    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George H. W. Bush (1991, Book I)]
    [March 6, 1991]
    [Pages 218-222]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the Cessation of the
    Persian Gulf Conflict
    March 6, 1991

        Speaker Foley. Mr. President, it is customary at joint sessions for
    the Chair to present the President to the Members of Congress directly
    and without further comment. But I wish to depart from tradition tonight
    and express to you on behalf of the Congress and the country, and
    through you to the members of our Armed Forces, our warm-

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    est congratulations on the brilliant victory of the Desert Storm
    Operation.
        Members of the Congress, I now have the high privilege and distinct
    honor of presenting to you the President of the United States.
        The President. Mr. President. And Mr. Speaker, thank you, sir, for
    those very generous words spoken from the heart about the wonderful
    performance of our military.
        Members of Congress, 5 short weeks ago I came to this House to speak
    to you about the state of the Union. We met then in time of war.
    Tonight, we meet in a world blessed by the promise of peace.
        From the moment Operation Desert Storm commenced on January 16th
    until the time the guns fell silent at midnight 1 week ago, this nation
    has watched its sons and daughters with pride, watched over them with
    prayer. As Commander in Chief, I can report to you our armed forces
    fought with honor and valor. And as President, I can report to the
    Nation aggression is defeated. The war is over.
        This is a victory for every country in the coalition, for the United
    Nations. A victory for unprecedented international cooperation and
    diplomacy, so well led by our Secretary of State, James Baker. It is a
    victory for the rule of law and for what is right.
        Desert Storm's success belongs to the team that so ably leads our
    Armed Forces: our Secretary of Defense and our Chairman of the Joint
    Chiefs, Dick Cheney and Colin Powell. And while you're standing--
    [laughter]--this military victory also belongs to the one the British
    call the ``Man of the Match''--the tower of calm at the eye of Desert
    Storm--General Norman Schwarzkopf.
        And recognizing this was a coalition effort, let us not forget Saudi
    General Khalid, Britain's General de la Billiere, or General
    Roquejeoffre of France, and all the others whose leadership played such
    a vital role. And most importantly, most importantly of all, all those
    who served in the field.
        I thank the Members of this Congress--support here for our troops in
    battle was overwhelming. And above all, I thank those whose unfailing
    love and support sustained our courageous men and women: I thank the
    American people.
        Tonight, I come to this House to speak about the world--the world
    after war. The recent challenge could not have been clearer. Saddam
    Hussein was the villain; Kuwait, the victim. To the aid of this small
    country came nations from North America and Europe, from Asia and South
    America, from Africa and the Arab world, all united against aggression.
    Our uncommon coalition must now work in common purpose: to forge a
    future that should never again be held hostage to the darker side of
    human nature.
        Tonight in Iraq, Saddam walks amidst ruin. His war machine is
    crushed. His ability to threaten mass destruction is itself destroyed.
    His people have been lied to, denied the truth. And when his defeated
    legions come home, all Iraqis will see and feel the havoc he has
    wrought. And this I promise you: For all that Saddam has done to his own
    people, to the Kuwaitis, and to the entire world, Saddam and those
    around him are accountable.
        All of us grieve for the victims of war, for the people of Kuwait
    and the suffering that scars the soul of that proud nation. We grieve
    for all our fallen soldiers and their families, for all the innocents
    caught up in this conflict. And, yes, we grieve for the people of Iraq,
    a people who have never been our enemy. My hope is that one day we will
    once again welcome them as friends into the community of nations. Our
    commitment to peace in the Middle East does not end with the liberation
    of Kuwait. So, tonight let me outline four key challenges to be met.
        First, we must work together to create shared security arrangements
    in the region. Our friends and allies in the Middle East recognize that
    they will bear the bulk of the responsibility for regional security. But
    we want them to know that just as we stood with them to repel
    aggression, so now America stands ready to work with them to secure the
    peace. This does not mean stationing U.S. ground forces in the Arabian
    Peninsula, but it does mean American participation in joint exercises
    involving both air and ground forces. It means maintaining a capable
    U.S. naval presence in the region,

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    just as we have for over 40 years. Let it be clear: Our vital national
    interests depend on a stable and secure Gulf.
        Second, we must act to control the proliferation of weapons of mass
    destruction and the missiles used to deliver them. It would be tragic if
    the nations of the Middle East and Persian Gulf were now, in the wake of
    war, to embark on a new arms race. Iraq requires special vigilance.
    Until Iraq convinces the world of its peaceful intentions--that its
    leaders will not use new revenues to rearm and rebuild its menacing war
    machine--Iraq must not have access to the instruments of war.
        And third, we must work to create new opportunities for peace and
    stability in the Middle East. On the night I announced Operation Desert
    Storm, I expressed my hope that out of the horrors of war might come new
    momentum for peace. We've learned in the modern age geography cannot
    guarantee security, and security does not come from military power
    alone.
        All of us know the depth of bitterness that has made the dispute
    between Israel and its neighbors so painful and intractable. Yet, in the
    conflict just concluded, Israel and many of the Arab States have for the
    first time found themselves confronting the same aggressor. By now, it
    should be plain to all parties that peacemaking in the Middle East
    requires compromise. At the same time, peace brings real benefits to
    everyone. We must do all that we can to close the gap between Israel and
    the Arab States--and between Israelis and Palestinians. The tactics of
    terror lead absolutely nowhere. There can be no substitute for
    diplomacy.
        A comprehensive peace must be grounded in United Nations Security
    Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and the principle of territory for
    peace. This principle must be elaborated to provide for Israel's
    security and recognition and at the same time for legitimate Palestinian
    political rights. Anything else would fail the twin test of fairness and
    security. The time has come to put an end to Arab-Israeli conflict.
        The war with Iraq is over. The quest for solutions to the problems
    in Lebanon, in the Arab-Israeli dispute, and in the Gulf must go forward
    with new vigor and determination. And I guarantee you: No one will work
    harder for a stable peace in the region than we will.
        Fourth, we must foster economic development for the sake of peace
    and progress. The Persian Gulf and Middle East form a region rich in
    natural resources with a wealth of untapped human potential. Resources
    once squandered on military might must be redirected to more peaceful
    ends. We are already addressing the immediate economic consequences of
    Iraq's aggression. Now, the challenge is to reach higher, to foster
    economic freedom and prosperity for all the people of the region.
        By meeting these four challenges we can build a framework for peace.
    I've asked Secretary of State Baker to go to the Middle East to begin
    the process. He will go to listen, to probe, to offer suggestions--to
    advance the search for peace and stability. I've also asked him to raise
    the plight of the hostages held in Lebanon. We have not forgotten them,
    and we will not forget them.
        To all the challenges that confront this region of the world there
    is no single solution, no solely American answer. But we can make a
    difference. America will work tirelessly as a catalyst for positive
    change.
        But we cannot lead a new world abroad if, at home, it's politics as
    usual on American defense and diplomacy. It's time to turn away from the
    temptation to protect unneeded weapons systems and obsolete bases. It's
    time to put an end to micromanagement of foreign and security assistance
    programs--micromanagement that humiliates our friends and allies and
    hamstrings our diplomacy. It's time to rise above the parochial and the
    pork barrel, to do what is necessary, what's right, and what will enable
    this nation to play the leadership role required of us.
        The consequences of the conflict in the Gulf reach far beyond the
    confines of the Middle East. Twice before in this century, an entire
    world was convulsed by war. Twice this century, out of the horrors of
    war hope emerged for enduring peace. Twice before, those hopes proved to
    be a distant dream, beyond the grasp of man. Until now, the world we've
    known has been a world divided--a world of barbed wire

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    and concrete block, conflict, and cold war.
        Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there
    is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the words of Winston
    Churchill, a world order in which ``the principles of justice and fair
    play protect the weak against the strong. . . .'' A world where the
    United Nations, freed from cold war stalemate, is poised to fulfill the
    historic vision of its founders. A world in which freedom and respect
    for human rights find a home among all nations. The Gulf war put this
    new world to its first test. And my fellow Americans, we passed that
    test.
        For the sake of our principles, for the sake of the Kuwaiti people,
    we stood our ground. Because the world would not look the other way,
    Ambassador al-Sabah, tonight Kuwait is free. And we're very happy about
    that.
        Tonight, as our troops begin to come home, let us recognize that the
    hard work of freedom still calls us forward. We've learned the hard
    lessons of history. The victory over Iraq was not waged as ``a war to
    end all wars.'' Even the new world order cannot guarantee an era of
    perpetual peace. But enduring peace must be our mission. Our success in
    the Gulf will shape not only the new world order we seek but our mission
    here at home.
        In the war just ended, there were clear-cut objectives--timetables--
    and, above all, an overriding imperative to achieve results. We must
    bring that same sense of self-discipline, that same sense of urgency, to
    the way we meet challenges here at home. In my State of the Union
    Address and in my budget, I defined a comprehensive agenda to prepare
    for the next American century.
        Our first priority is to get this economy rolling again. The fear
    and uncertainty caused by the Gulf crisis were understandable. But now
    that the war is over, oil prices are down, interest rates are down, and
    confidence is rightly coming back. Americans can move forward to lend,
    spend, and invest in this, the strongest economy on Earth.
        We must also enact the legislation that is key to building a better
    America. For example, in 1990, we enacted an historic Clean Air Act. And
    now we've proposed a national energy strategy. We passed a child-care
    bill that put power in the hands of parents. And today, we're ready to
    do the same thing with our schools and expand choice in education. We
    passed a crime bill that made a useful start in fighting crime and
    drugs. This year, we're sending to Congress our comprehensive crime
    package to finish the job. We passed the landmark Americans with
    Disabilities Act. And now we've sent forward our civil rights bill. We
    also passed the aviation bill. This year, we've sent up our new highway
    bill. And these are just a few of our pending proposals for reform and
    renewal.
        So, tonight I call on the Congress to move forward aggressively on
    our domestic front. Let's begin with two initiatives we should be able
    to agree on quickly: transportation and crime. And then, let's build on
    success with those and enact the rest of our agenda. If our forces could
    win the ground war in 100 hours, then surely the Congress can pass this
    legislation in 100 days. Let that be a promise we make tonight to the
    American people.
        When I spoke in this House about the state of our Union, I asked all
    of you: If we can selflessly confront evil for the sake of good in a
    land so far away, then surely we can make this land all that it should
    be. In the time since then, the brave men and women of Desert Storm
    accomplished more than even they may realize. They set out to confront
    an enemy abroad, and in the process, they transformed a nation at home.
    Think of the way they went about their mission--with confidence and
    quiet pride. Think about their sense of duty, about all they taught us
    about our values, about ourselves.
        We hear so often about our young people in turmoil--how our children
    fall short, how our schools fail us, how American products and American
    workers are second-class. Well, don't you believe it. The America we saw
    in Desert Storm was first-class talent. And they did it using America's
    state-of-the-art technology. We saw the excellence embodied in the
    Patriot missile and the patriots who made it work. And we saw soldiers
    who know about honor and bravery and duty and country and the world-
    shaking

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    power of these simple words. There is something noble and majestic about
    the pride, about the patriotism that we feel tonight.
        So, to everyone here and everyone watching at home, think about the
    men and women of Desert Storm. Let us honor them with our gratitude. Let
    us comfort the families of the fallen and remember each precious life
    lost.
        Let us learn from them as well. Let us honor those who have served
    us by serving others. Let us honor them as individuals--men and women of
    every race, all creeds and colors--by setting the face of this nation
    against discrimination, bigotry, and hate. Eliminate them.
        I'm sure that many of you saw on the television the unforgettable
    scene of four terrified Iraqi soldiers surrendering. They emerged from
    their bunker broken, tears streaming from their eyes, fearing the worst.
    And then there was an American soldier. Remember what he said? He said:
    ``It's okay. You're all right now. You're all right now.'' That scene
    says a lot about America, a lot about who we are. Americans are a caring
    people. We are a good people, a generous people. Let us always be caring
    and good and generous in all we do.
        Soon, very soon, our troops will begin the march we've all been
    waiting for--their march home. And I have directed Secretary Cheney to
    begin the immediate return of American combat units from the Gulf. Less
    than 2 hours from now, the first planeload of American soldiers will
    lift off from Saudi Arabia, headed for the U.S.A. That plane will carry
    the men and women of the 24th Mechanized Infantry Division bound for
    Fort Stewart, Georgia. This is just the beginning of a steady flow of
    American troops coming home. Let their return remind us that all those
    who have gone before are linked with us in the long line of freedom's
    march.
        Americans have always tried to serve, to sacrifice nobly for what we
    believe to be right. Tonight, I ask every community in this country to
    make this coming Fourth of July a day of special celebration for our
    returning troops. They may have missed Thanksgiving and Christmas, but I
    can tell you this: For them and for their families, we can make this a
    holiday they'll never forget.
        In a very real sense, this victory belongs to them--to the privates
    and the pilots, to the sergeants and the supply officers, to the men and
    women in the machines and the men and women who made them work. It
    belongs to the regulars, to the reserves, to the National Guard. This
    victory belongs to the finest fighting force this nation has ever known
    in its history.
        We went halfway around the world to do what is moral and just and
    right. We fought hard and, with others, we won the war. We lifted the
    yoke of aggression and tyranny from a small country that many Americans
    had never even heard of, and we ask nothing in return.
        We're coming home now--proud, confident, heads high. There is much
    that we must do, at home and abroad. And we will do it. We are
    Americans.
        May God bless this great nation, the United States of America. Thank
    you all very, very much.

                        Note: The President spoke at 9:12 p.m. in the House
                            Chamber at the Capitol. He was introduced by
                            Thomas S. Foley, Speaker of the House of
                            Representatives. In his remarks, he referred to
                            Dan Quayle, President of the Senate; Secretary
                            of State James A. Baker III; Secretary of
                            Defense Dick Cheney; Colin L. Powell, Chairman
                            of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; Gen. H. Norman
                            Schwarzkopf, commander of the U.S. forces in the
                            Persian Gulf; Saudi commander Gen. Abdul Aziz
                            bin Sultan; British commander Gen. Peter de la
                            Billiere; French commander Gen. Michel
                            Roquejeoffre; President Saddam Hussein of Iraq;
                            and Ambassador Saud Nasir al-Sabah of Kuwait.
                            The address was broadcast live on nationwide
                            television and radio.