, and neither House has chosen to take up our crime package. 
The 100 days will expire on June 14th, but as you know, the crime issue 
will not. America wants real, comprehensive action against crime. 
America wants it done right, and it wants it done now. And I assure you, 
so do I.
    Finally, there's another more subtle threat to the peace, and that's 
racial strife. For the past couple of years, the issue of civil rights 
has divided Americans. Our position as an administration is clear, and 
believe me, I'm telling you this from the heart. I want to sign a civil 
rights bill. I am proud of my record on civil rights, and I'm proud of 
my administration's record on civil rights. But we want to sign a bill 
that advances the cause of equal opportunity. We want to sign a bill 
that advances the cause of racial harmony. And we want to sign a bill 
that encourages people to work together.
    Unfortunately, congressional leaders again want to pass a bill that 
would lead employers to adopt hiring quotas and unfair job preferences. 
This week, they proposed an antiquota amendment to take care of the 
problem, the quota problem they said didn't exist.
    This shouldn't fool anyone. If you look closely at the amendment, 
you'll see that it endorses quotas. Even the section that supposedly 
outlaws quotas endorses quotas. It defines the ``Q'' word--as it's come 
to be known--it defines the ``Q'' word so narrowly that it would allow 
employers to establish personnel systems based on numbers, not on merit. 
Other sections rig the rules against employers. If their numbers aren't 
right, the employers are essentially helpless to defend themselves in 
court. And another section of the bill forbids many victims of illegal 
quotas from even getting their day in court.
    If you listen to proponents of this bill, you'll hear another 
interesting thing. You'll hear them boast their approach makes it easier 
to prosecute and sue people. Well frankly, this is hardly the road to 
racial harmony. It's the road to lawsuits and discord.
    And so, let's start over. Let's make harmony our goal. A good place 
to start is our own bill, the administration's civil rights bill. You 
see, our bill would punish vigorously those who practice prejudice in 
the workplace. It would not offer a blank check to lawyers and special 
interests. It frankly

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would offer a helping hand to victims of racism, sexism, and other forms 
of discrimination. It would build on the strong and just laws that we 
already have. And I'd like to sign it, along with our crime bill, and 
I'd like to sign it soon.
    I'm very proud to be with you law enforcement officials. And I want 
you to know that you have the public's support--never doubt that--you 
have the public's support and gratitude. You have all of our support. 
And very candidly, you've earned it. You deserve our admiration, our 
respect, and the best, toughest anticrime package your grateful nation 
can give you. No more loopholes, no more rolls of the dice. It's time. 
It's long past time.
    So, once again, I was just delighted when the Attorney General and 
the Director asked me to come down here to see you in action, to salute 
this graduating class. Congratulations to the graduates, to their 
families on this very special day. And the best of luck to all of you. 
And may God be with you.
    Thanks to all the FBI and DEA Agents here, to the State, and to the 
local and international police officers and the FBI National Academy 
and, again, to your landlords, the United States Marines. May God bless 
you all. And may God bless the United States of America.
    Thank you very, very much.

                    Note: The President spoke at 2:10 p.m. in the 
                        auditorium of the administration building. In 
                        his remarks, he referred to Attorney General 
                        Dick Thornburgh; William S. Sessions and Anthony 
                        E. Daniels, Director and Assistant Director 
                        (Training Division) of the Federal Bureau of 
                        Investigation; Bob Martinez, Director of 
                        National Drug Control Policy and former Governor 
                        of Florida; and Gen. Alfred M. Gray, Jr., 
                        commandant of the Marine Corps.