[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1991, Book I)]
[May 29, 1991]
[Pages 575-577]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



[[Page 575]]


Remarks at the United States Air Force Academy Commencement Ceremony in 
Colorado Springs, Colorado
May 29, 1991

    What a day. Please be seated, and thank you for that warm welcome. 
To my old friend, Senator Goldwater; to Secretary Rice and General 
McPeak; to General Hamm, who's done such a fantastic job here; ladies 
and gentlemen; graduates. Our altitude is 7,250 feet above sea level--
far, far above that of West Point or Annapolis. And I'm sorry I'm a 
little late. I flunked my room inspection at Kennebunkport this morning. 
[Laughter] Barbara gave me 20 demerits. Then it took time to talk the 
pilot of Air Force One, Colonel Barr, out of doing an Immelmann over 
this stadium. [Laughter]
    It is an honor for me to join you here at ``Wild Blue U,'' the home 
of the quick and the brave. There's never been a better day to be part 
of this magnificent team.
    For 40 years, my generation struggled in the confines of a divided 
world, frozen in the ice of ideological conflict, preoccupied with the 
possibility of yet another war in Europe. More recently, many here and 
abroad wondered whether America still possessed the strength and the 
will to bear the burden of world leadership. My fellow Americans, we do, 
and we will.
    Through strength of example and commitment, we lead. You've been 
taught the price and the importance of leadership. As you leave the 
Academy, you answer your nation's call to advance the cause of freedom, 
to lead. There's a new sense of pride and patriotism in our land. And 
it's good for our nation's soul.
    The beltway cynics may call this renewal of patriotism old-
fashioned, but Americans rarely mistake cynicism for sophistication. 
Patriotism binds the real and lasting fabric of our nation. Assertive 
but not arrogant--self-assured, kind, generous--we remain committed to 
our fundamental values.
    So today I speak to you, and to every member of America's Armed 
Forces, to say thanks. When others weren't sure we were up to the task, 
you were. When your country asked you to serve, you did. And when others 
said, ``No, no, we're not ready; we can't,'' you said, ``Yes, we are 
ready; we can.'' You and your colleagues in all the services prove that 
Americans consider no risk too great, no burden too onerous to defend 
our interests and our principles--in short, to do what's just and to do 
what's right.
    Consider our fundamental decency and humanity, our commitment to 
liberty. Our service men and women in the Gulf, weary from months in the 
desert, now help suffering Kurds and the people of Bangladesh. When a 
carrier on the way home after months in the Gulf was diverted to 
Bangladesh, a crewman was asked, ``Aren't you disappointed that you 
don't get to go home?'' He replied, ``Not at all. We're saving lives. 
We're doing what we ought to do.''
    We do not dictate the courses nations follow, but neither can we 
overlook the fact that our examples reshape the world. We can't right 
all wrongs, but neither can any nation lead as we can.
    Joined by the world's leading nations, we worked to create a 
coalition in which countries great and small joined forces to liberate 
Kuwait. That coalition saw soldiers from dozens of lands fight shoulder 
to shoulder, fly wingtip to wingtip in the cause of freedom. And it saw 
our forces as fully integrated as any in our history, demonstrating the 
true strength of joint operations.
    A year before you came to Colorado Springs, I was privileged to be 
here. And I told the class of '86, ``There's no doubt the Soviets remain 
our major adversary. Our two separate systems represent fundamentally 
different values.''
    Since then, we've seen remarkable political change. But let's not 
forget the Soviet Union retains enormous military strength. It will have 
the largest land force in Europe for the foreseeable future. With 
perhaps five new strategic missile systems in development, they'll be 
ready for yet another round of strategic modernization by the

[[Page 576]]

mid-1990's.
    At the same time, however, Soviet troops have embarked on the long 
trek home from Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland--and, happily, from a 
reunified Germany. We are hopeful that the Soviet Union itself will 
continue its move toward freedom.
    As superpower polarization and conflict melt, military thinkers must 
focus on more volatile regimes, regimes packed with modern weapons and 
seething with ancient ambitions. We are committed to stopping the 
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. But there is danger that 
despite our efforts, by the end of this century nearly two dozen 
developing nations could have ballistic missiles. Many already have 
nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons programs.
    Nowhere are the dangers of weapons of proliferation more urgent than 
in the Middle East. After consulting with governments inside the region 
and elsewhere about how to slow and then reverse the buildup of 
unnecessary and destabilizing weapons, I am today proposing a Middle 
East arms control initiative.
    It features supplier guidelines on conventional arms exports; 
barriers to exports that contribute to weapons of mass destruction; a 
freeze now, and later a ban on surface-to-surface missiles in the 
region; and a ban on production of nuclear weapons material. Halting the 
proliferation of conventional and unconventional weapons in the Middle 
East while supporting the legitimate need of every state to defend 
itself will require the cooperation of many states in the region and 
around the world. It won't be easy, but the path to peace never is.
    And as the world changes, our military must evolve and change with 
it. Last year, I announced a shift in our defense focus away from old 
threats and toward the dangers that will face us in the years to come. 
We need a more agile, flexible military force that we can put where it 
is needed, when it is needed. I also called for new technology in our 
defense systems. And I proposed a defense package to the Congress that 
meets these demands.
    In the years ahead, defense spending will drop to below 4 percent of 
our gross national product, the lowest level in over 50 years. But we 
must spend that money in ways that address the threats that we are 
likely to face in the future. Although we developed this budget before 
the Gulf war, it anticipates very important lessons of that war--lessons 
that, frankly, some in the United States Congress now ignore.
    Gulf lesson 1 is the value of air power. I remember meeting with 
General McPeak up at Camp David. In his quiet but forceful way, he told 
me exactly what he felt air power could do. After he left, I turned to 
my trusted National Security Adviser--who's with me here today, a former 
political science professor here at the Academy and a pilot, General 
Scowcroft--and said, ``Brent, does this guy really know what he's 
talking about?'' General Scowcroft assured me he did. And General 
McPeak, like the entire Air Force, was right on target from day one. The 
Gulf war taught us that we must retain combat superiority in the skies.
    Then there's Gulf lesson 2: The value of Stealth. Surprise is a 
classic principle of warfare, and yes, it depends on sound intelligence 
work. But Stealth adds a new dimension of surprise. Our air strikes were 
the most effective, yet humane, in the history of warfare.
    The F-117 proved itself by doing more, doing it better, doing it for 
less, and targeting soldiers, not civilians. It flew hundreds of sorties 
into the most heavily defended areas without a scratch.
    The F-117 carried a revolution in warfare on its wings. The next 
step in that revolution is the Stealth bomber, the B-2. Not only for its 
contribution to nuclear deterrence, but also from the standpoint of 
conventional cost-effectiveness, the B-2 has no peer. It carries over 10 
times the conventional load of an F-117 and can fly 5 times further 
between refuelings. It gets to the job faster, with more tons of 
ordnance--without the force buildup and time we needed prior to Desert 
Storm--and without needing foreign airfields in the immediate proximity 
of a conflict. And it replaces B-52 aircraft approaching twice the age 
of you graduates--and I say that respectfully. [Laughter]
    Yet, last week, the House of Representatives voted to terminate the 
B-2, redirect-

[[Page 577]]

ing those funds at unnecessary weapons. Anyone who tells you the B-2 is 
``too expensive'' hasn't seen flak up close lately. America needs the B-
2 bomber, and I'm going to fight for it every inch of the way.
    Gulf lesson 3: We learned that missile defense works and that it 
promotes peace and security. In the Gulf, we had the technologies of 
defense to pick up where theories of deterrence left off. You see, 
Saddam Hussein was not deterred, but the Patriot saved lives and helped 
keep the coalition together.
    That's one reason that we've refocused strategic defense toward 
Global Protection Against Limited Strikes or GPALS, as we call it. It 
defends us and our allies from accidental launches or from the missile 
attacks of international renegades. While the Patriot worked well in the 
Gulf, we must prepare for the missiles more likely to be used by future 
aggressors. We can't build a defense system that simply responds to the 
threats of the past.
    Yet some in Congress want to gut our ability to develop strategic 
defenses. Last week the House irresponsibly voted to cut nearly $2 
billion from GPALS and to kill its most promising technologies. I call 
on the Senate today to restore our missile defense programs, to 
safeguard American and allied lives, and to promote security.
    Gulf lesson 4, the most fundamental, is the value of people. People 
fight and win wars. And this nation never has fielded better fighting 
men and women than it does today. In 1980, 68 percent of those enlisting 
in the military had high school diplomas. Now it's 95 percent and 
climbing. The military has become our greatest equal opportunity 
employer. It offers everyone a chance, and it promotes people solely on 
the basis of merit. The men and women you will soon be leading are the 
best educated and most motivated anywhere, anytime, ever. You know the 
standards. You know, I was tempted to ask General Scowcroft how he 
thought I was performing during the war, but I was afraid he'd say, 
``Fast, neat, average, friendly, good, good.'' [Laughter]
    Although we will cut troop levels 25 percent by mid-decade, we must 
ensure that they remain fully prepared to respond quickly and decisively 
to crises. We must ensure that they are totally integrated, taking full 
advantage of the kinds of joint operations so powerfully demonstrated in 
the Gulf. We must ensure that they have weapons that emerge from 
military necessity, not pork barrel politics. We must ensure that the 
cuts in the Active and Reserve components result in the most effective 
and efficient forces possible. We must not compromise our readiness just 
to protect unneeded bases, programs, and forces.
    Look, no President--no President could or would deny Congress its 
right to approve budgets or conduct oversight. But as Commander in 
Chief, my greatest responsibility is national defense, and I will veto 
any bill that doesn't support and sustain my defense program.
    And so, I ask the Congress to help make our forces leaner and more 
effective. Don't weigh them down with pork. Don't deny our people the 
tools that they will need to do their jobs in the next century.
    You graduates will find that no other combat force you encounter 
will have your skills, your technology, or support. You'll find that in 
world leadership we have no challengers. But in our turbulent world, you 
will find no lack of challenges. And I know you are ready.
    So, to all of America's servicemen--all of them, wherever they may 
be--and all of America's servicewomen, I salute them. I salute you. And 
to this 1991 graduating class of the United States Air Force Academy, 
may I say, you have earned your commissions. Well done, and Godspeed. 
And may God bless you and the United States of America. Thank you all 
very, very much.

                    Note: President Bush spoke at 11:15 a.m. in Falcon 
                        Stadium. In his opening remarks, he referred to 
                        former Senator Barry Goldwater; Secretary of the 
                        Air Force Donald B. Rice; Gen. Merrill A. 
                        McPeak, Air Force Chief of Staff; Gen. Charles 
                        Hamm, superintendent of the U.S. Air Force 
                        Academy. Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the 
                        President for National Security Affairs; and 
                        President Saddam Hussein of Iraq. Following his 
                        remarks, President Bush returned to Washington, 
                        DC.