    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1991, Book I)]
    [January 29, 1991]
    [Pages 74-80]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union
    January 29, 1991

    Mr. President and Mr. Speaker and Members of the United States Congress:
        I come to this House of the people to speak to you and all
    Americans, certain that we stand at a defining hour. Halfway around the
    world, we are engaged in a great struggle in the skies and on the seas
    and sands. We know why we're there: We are Americans, part of something
    larger than ourselves. For two centuries, we've done the hard work of
    freedom. And tonight, we lead the world in facing down a threat to
    decency and humanity.
        What is at stake is more than one small country; it is a big idea: a
    new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common
    cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind--peace and
    security, freedom, and the rule of law. Such is a world worthy of our
    struggle and worthy of our children's future.
        The community of nations has resolutely gathered to condemn and
    repel lawless aggression. Saddam Hussein's unprovoked invasion--his
    ruthless, systematic rape of a peaceful neighbor--violated everything
    the community of nations holds dear. The world has said this aggression
    would not stand, and it will not stand. Together, we have resisted the
    trap of appeasement, cynicism, and isolation that gives temptation to
    tyrants. The world has answered Saddam's invasion with 12 United Nations
    resolutions, starting with a demand for Iraq's immediate and
    unconditional withdrawal, and backed up by forces from 28 countries of 6
    continents. With few exceptions, the world now stands as one.
        The end of the cold war has been a victory for all humanity. A year
    and a half ago, in Germany, I said that our goal was a Europe whole and
    free. Tonight, Germany is united. Europe has become whole and free, and
    America's leadership was instrumental in making it possible.
        Our relationship to the Soviet Union is important, not only to us
    but to the world. That relationship has helped to shape these and other
    historic changes. But like many other nations, we have been deeply
    concerned by the violence in the Baltics, and we have communicated that
    concern to the Soviet leadership. The principle that has guided us is
    simple: Our objective is to help the Baltic peoples achieve their
    aspirations, not to punish the Soviet Union. In our recent discussions
    with the Soviet leadership we have been given representations which, if
    fulfilled, would result in the withdrawal of some Soviet forces, a
    reopening of dialog with the Republics, and a move away from violence.
        We will watch carefully as the situation develops. And we will
    maintain our contact with the Soviet leadership to encourage continued
    commitment to democratization and reform. If it is possible, I want to
    continue to build a lasting basis for U.S.-Soviet cooperation--for a
    more peaceful future for all mankind.
        The triumph of democratic ideas in Eastern Europe and Latin America
    and the continuing struggle for freedom elsewhere all around the world
    all confirm the wisdom of our nation's founders. Tonight, we work to
    achieve another victory, a victory over tyranny and savage aggression.
        We in this Union enter the last decade of

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    the 20th century thankful for our blessings, steadfast in our purpose,
    aware of our difficulties, and responsive to our duties at home and
    around the world. For two centuries, America has served the world as an
    inspiring example of freedom and democracy. For generations, America has
    led the struggle to preserve and extend the blessings of liberty. And
    today, in a rapidly changing world, American leadership is
    indispensable. Americans know that leadership brings burdens and
    sacrifices. But we also know why the hopes of humanity turn to us. We
    are Americans; we have a unique responsibility to do the hard work of
    freedom. And when we do, freedom works.
        The conviction and courage we see in the Persian Gulf today is
    simply the American character in action. The indomitable spirit that is
    contributing to this victory for world peace and justice is the same
    spirit that gives us the power and the potential to meet our toughest
    challenges at home. We are resolute and resourceful. If we can
    selflessly confront the evil for the sake of good in a land so far away,
    then surely we can make this land all that it should be. If anyone tells
    you that America's best days are behind her, they're looking the wrong
    way.
        Tonight I come before this House and the American people with an
    appeal for renewal. This is not merely a call for new government
    initiatives; it is a call for new initiatives in government, in our
    communities, and from every American to prepare for the next American
    century.
        America has always led by example. So, who among us will set the
    example? Which of our citizens will lead us in this next American
    century? Everyone who steps forward today--to get one addict off drugs,
    to convince one troubled teenager not to give up on life, to comfort one
    AIDS patient, to help one hungry child.
        We have within our reach the promise of a renewed America. We can
    find meaning and reward by serving some higher purpose than ourselves, a
    shining purpose, the illumination of a Thousand Points of Light. And it
    is expressed by all who know the irresistible force of a child's hand,
    of a friend who stands by you and stays there, a volunteer's generous
    gesture, an idea that is simply right.
        The problems before us may be different, but the key to solving them
    remains the same. It is the individual--the individual who steps
    forward. And the state of our Union is the union of each of us, one to
    the other--the sum of our friendships, marriages, families, and
    communities.
        We all have something to give. So, if you know how to read, find
    someone who can't. If you've got a hammer, find a nail. If you're not
    hungry, not lonely, not in trouble, seek out someone who is. Join the
    community of conscience. Do the hard work of freedom. And that will
    define the state of our Union.
        Since the birth of our nation, ``We the People'' has been the source
    of our strength. What government can do alone is limited, but the
    potential of the American people knows no limits.
        We are a nation of rock-solid realism and clear-eyed idealism. We
    are Americans. We are the Nation that believes in the future. We are the
    Nation that can shape the future. And we've begun to do just that, by
    strengthening the power and choice of individuals and families.
        Together, these last 2 years, we've put dollars for child care
    directly in the hands of parents instead of bureaucracies; unshackled
    the potential of Americans with disabilities; applied the creativity of
    the marketplace in the service of the environment, for clean air; and
    made home ownership possible for more Americans.
        The strength of a democracy is not in bureaucracy. It is in the
    people and their communities. In everything we do, let us unleash the
    potential of our most precious resource--our citizens, our citizens
    themselves. We must return to families, communities, counties, cities,
    States, and institutions of every kind the power to chart their own
    destiny and the freedom and opportunity provided by strong economic
    growth. And that's what America is all about.
        I know that tonight, in some regions of our country, people are in
    genuine economic distress. And I hear them. Earlier this month, Kathy
    Blackwell, of Massachusetts, wrote me about what can happen when the
    economy slows down, saying, ``My heart is

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    aching, and I think that you should know your people out here are
    hurting badly.''
        I understand, and I'm not unrealistic about the future. But there
    are reasons to be optimistic about our economy. First, we don't have to
    fight double-digit inflation. Second, most industries won't have to make
    big cuts in production because they don't have big inventories piled up.
    And third, our exports are running solid and strong. In fact, American
    businesses are exporting at a record rate.
        So, let's put these times in perspective. Together, since 1981,
    we've created almost 20 million jobs, cut inflation in half, and cut
    interest rates in half. And yes, the largest peacetime economic
    expansion in history has been temporarily interrupted. But our economy
    is still over twice as large as our closest competitor.
        We will get this recession behind us and return to growth soon. We
    will get on our way to a new record of expansion and achieve the
    competitive strength that will carry us into the next American century.
    We should focus our efforts today on encouraging economic growth,
    investing in the future, and giving power and opportunity to the
    individual.
        We must begin with control of Federal spending. That's why I'm
    submitting a budget that holds the growth in spending to less than the
    rate of inflation. And that's why, amid all the sound and fury of last
    year's budget debate, we put into law new, enforceable spending caps, so
    that future spending debates will mean a battle of ideas, not a bidding
    war.
        Though controversial, the budget agreement finally put the Federal
    Government on a pay-as-you-go plan and cut the growth of debt by nearly
    $500 billion. And that frees funds for saving and job-creating
    investment.
        Now, let's do more. My budget again includes tax-free family savings
    accounts; penalty-free withdrawals from IRA's for first-time home
    buyers; and to increase jobs and growth, a reduced tax for long-term
    capital gains.
        I know there are differences among us--[laughter]--about the impact
    and the effects of a capital gains incentive. So tonight, I'm asking the
    congressional leaders and the Federal Reserve to cooperate with us in a
    study, led by Chairman Alan Greenspan, to sort out our technical
    differences so that we can avoid a return to unproductive partisan
    bickering.
        But just as our efforts will bring economic growth now and in the
    future, they must also be matched by long-term investments for the next
    American century. That requires a forward-looking plan of action, and
    that's exactly what we will be sending to the Congress. We've prepared a
    detailed series of proposals that include: a budget that promotes
    investment in America's future--in children, education, infrastructure,
    space, and high technology; legislation to achieve excellence in
    education, building on the partnership forged with the 50 Governors at
    the education summit, enabling parents to choose their children's
    schools and helping to make America number one in math and science; a
    blueprint for a new national highway system, a critical investment in
    our transportation infrastructure; a research and development agenda
    that includes record levels of Federal investment, and a permanent tax
    credit to strengthen private R&D and to create jobs; a comprehensive
    national energy strategy that calls for energy conservation and
    efficiency, increased development, and greater use of alternative fuels;
    a banking reform plan to bring America's financial system into the 21st
    century so that our banks remain safe and secure and can continue to
    make job-creating loans for our factories, our businesses, and home
    buyers.
        You know, I do think there has been too much pessimism. Sound banks
    should be making sound loans now, and interest rates should be lower,
    now.
        In addition to these proposals, we must recognize that our economic
    strength depends on being competitive in world markets. We must continue
    to expand American exports. A successful Uruguay round of world trade
    negotiations will create more real jobs and more real growth for all
    nations. You and I know that if the playing field is level, America's
    workers and farmers can out-work, out-produce anyone, anytime, anywhere.
        And with a Mexican free trade agreement

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    and our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, we can help our partners
    strengthen their economies and move toward a free trade zone throughout
    this entire hemisphere.
        The budget also includes a plan of action right here at home to put
    more power and opportunity in the hands of the individual. And that
    means new incentives to create jobs in our inner cities by encouraging
    investment through enterprise zones. It also means tenant control and
    ownership of public housing. Freedom and the power to choose should not
    be the privilege of wealth. They are the birthright of every American.
        Civil rights are also crucial to protecting equal opportunity. Every
    one of us has a responsibility to speak out against racism, bigotry, and
    hate. We will continue our vigorous enforcement of existing statutes,
    and I will once again press the Congress to strengthen the laws against
    employment discrimination without resorting to the use of unfair
    preferences.
        We're determined to protect another fundamental civil right: freedom
    from crime and the fear that stalks our cities. The Attorney General
    will soon convene a crime summit of our nation's law enforcement
    officials. And to help us support them, we need tough crime control
    legislation, and we need it now.
        And as we fight crime, we will fully implement our national strategy
    for combating drug abuse. Recent data show that we are making progress,
    but much remains to be done. We will not rest until the day of the
    dealer is over, forever.
        Good health care is every American's right and every American's
    responsibility. And so, we are proposing an aggressive program of new
    prevention initiatives--for infants, for children, for adults, and for
    the elderly--to promote a healthier America and to help keep costs from
    spiraling.
        It's time to give people more choice in government by reviving the
    ideal of the citizen politician who comes not to stay but to serve. And
    one of the reasons that there is so much support across this country for
    term limitations is that the American people are increasingly concerned
    about big-money influence in politics. So, we must look beyond the next
    election to the next generation. And the time has come to put the
    national interest above the special interest and to totally eliminate
    political action committees. And that would truly put more competition
    in elections and more power in the hands of individuals.
        And where power cannot be put directly in the hands of the
    individual, it should be moved closer to the people, away from
    Washington. The Federal Government too often treats government programs
    as if they are of Washington, by Washington, and for Washington. Once
    established, Federal programs seem to become immortal. It's time for a
    more dynamic program life cycle. Some programs should increase. Some
    should decrease. Some should be terminated. And some should be
    consolidated and turned over to the States.
        My budget includes a list of programs for potential turnover
    totaling more than $20 billion. Working with Congress and the Governors,
    I propose we select at least $15 billion in such programs and turn them
    over to the States in a single consolidated grant, fully funded, for
    flexible management by the States.
        The value, the value of this turnover approach is straightforward.
    It allows the Federal Government to reduce overhead. It allows States to
    manage more flexibly and more efficiently. It moves power and
    decisionmaking closer to the people. And it reinforces a theme of this
    administration: appreciation and encouragement of the innovative powers
    of States as laboratories.
        This nation was founded by leaders who understood that power belongs
    in the hands of people. And they planned for the future. And so must we,
    here and all around the world.
        As Americans, we know that there are times when we must step forward
    and accept our responsibility to lead the world away from the dark chaos
    of dictators, toward the brighter promise of a better day. Almost 50
    years ago we began a long struggle against aggressive totalitarianism.
    Now we face another defining hour for America and the world.
        There is no one more devoted, more committed to the hard work of
    freedom

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    than every soldier and sailor, every marine, airman, and coastguardsman,
    every man and woman now serving in the Persian Gulf. Oh, how they
    deserve--[applause]--and what a fitting tribute to them.
        You see--what a wonderful, fitting tribute to them. Each of them has
    volunteered, volunteered to provide for this nation's defense, and now
    they bravely struggle to earn for America, for the world, and for future
    generations a just and lasting peace. Our commitment to them must be
    equal to their commitment to their country. They are truly America's
    finest.
        The war in the Gulf is not a war we wanted. We worked hard to avoid
    war. For more than 5 months we--along with the Arab League, the European
    Community, the United Nations--tried every diplomatic avenue. U.N.
    Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar; Presidents Gorbachev, Mitterrand,
    Ozal, Mubarak, and Bendjedid; Kings Fahd and Hassan; Prime Ministers
    Major and Andreotti--just to name a few--all worked for a solution. But
    time and again, Saddam Hussein flatly rejected the path of diplomacy and
    peace.
        The world well knows how this conflict began and when: It began on
    August 2d, when Saddam invaded and sacked a small, defenseless neighbor.
    And I am certain of how it will end. So that peace can prevail, we will
    prevail. [Applause] Thank you.
        Tonight I am pleased to report that we are on course. Iraq's
    capacity to sustain war is being destroyed. Our investment, our
    training, our planning--all are paying off. Time will not be Saddam's
    salvation.
        Our purpose in the Persian Gulf remains constant: to drive Iraq out
    of Kuwait, to restore Kuwait's legitimate government, and to ensure the
    stability and security of this critical region.
        Let me make clear what I mean by the region's stability and
    security. We do not seek the destruction of Iraq, its culture, or its
    people. Rather, we seek an Iraq that uses its great resources not to
    destroy, not to serve the ambitions of a tyrant, but to build a better
    life for itself and its neighbors. We seek a Persian Gulf where conflict
    is no longer the rule, where the strong are neither tempted nor able to
    intimidate the weak.
        Most Americans know instinctively why we are in the Gulf. They know
    we had to stop Saddam now, not later. They know that this brutal
    dictator will do anything, will use any weapon, will commit any outrage,
    no matter how many innocents suffer.
        They know we must make sure that control of the world's oil
    resources does not fall into his hands, only to finance further
    aggression. They know that we need to build a new, enduring peace, based
    not on arms races and confrontation but on shared principles and the
    rule of law.
        And we all realize that our responsibility to be the catalyst for
    peace in the region does not end with the successful conclusion of this
    war.
        Democracy brings the undeniable value of thoughtful dissent, and
    we've heard some dissenting voices here at home--some, a handful,
    reckless; most responsible. But the fact that all voices have the right
    to speak out is one of the reasons we've been united in purpose and
    principle for 200 years.
        Our progress in this great struggle is the result of years of
    vigilance and a steadfast commitment to a strong defense. Now, with
    remarkable technological advances like the Patriot missile, we can
    defend against ballistic missile attacks aimed at innocent civilians.
        Looking forward, I have directed that the SDI program be refocused
    on providing protection from limited ballistic missile strikes, whatever
    their source. Let us pursue an SDI program that can deal with any future
    threat to the United States, to our forces overseas, and to our friends
    and allies.
        The quality of American technology, thanks to the American worker,
    has enabled us to successfully deal with difficult military conditions
    and help minimize precious loss of life. We have given our men and women
    the very best. And they deserve it.
        We all have a special place in our hearts for the families of our
    men and women serving in the Gulf. They are represented here tonight by
    Mrs. Norman Schwarzkopf. We are all very grateful to General Schwarzkopf
    and to all those serving with him. And I might also recognize one who
    came with Mrs. Schwarzkopf: Alma Powell,

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    the wife of the distinguished Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. And to the
    families, let me say our forces in the Gulf will not stay there one day
    longer than is necessary to complete their mission.
        The courage and success of the RAF pilots, of the Kuwaiti, Saudi,
    French, the Canadians, the Italians, the pilots of Qatar and Bahrain--
    all are proof that for the first time since World War II, the
    international community is united. The leadership of the United Nations,
    once only a hoped-for ideal, is now confirming its founders' vision.
        I am heartened that we are not being asked to bear alone the
    financial burdens of this struggle. Last year, our friends and allies
    provided the bulk of the economic costs of Desert Shield. And now,
    having received commitments of over $40 billion for the first 3 months
    of 1991, I am confident they will do no less as we move through Desert
    Storm.
        But the world has to wonder what the dictator of Iraq is thinking.
    If he thinks that by targeting innocent civilians in Israel and Saudi
    Arabia, that he will gain advantage, he is dead wrong. If he thinks that
    he will advance his cause through tragic and despicable environmental
    terrorism, he is dead wrong. And if he thinks that by abusing the
    coalition prisoners of war he will benefit, he is dead wrong.
        We will succeed in the Gulf. And when we do, the world community
    will have sent an enduring warning to any dictator or despot, present or
    future, who contemplates outlaw aggression.
        The world can, therefore, seize this opportunity to fulfill the
    long-held promise of a new world order, where brutality will go
    unrewarded and aggression will meet collective resistance.
        Yes, the United States bears a major share of leadership in this
    effort. Among the nations of the world, only the United States of
    America has both the moral standing and the means to back it up. We're
    the only nation on this Earth that could assemble the forces of peace.
    This is the burden of leadership and the strength that has made America
    the beacon of freedom in a searching world.
        This nation has never found glory in war. Our people have never
    wanted to abandon the blessings of home and work for distant lands and
    deadly conflict. If we fight in anger, it is only because we have to
    fight at all. And all of us yearn for a world where we will never have
    to fight again.
        Each of us will measure within ourselves the value of this great
    struggle. Any cost in lives--any cost--is beyond our power to measure.
    But the cost of closing our eyes to aggression is beyond mankind's power
    to imagine. This we do know: Our cause is just; our cause is moral; our
    cause is right.
        Let future generations understand the burden and the blessings of
    freedom. Let them say we stood where duty required us to stand. Let them
    know that, together, we affirmed America and the world as a community of
    conscience.
        The winds of change are with us now. The forces of freedom are
    together, united. We move toward the next century more confident than
    ever that we have the will at home and abroad to do what must be done--
    the hard work of freedom.
        May God bless the United States of America. Thank you very, very
    much.

                        Note: The President spoke at 9:09 p.m. in the House
                            Chamber of the Capitol. He was introduced by
                            Thomas S. Foley, Speaker of the House of
                            Representatives. In his remarks, the President
                            referred to Dan Quayle, President of the Senate;
                            President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Alan
                            Greenspan, Chairman of the Board of Governors of
                            the Federal Reserve System; Attorney General
                            Dick Thornburgh; United Nations Secretary-
                            General Javier Perez de Cuellar de la Guerra;
                            President Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union;
                            President Francois Mitterrand of France;
                            President Turgut Ozal of Turkey; President
                            Mohammed Hosni Mubarak of Egypt; President
                            Chadli Bendjedid of Algeria; King Fahd bin Abd
                            al-`Aziz Al Sa`ud of Saudi Arabia; King Hassan
                            II of Morocco; Prime Minister John Major of the
                            United Kingdom; Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti
                            of Italy; Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, commander
                            of the U.S. forces in the Persian Gulf, and his
                            wife, Renda; and Gen. Colin L. Powell, Chairman
                            of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and his wife,
                            Alma. The address was broadcast live nationwide
                            on radio and tel-

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                            evision. Prior to his address, the President
                            attended a reception in the Speaker's Conference
                            Room hosted by the congressional leadership.
                            Parts of this address could not be verified
                            because the tape was incomplete.