[Hearings Regarding the Communist Infiltration of the Motion Picture Industry]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
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HEARINGS REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION
OF THE MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTIETH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
Public Law 601
(Section 121, Subsection Q (2))
OCTOBER 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, AND 30, 1947
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
HEARINGS REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION
OF THE MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EIGHTIETH CONGKESS
FIRST SESSION
Public Law 601
(Section 121, Subsection Q (2))
OCTOBER 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, AND 30, 1947
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
67683 WASHINGTON : 1947
DFC 9 1947
6 ^A"
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
J. PARNELL THOMAS, New Jersey, Chairman
KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN S. WOOD, Georgia
JOHN Mcdowell, Pennsylvania JOHN E. RANKIN, Mississippi
RICHARD M. NIXON, California J. HARDIN PETERSON, Florida
RICHARD B. VAIL, Illinois HERBERT C. BONNER, North Carolina
Robert E. Stripling, Chief Investigator
Benjamin Mandel, Director o/ Research
XI
CONTENTS
October 20, 1947:
Testimony of — Page
H. a" Smith 4
A. B. Leckie 5
Louis J. Russell 6
Jack L. Warner 7
Samuel Gros venor Wood 54
Louis Burt Mayer 69
Ayn Rand 82
October 21, 1947:
Testimony of —
Adolph Menjou 91
John Charles Moffitt . 108
Rupert Hughes 128
October 22, 1947:
Testimony of —
James K. McGuiimess 135
Robert Taylor 164
Howard Rushmore 171
Morrie Ryskind 181
October 23, 1947:
Testimony of —
Fred Niblo 189
Richard Macaulay 197
Robert Montgomery 203
George L. Murphy 208
Ronald Reagan 213~
Gary Cooper 219
Leo McCarey 225
October 24, 1947:
Testimony of —
Lela E. Rogers J :__. 229
Ohver Carlson 238
Walter E. Disney 280
October 27, 1947:
Testimony of —
John Howard Lawson 290
Louis J. Russell 296
Eric Allen Johnston 305
October 28, 1947:
Testimony of —
- Dalton Trumbo 329
Louis J. Russell 34 1
Roy M. Brewer 342
Statement of Paul V. McNutt 360
Testimony of —
Albert Maltz 363
Robert W. Kenny 367
Louis J. Russell 370
Alyah Bessie 383
Louis J. Russell 388
Roy M. Brewer (resumed) 394
ni
ly CONTENTS
October 29, 1947:
Testimony of— Page
Samuel Ornitz 402
Louis J. Russell 405
Herbert Joseph Biberman 412
Louis J. Russell 415
Emmet G. Lavery 419
Edward Dmvtryk 459
Louis J. Russell 462
Adrian Scott " 466
Louis J. Russell 468
Dore Schary 469
October 30, 1947:
Testimony of —
Ring Lardner, Jr 479
Loviis J. Russell 483
Lester Cole 486
Louis J. Russell 4*^9
Berthold Brecht 491
Louis J. Russell 5^4
Appendix 523
HEARINGS REGARDINrT THE COMMUNIST INFILTEATION
OF THE MOTION-PICTUEE-INDUSTHY ACTIVITIES IN
THE UNITED STATES
MONDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1947
House of Representati\'es,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D. C.
The committee met at 10 : 30 ca. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order. The record will
show that the following members are present: Mr. McDowell, Mr.
Vail, Mr. Nixon, Mr. Thomas. A subcommittee is sitting.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, Robert B. Gaston, H. A. Smith, and A. B.
Leckie, investigators; and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Before this hearing get under way, I would like to call attention to
some of the basic principles by which the Committee on Un-American
Activities is being guided in its investigation into alleged subversive
influence in America's motion-picture industry.
The committee is well aware of the magnitude of the subject which
it is investigating. The motion-picture business represents an invest-
ment of billions of dollars. It represents employment for thousands
of workers, ranging from unskilled laborers to high-salaried actors
and executives. And even more important, the motion-picture indus-
try represents wdiat is probably the largest single vehicle of enter-
tainment for the American public — over 85,000,000 persons attend the
movies each week.
However, it is the very magnitude of the scope of the motion-picture
industry which makes this investigation so necessary. We all recog-
nize, certainl}'-, the tremendous effect which moving pictures have on
their mass audiences, far removed from the Hollywood sets. We all
recognize that what the citizen sees and hears in his neighborhood
movie house carries a pow^erful impact on his thoughts and behavior.
With such vast influence over the lives of American citizens as the
motion-picture industry exerts, it is not unnatural — in fact, it is very
logical — that subversive and undemocratic forces should attempt to
use this medium for un-American purposes.
I want to emphasize at the outset of these hearings that the fact
that the Committee on Un-American Activities is investigating al-
leged Communist influence and infiltration in the motion-picture
industry must not be considered or interpreted as an attack on the
majority of persons associated with this great industry. I have every
confidence that the vast majority of movie workers are patriotic and
loyal Americans.
1
2 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This committee, under its mandate from the House of Kepresenta-
tives, has the responsibility of exposing and spotlighting subversive
elements Avherever tliey may exist. As I have already pointed out, it
is only to be expected that such elements would strive desperately to
gain entry to the motion-picture industry, simply because the industry
offers such a tremendous weapon for education and propaganda. That
Communists have made such an attempt in Hollywood and with con-
siderable success is already evident to this committee from its pre-
liminary investigative work.
The problem of Communist infiltration is not limited to the movie
industry. That even our Federal Government has not been immune
from the menate is evidenced by the fact that $11,000,000 is now being -
spent to rid the Federal service of Communists. Communists are
also firmly entrenched in control of a number of large and powerful
labor unions in this country. Yet simply because there are Com-
munist union leaders among the longshoremen or seamen, for example,
one does not infer that the owners of the shipping industries are Com-
munists and Communist sympathizers, or that the majority of work-
ers in those industries hold to an un-American philosophy. So it is
with the movie industry.
I cannot emphasize too strongly the seriousness of Communist
infiltration, which we have found to be a mutual problem for many,
many different fields of endeavor in the United States. Communists
for years have been conducting an unrelentless "boring from within"
campaign against America's democratic institutions. While never
possessing a large numerical strength, the Communists nevertheless
have found that they could dominate the activities of unions or otlier
mass enterprises in this country by capturing a few strategic posi-
tions of leadership.
This technique, I am sorry to say, has been amazingly profitable for
the Communists. And they have been aided all along the line by
non-Communists, who are either sympathetic to the aims of com-
munism or are unwilling to recognize the danger in Communist
infiltration.
The ultimate purpose of the Communists is a well-established fact.
Despite sporadic statements made to the contrary for reasons of
expediency, the Communist movement looks to the establishment of
Soviet-dominated, totalitarian governments in all of the countries
of the world, and the Communists are willing to use force and violence
to achieve this aim if necessary.
The United States is one of the biggest obstacles to this movement.
The fact was startlingly illustrated recently by the open announce-
ment of the Communist International — a world-wide party organiza-
tion dedicated to promoting world-wide Communist revolution, which
previously operated underground.
The vituperation leveled at the United States by this new interna-
tional Communist organization clearly indicated that America is
considered the chief stumbling block in the Soviet plans for world
domination and is therefore the chief target in what we might call
the Soviet Union's ideological war against non-Soviet governments.
There is no question that there are Communists in Hollywood. We
cannot minimize their importance there, and that their influence has
already made itself felt has been evidenced by internal turmoil in the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 3
industry over the Communist issue. Prominent figures in the motion-
picture business have been engaged in a sort of running battle over
Comnumist infiltration for the last 4 or 5 years and a number of anti-
Communist organizations have been set up within the industry in an
attempt to combat this menace.
The question before this conunittee, therefore, and the scope of its
present inquiry, will be to determine the extent of Communist infiltra-
tion in the Hollywood motion-picture industry. We want to know
what strategic positions in the industry have been captured by these
elements, whose loyalty is pledged in word and deed to the interests
of a foreign power.
The conunittee is determined that the hearings shall be fair and
impartial. We have subpenaed witnesses representing both sides
of the question. All we are after are the facts.
Now, I want to make it clear to the witnesses, the audience, the mem-
bers of the press, and other guests here today that this hearing is
going to be conducted in an orderly and dignified manner at all times.
But if there is anyone here today or at any of the future sessions of
this hearing who entei'tains any hopes or plans for disrupting the pro-
ceedings, he may as well dismiss it from his mind.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman, I am attorney for the 19 subpenaed
witnesses, as is Mr. Bartley Crum. You recall that we submitted a
telegram yesterday on a motion to quash. It seems to me that the
most orderly way that we can present this would be to do so before a
witness has been sworn under any subpena as the motion would be
identical for any witness. If the committee is without constitutional
authority to proceed to
The Chairman. Just a minute. May I ask your name, please?
Mr. Kenny. Robert Kenny, and this is my associate, Mr. Bartley
Crum.
The Chairman. And you represent the 19 witnesses whose names
were listed in the telegram sent to me this morning?
Mr. Kenny. That is right, Mr. Chairman.
Tlie Ciiair^ian. INIr. Kenny, these Avitnesses of yours will not be
called until next week, they will not come up today at all, or any other
day this week. So if you will present your statement to the committee,
we will take it under advisement, and then you can argue the ques-
tion, if the committee sees fit, when your witnesses come up next Mon-
day— I believe the first witnesses are to come up Monday or Tuesday
or Wednesday. So if you will just present your statement to the
committee.
Mr. Crum. Mr. Chairman, may I file
The Chairman. Present your statement to the committee.
Mr. Crum. Thank j^ou. I would like to file this with you, Mr.
Chairman.
(A paper was handed to Mr. Stripling.)
The Chairman. That will be filed. You discuss the matter further
when you present your witnesses to tlie committee.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness today.
Mr. Stripling. I will ask Mr. H. A. Smith to take the stand.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman
4 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. I am sorry. Just a minute.
I am very sorry, but we have a certain procedure to follow. You,
as the former Attorney General in the State of California, know
how important it is to follow the procedure. You also know the
great necessity for order. It will probably be difficult to maintain
order in these hearings. So you will just have to bear with us, Mr.
Kenny. You may come back when you present your witnesses next
week.
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. That is all.
Mr. Crum. May we ask if we have a right to cross-examine?
The Chairman. You may not ask one more thing at this time.
Please be seated.
Mr. Crum. Certainly American.
The Chairman. Kaise your right hand, please.
Do 3^ou solemnly swear that the testimony you shall give will be
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth?
Mr. Smith. I do.
The Chairman. Be seated, please.
TESTIMONY OF H. A. SMITH
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Smith, will you state your full name and
present address.
Mr. Smith. My name is H. A. Smith. I reside at 1514 Bel Aire
Drive, Glendale, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Smith. I was born in Dixon, 111., in October 1909.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Smith, were you ever employed by the Federal
Bureau of Investigation?
Mr. S]MiTH. I was. I was employed as a special agent of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation from 193.5 to and including 1942.
Mr. Stripling. Will you outline for the committee the various
positions you have held in the Bureau, and the nature of your work?
Mr. Smith. During that period of time I worked in a number of
various field offices, the last 5 years of which I was assigned to the
Los Angeles office. While there I was what is called a No. 1 man,
or assistant to the agent in charge.
The Chairman. Just a minute. We will have to have more order.
We will particularly have to have more order from our friends, the
photographers. We just can't hear the witness.-
Go ahead.
The Witness. During that time I was in charge of the internal
security investigations of the Los Angeles field division, which had
to do with matters relating to the national defense, espionage, sabotage,
and all of those related articles — fascism, nazism, and communism.
After resigning from the Federal Bui'oau of Investigation in 1942
I was manager of plant protection at Lockheed Aircraft in charge of
security from 1942 until 1944, since which time I have returned to the
practice of law and investigation at Los Angeles.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Smith, were you appointed on July 18, 1947, as
a special investigator to conduct investigations for the Committee on
Un-American Activities into alleged Communist influences in the
motion-picture industry ? ■
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 5
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; I was; and since that time I have been en-
o;ao;ed continuously in interviewing hundreds of people, reviewing
files, working practically night and day, and Saturday, and Sundays,
in an effort to gather information to present to this committee. Dur-
ing the ensuing session I have been assisted in the investigation by
Mr. A. B. Leckie.
The Chairman. Let the record show that Mr. Wood is present and
a quorum of the full committee is present.
Mr. Smith. I have been assisted by Mr, A. B. Leckie — L-e-c-k-i-e.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, those are all the questions I have at
this time of Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. Do any of the members have any questions of Mr.
Smith?
Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. IMcDowell?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
Mr. Stripling. This is purely for the purpose of identification.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
Mr. Wood. No.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Stripling. I now ask Mr. Leckie to take the stand.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Leckie. I do.
TESTIMONY OF A. B. LECKIE
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Leckie, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address?
Mr. Leckie. A. B. Leckie, 449 North Orlando Street, Los Angeles,
Calif.
Mr. Stripling. "Wlien and where were you born ?
Mr. Leckie. Born in Greenville, Ala., 1905.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Leckie, were j^ou ever employed by the Federal
Bureau of Investigation ?
Mr. Leckie. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you outline for the committee the positions you
held with the Bureau ?
Mr. Leckie. I served 1 year as administrative assistant to ]\Ir.
Hoover. I was a year and a half in charge of the Philadelphia office
and was assigned to other offices prior to that.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever held any other positions, either in the
Bureau or in the armed services of the LTnited States, which would
qualify you as an investigator?
Mr. Leckie. I served in a similar capacity with the United States
Navy during the war.
IVIr. Stripling. From what period ?
Mr. Leckie. From 1942 to 1945, inclusive.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Leckie, you were appointed on Julj^ 18, 1947,
as a special investigator to assist Mr. Smith in his investigation of
6 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
alleged Communist activity in the motion-picture industry; is that
true ?
Mr, Leckie. I was; and I have worked continuously with him
through the entire time.
]Mr. Stribling. That is all, Mr. Chairman, at this time.
The Chairman. Do any members of the committee have any ques-
tions ?
(No response.)
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr, Leckie.
Mr. Stribling. Next, I would like to call Mr. Louis J. Kussell.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, do you solemnly swear that the testi-
mon}^ you are about to give shall be the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth?
Mr. Russell. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stribling. Will you state your full name and present address,
Mr. Russell?
Mr. Russell. Louis J. Russell, Washington, D. C.
Mr. Stribling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Russell. Louisville, Ky., December 16, 1911.
Mr. Stribling, You are presently a member of the investigative staff
of the Committee on Un-American Activities?
Mr, Russell. I am, sir.
Mr. Stribling. How long have you been an investigator for the
Committee on Un-American Activities?
Mr, Russell, Since May 1945.
Mr. Stripling. Were you ever employed by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation ?
Mr, Russell. I was employed by the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion for a period of 10 years.
Mr. Stripling. What positions did you hold with the Bureau as an
investigative agent?
Mr. Russell. While with the Bureau I served in the Indianapolis,
Newark, Washington, Hartford, and Oklahoma field divisions.
While attached to the Newark field division I was supervising agent
in charge of accounting, criminal investigation, and allied subjects.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever at any time been detailed by the
Committee on Un-American Activities to proceed to Hollywood to
conduct an investigation into alleged Communist influences in the
motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; I was ; in 1945, during the month of August, I
conducted an approximately 3-week investigation in Hollywood,
Calif., and following that I conducted further investigation in Wash-
ington, D. C, and other cities relating to the Hollywood motion-
picture industry.
Mr. Stripling. Did you proceed to Hollywood this year for the
purpose of making an investigation?
Mr. Russell. Yes, sir ; during the month of May 1947.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr, Chairman.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 7
The Chairman. Does any rneniber of the committee have any
questions to ask ?
(No response.)
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, I desire to call
is Mr. Jack L. Warner.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth ?
Mr. Warner. I do.
TESTIMONY OF JACK L. WAKNER
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, are you accompanied by counsel?
Mr. Warner. I am.
Mr. Stripling. Will you identify your counsel?
Mr. Warner. Mr. Paul V. McNutt.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McNutt, do you have any statement you would
like to make as to whom you are representing at this hearing^
Mr. McNuTT. Mr. Stripling, I represent the Motion Picture Asso-
ciation of America, Inc., and the Association of Motion Picture Pro-
ducers, Inc., and their member companies. Mr. Warner's company
is a member of both associations.
Mr. Stripling. You will be appearing, then, with various witnesses?
Mr. McNuTT. That is true.
Mr. Stripling. From time to time?
Mr. McNuTT. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Do you represent in any way the 19 witnesses who
are represented by Mr. Kenny and Mr. Crum ?
]Mr. McNuTT. I do not.
Mr. Stripling. You do not.
Just have a seat, Mr. McNutt.
The Chairman. Mr. McNutt, the Chair would like to inform you
that it is the policy of this committee to permit counsel to advise his
client, the witness here on the stand, of his constitutional rights, and
only on the question of his constitutional rights.
I would like to say to counsel that we hope you will bear with us in
that and tliat it will not be necessary at any time to remind you of that.
Mr. McNutt. I understand, Mr. Cliairman. Of course, I should
like to make a request to be permitted to cross-examine witnesses.
The Chairman. You will not have that permission. It is not the
policy of the committee to permit counsel to cross-examine witnesses.
You will only have the right, the solemn right, to advise your client,
the witness, on his constitutional rights. Nothing else. You are no
different from any of the other attorney's who have appeared before
this committee this year in the many hearings that we have had.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, will you state your full name and
present address?
Mr. Warner. My name is Jack L. Warner, 1801 Angelo Drive,
Beverley Hills, Calif.
Mr. Strlpling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Warner. London, Ontario, Canada, 1892.
8 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Warner, you are here before the Committee on
Un-American Activities in response to a subpena served upon you on
September 29, 1947; is that correct?
Mr. Wakner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Warner. In charge of production of Warner Bros, studios at
Burbank, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a vice president of Warner Bros. ?
Mr. Warner. I am.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been associated with the motion-
picture industry?
Mr. Warner. Approximately forty-odd years.
Mr. Wood. I didn't get that last statement.
Mr. Warner. Forty-odd years.
Mr. Stripling. ]\Ir. Warner, in what various capacities have you
been associated with the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Warner. I would say writer, director, producer.
Mr. Stripling. When was the corporation known as Warner Bros.
first founded?
Mr. Warner. I just can't remember the exact date.
Mr. Stripling. Approximately when?
]Mr. Warner. I believe it was 1922 — or between 1922 and 1926. Be-
fore tliat it was a copartnership of the four brothers.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall how many people you employed at the
time the corporation was first founded ?
Mr. Warner. I haven't any recollection. No ; I don't know.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with how many people are em-
ployed at the present time ?
Mr. Warner. I would say approximately 25,000 throughout the
world.
Mr. Stripling. Throughout the world.
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. About how many pictures does your company pro-
duce a year ? That is, on an average.
Mr. Warner. At present?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. Twenty-four. In addition, what we term "short sub-
jects," and we now have a news release, the Warner-Pathe News
Release.
Mr. Stripling. When you say 20
Mr. Warner. Twenty-four full-length pictures; 50 or 60 short sub-
jects ; and 100 or more news releases a year.
Mr. Stripling. Could you give us the figure of — say, for any time
during the past 5 years — the gross income of Warner Bros.?
Mr. Warner. I am not familiar with the gross income. That was
not my end of the business — other than reading the reports.
INIr. Stripling. Is Warner Bros, one of the major studios in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Warner. One of the large studios. I don't go along with the
word "major."
Mr. Stripling. Would it be one of the four largest?
INIu. Warner. I would say it was one of the large studios in Holly-
wood.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 9
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, as the chairman lias stated, the purpose
of this hearing is to determine tlie extent of Communist infiltration
and influence in the motion-picture industry.
Since you have been in Hollywood, has there ever been a period
during which you considered that the Communists had infiltrated into
the studios?
Mr. Warner. Before we proceed, if it is proper, I would like to read
a statement that I have prepared into the record.
Mv. Stripling. ]Mr. Warner, it is not the policy of this committee
to permit witnesses to read statements. However
Mr. Wood. I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that the witness be permitted
to submit his statement.
Mr. Warner. I read the statement in Los Angeles.
The Chairman. It was the same statements
Mr. Warner. I read the statement in Los Angeles.
The Chairman. Is this the same statement you read in Los Angeles ?
Mr. Warner. Similar to a degree, more or less.
The Chairman. May I just see the statement, please?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
(The paper was handed to the chairman.)
The Chairman. It will be all right to read this statement. The only
reason we questioned it was that we wanted to make certain that it was
pertinent to the inquiry.
Mr. AVarner. Yes, sir ; it is.
The Chairman. And also will you read it into the microphone, Mr.
Warner.
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And speak just a little louder.
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
(STATEMENT OE JACK L. WARNER)
It is a privilege to appear again before this committee to help as
much as I can in facilitating its work.
I am happy to speak openly and honestly in an inquiry which has
for its purpose the reaffirmation of American ideals and democratic
processes. As last May, when I appeared before a subcommittee of
this group in Los Angeles, my testimony is based on personal opinions,
impressions, and beli/efs created by the things I have heard, read, and
seen. It is given freely and voluntarily.
Our American way of life is under attack from without and from
within our national borders. I believe it is the duty of each loyal
American to resist those attacks and defeat them.
Freedom is a precious thing. It requires careful nurturing, protec-
tion, and encouragement. It has flourished under the guaranties of
our American Constitution and Bill of Rights to make this country the
ideal of all men who honestly wish to call their souls their own.
I believe that I, as an individual, and our company as an organiza-
tion of American citizens, must watch always for threats to the Ameri-
can way of life. History teaches the lesson that liberties are won
bitterly and may be lost unwittingly.
We have seen recent tragic examples of national and personal free-
doms destroyed by dictator-trained wrecking crews. The advance
10 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
guards of propagandists nad infiltrationists were scarcely noticed at
lirst. They got in their first licks quietly, came into the open only
when they were ready to spring the trap. Heedless peoples suddenly
woke up to find themselves slaves to dictatorships imposed by skillful
and willful groups.
I believe the first line of defense against this familiar pattern is
an enlightened public. People aware of threats to their freedom can-
not be victimized by the divide-and-conquer policies used by Hitler
and his counterparts.
It is my firm conviction that the free American screen has taken its
rightful place with the free American press in the first line of defense.
Ideological termites have burrowed into many American industries,
organizations, and societies. Wherever they may be, I say let us dig
them out and get rid of them. My brothers and I will be happy to
subscribe generously to a pest-removal fund. We are willing to estab-
lish such a fund to ship to Russia the people who don't like our
American system of government and prefer the communistic system
to ours.
That's how strongly we feel about the subversives who want to
overthrow our free American system.
If there are Communists in our industry, or any other industry,
organization, or society who seek to undermine our free institutions,
let's find out about it and know who they are. Let the record be
spread clear, for all to read and judge. The public is entitled to know
the facts. And the motion-picture industry is entitled to have the
public know the facts.
Our comjDany is keenly aware of its responsibilities to keep its prod-
uct free from subversive poisons. With all the vision at my command,
I scrutinize the planning and production of our motion pictures. It
is my firm belief that there is not a Warner Bros, picture that can
fairly be judged to be hostile to our country, or communistic in tone or
purpose.
Many charges, including the fantasy of "White House pressure" have
been leveled at our wartime production Mission to Moscow. In my
previous appearance before members of this' committee, I explained the
origin and purposes of Mission to Moscow.
That picture was made when our country was fighting for its exist-
ence, with Russia as one of our allies. It was made to fulfill the same
wartime purpose for which we made such other pictures as Air Force,
This Is the Arm}', Objective Burma, Destination Tokyo, Action in the
North Atlantic, and a great many more.
If making Mission to Moscow in 1912 was a subversive activity, then
the American Liberty ships which carried food and guns to Russian
allies and the American naval vessels which convoyed them were
likewise engaged in subversive activities. The picture was made only
to help a desperate war effort and not for posterity.
The Warner Bros, interest in the preservation of the American way
of life is no new thing with our company. Ever since we began mak-
ing motion pictures we have fostered American ideals and done what
we could to protect them.
Not content with merely warning against dangers to our free sys-
tem, Warner Bros, has practiced a policy of positive Americanism.
We have gone, and will continue to go, to all ]:)ossible lengths to iterate
and reiterate the realities and advantages of America.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 11
Good American common sense is the determining factor in judging
motion-picture scripts before they are put in production and motion-
picture scenes after they are photographed. We rely upon a deep-
rooted, pervading respect for our country's principles.
One of those American principles is the right to gripe and criticize
in an effort to improve. That right to gripe is not enjoyed under
communistic dictatorships. To surrender that privilege under pres-
sure would betray our American standards.
Freedom! of expression, however, does not, under our Constitution
and laws, include a license to destroy.
We believe positive methods offer the best defense against possible
subversive activities. In my previous testimony before a subcom-
niittee of this committee, I stated certain people whom we let go were
subsequently hired by other studios.
By no stretch of the imagination can that be construed as question-
ing the loyalty of other employers. The producers who hired the
men we discharged are good Americans. There is no positive guide
to determine whether or not a person is a Communist ; and the laws of
our land, which are in the hands of you gentlemen, offer no clean-cut
definition on that point.
We can't fight dictatorships by borrowing dictatorial methods.
Nor can we defend freedom by curtailing liberties, but we can attack
with a free press and a free screen.
Subversive germs breed in dark corners. Let's get light into those
corners. That, I believe, is the purpose of this hearing and I am
happy to have had the opportunity to testify.
Thank you.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, getting back to my original ques-
tion
Mr. Warner. Do you want this statement for the record?
Mr. Stripling. That will be made a part of the record, Mr. Chair-
man ?
The Chairman. So ordered.^
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, since you have been in Hollywood, has
there ever been a period during which you considered that the Com-
munists or the Fascists had infiltrated into the studios ?
Mr. Warner. As I said in Los Angeles on May 16, I believe — 15,
rather — I have never seen a Communist, and I wouldn't know one if
I saw one.
With reference to Fascists. I have seen them. Not in America. I
mean in Europe. Therefore, I don't know if Fascists have worked
in the studios — or Communists, rather — or both.
Mr. Stripling. I have here before me, Mr. Warner, y.our testimony,
wherein the following question was asked : ^
Mr. Stripling, air. Warner, since you have been in Hollywood has there ever
been a period during which you considered that the Communists had infiltrated
into your studio?
Air. Warner. Yes. Do you mean by huge numbers, or what?
Mr. Stripling. In any degree.
Mr. Warner. Yes ; there has been a period.
Mr. Stripling. When was that?
^ See appendix, p. 52.'?, for statement exhibit l.»
2 See appeuflix, p. 523. for testimony of Jack L. Warner before the Subcommittee on
Un-American Activities, May 15, 1947, in Hollywood, Calif.
12 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Wakner. Chiefly I would say starting in about 193G or 1937. That is the
first time I started to notice that type of writing coming into our scenarios.
It is being put into scripts to this day in one form or another.
Mr. Stripling. In your studio?
Mr. Warner. In our studio and every studio ; yes. * * *
Now, that is your testimony, Mr. Warner ?
Mr. Warner. Yes; that wasn't your question. You asked nie if
there were any Communists in the industry. If you refer directly to
our studio, I would like to answer along the same lines I attempted to
answer in Los Angeles.
The Chairman. What is your answer?
Mr. Warner. The same as that.
The Chairman. What is that ?
Mr. Warner. The answer is that there are people with un-Ameri-
.can leanings who have been writing — mostly in the writing division —
that have been writing types of — what I personally term un-Ameri-
can principles, for the want of a better word.
The Chairman. You admit that there are, or were. Communists,
or Communist sympathizers, in your own industry ?
Mr. Warner. I don't know about Communist sympathizers. I
know they are un-American in their methods.
Mr. Stripling. In his studio, he means.
The Chairman. Do you mean un-American because they are Com-
munists or un-American because they are Fascists ?
Mr. Warner. No; un-American because they endeavor to put sev-
eral things into scripts that, in my opinion, are un-American, and it
is my business to see that it doesn't get in. If it eventually does creep
in, I cut it out.
The CiixViR3iAN. There is little difference whether a person is a Com-
munist or a Fascist if he is un-American; isn't that true?
Mr. Warner. I am not qualified to answer.
The Chairman. But you admit there are some people in your studio
that are un-American?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; I admit that.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
INIr. Warner. I admit it through the process which I have just
stated, in the method of writing script. Their other activities I know
nothing about.
Mr. Stripling. As I understand it, Mr. Warner, the testimony that
you gave in Los Angeles was to the effect that you detected within
your studio writers who were attempting to inject Communist prop-
aganda into pictures. Your testimony was to the effect that they
were not successful in that effort ?
Mr. Warner. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You gave us the names of a number of writers whom
you dismissed for one reason or other because you felt they were at-
tempting to inject communism or Communist propaganda into the
pictures.
Mr. Warner. I say un-American propaganda. If you want to use
the word "Communist" naturally you have that prerogative.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee the names of the
writers who were employed in your studio whom you considered were
attempting to place Communist propaganda in motion pictures?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 13
Mr. Warner. As I said, again referring to my statement, or testi-
mony, endeavoring to put in Communist propaganda, as I said in my
statement ■
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, would you prefer that we proceed this
way, I will read your testimony and you can confirm it or deny it,
as you see fit ?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. The following question was asked you :
Mr. Stripling. Is that the principal mediuin, the writers, through which the
Communists have sought to inject their Communist propaganda into fihns?
Mr. Warner. Yes; I would say 95 percent.
Mr. Stripling. Ninety-five percent is through the writers?
Mv. Warner. This is my own personal opinion.
Mr. Stripling. You say at the present time to your knowledge there are no
Connnunist writers in your studio?
Mr. Warnb^;. That is correct, sir. I did not finish telling you how we released
them or got rid of them.
Mr. Stripling. Go right ahead.
Mr. Warner. I think it is worth finishing. Anyone whom I thought was a
Communist, or read in tlie papers that he was, I dismissed at the expiration of his
contract. If it was for an individual picture and we had no obligations, we
could let him go. In one fellow's case I had to hold onto him because we were
dropping them too rapidly, and it was too apparent. So we held onto him. I
held him until the last 2 weeks, and I could not stand him any longer. He was
contributing nothing by holding meetings in the offices.
Mr. Stripling. What was his name?
Mr. Warner. Kahn ; Gordon Kahn.
Mr. Stripling. Why did you say it was too apparent?
Mr. Warner. By letting them all go at oitce, in one day. When I say "all"
there were only probably a half dozen at tops. There weren't so many.
Mr. Stripling. But they were definitely entrenched in your studio?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
Now, down to that point that is the testimony you gave ; is it not ?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; it is.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I w^ant to point out that this is
sworn testimony which I am reading.
Mr. Stripling. You have since gotten them out?
Mr. Warner. Yes. If there is anyone else in there I don't know who he is.
There may be some in other places. Mr. Matthews is checking up very rigidly.
The Mr. Matthews referred to here is Mr. Blaney Matthews; is that
right ?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He occupies the position of plant
Mr. Warner. Plant personnel.
Mr. Stripling (continuing) :
Mr. Thomas. Do you want to get the names of the other writer.'^?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; I would like to have those from the record, either from
you or Mr. Matthews.
Mr. Warner. When I say those people are Communists, as I said b^^fore, it is
from hearsay. It was from printed forms I read in the Hollywood Reporter.
Mr. Thomas. But you got enough information to let them go?
Mr. Warner. I could tell in their writings and method of pi'esentation of
screen plays.
Mr. Stripling. You mean not calling them Communists?
Mr. Warner. They were un-American.
Mr. Stripling. For one reason or another you ob.lected to the lines they were
attempting to put in your scripts?
Mr. Warner. Yes.
67683 — 47 2
14 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. And you let these six people go. Can you name the six?
Mr. Warneu. Yes; I think I can. I wish you would bear with me.
I\Ir. Thomas. That is all right.
Mr. Warner. I have heard these people stand around and ridicule and rib
the committee, your full committee: "They aren't looking for Fascists; they are
only looking for Communists. They have the same routine ; to belittle the other
fellow and scheme about it."
]Mr. Thomas. If you have any names we would like to have them.
Mr. Warner. Here are the names of people who in my opinion wrote for the
screen and tried to inject these ideas, and I personally removed them — according
to my best judgment or any of my executives working with me. Whether or not
they are Communists I don't know, but some of them are, according to what I
have read and heard.
The first one is Alvah Bessie. Then Gordon Kahn. He is in charge of editing
the little journal of the Screen Writers' Guild. He is now down in Mexico
trying to write a story about a picture we were producing down there. I gave
instructions all along the line not to have him in there, but he gets in. The day I
let him go he was right on the plane for Mexico. He is writing a story for Holiday
magazine, one of the Curtis Publisliing Co.'s magazines. I tried through the
New York office to tell them the fellow was "off the beam" and should not accept
his material. I was told, "You are not going to interfere with the right of free
speech and freedom of the press." I got tJie usual run-down of a publisher. That
is what they told my man. I tried to have the story stopped for this particular
paper, but he is writing it. In fact, we were chastised for interfering with their
business, so I got off of that.
Guy Endore, Howard Koch, Ring Lardner, Jr., Emmett Lavery, John Howard
Law.son, Albert Maltz, Robert Rosson, Erwin Shaw, Dalton Trumbo, John Wexley.
You know these names.
Mr. Thomas. That is a very familiar list.
INIr. Warner. Julius and Philip Epstein, twins.
Mr. Thomas. What are they doing?
Mr. Warnek. They are at IM-G-M. I will give you my theory of what happened
to these fellows when I finish.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. W^^rner. Sheridan Gibney, Clifford Odets. That is all of my list.
Mr. Stripling. Were all of these writers that you named employed in your
studio at one time or another?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; they were.
Mr. Stripling. Could you give us the names of some of the pictures in which
they injected their lines or propaganda?
l\Ir. Warner. I would rather correct that, if you don't mind.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
Mr. Warner. They endeavor to inject it. Whatever I could do about it — I
took it out.
Mr. Stripling. Tell us some of the pictures in which they endeavored to do that.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. As I understand it, this was all sworn testimony in
executive session ; is that correct ?
Mr, Stripling. That is right, sir.
The testimony continued :
Mr. Warner. Do you want the names?
Mr. Stripling. Identify the films.
Mr. Warnfjl Alvah Bessie, The Very Thought of You. Gordon Kahn, Her
Kind of Man. I might inject there for a moment, the majority of those writers,
some of them wrote for as high as 6, 8, or 10 months, and never delivered anything.
What they were doing was taking your money and supposedly writing your
scripts and trying to get these doctrines into the films, working for the party, or
whatever the term is. The strange thing is very few of these fellows deliver.
Mr. Stripling. Is that right?
Mr. Warner. Not only in our studios, but in any of the studios. I can speak
authoritatively on that. These are the credits that these people have. They
are always in every one of them. Howard Koch, In Our Time. I might explain
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 15
how some of these stories come out. Sometimes four or five of these writers con-
tribute. These fellows contribute and then three other good writers are doing
the most of it, but they contribute some things and they get the screen credit.
I should have had more information as to who collaborated with them. They
didn't do anything in the western pictures. As far as Kocli is concerned, he was
on 20 scripts, but he never got anywhere because he always started out with big
messages and I used to take them out. This fellow was on contract and I
couldn't let him go. He is now working for Samuel Goldwyn. I can't remember
the name of the picture he is working on.
Ring Lardner, Jr., was on several pictures. He didn't put any message in The
Kokomo Kid. Or Emmett Lavery, he has no credits. We throw his stuff in all
the way and pile it up.
John Howard Lawson, Action in the North Atlantic.
Albert Maltz in Pride of the Marines.
Mr. Thomas. Did he get much into Pride of the Marines?
Mr. Warner. No ; in my opinion he didn't get in anything because everything
they endeavor to write in, if the;y photographed it, I cut it out. I ran those
films myself. There is one little thing. where the fellow on the train said, "My
name is Jones, so I can't get a .iob." It was this kid named Diamond, a Jewish
boy, in the marines, a hero at Guadalcanal. In fact, I had a couple of boys run
the picture 3 or 4 days ago and I read it. Dr. John Leach said something about
it, but there is nothing to it. If there is, I don't know where it is.
I have had experiences from 1916 or 1917. I made My Four Years in Germany
and I produced that in New York right during the First World War. I can look at
a mirror and see three faces. You can see anything you want to see and you can
write anything you want to, but there is nothing in my pictures that I cannot
qualify being there, with the exception that it might have gotten by me, because
you can't be superhuman. Some of these lines have innuendos and double mean-
ings, and things like that, and you have to take 8 or 10 Harvard law courses to
find out what they mean.
Mr. Stripling. They are very subtle.
Mr. Warner. Exceedingly so. Rossen, I gave him a credit for They Won't
Forget and Dust Be My Destiny.
Erwin Shaw, The Hard Way.
Dalton Trumbo worked in our place in 1935 and 1936. He had credit for The
Kid From Kokomo, and so has Ring Lardner, Jr. It gives you an idea ; they work
in pairs. All he is credited with is The Road Gang. I can't remember that. That
was 12 years ago.
John Wexley had a picture called City for Conquest in 1940. Some of these
pictures I have called off were produced during the war. Naturally, they were
pictures aimed at aiding the war effort. They were realistic. Take Action in the
North Atlantic, which was produced for the merchant marine because at the time
they could not get proper enlistments and all that. I made this film. We did not
pull any punches. It was a good, hard film of the real life of the merchant marine.
I don't know whether you saw it or not.
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warnke. Naturally, John Howard Lawson tried to swing a lot of things in
there, but to my knowledge there wasn't anything.
Mr. Stripling. John Howard Lawson did try to put stuff in?
Mr. WARNEK._Yes ; I would say he did in one form or another.
Mr. Stripling. All right, are you through with the list?
Mr. Warnek. No ; the Epstein brothers did very good work at one time, but
they fell off.
Mr. Thomas. Did they do any part of Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Their name is not on here as credit for that.
Mr. Stripling. Who did Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Howard Koch, 1943.
Mr. Thomas. Did he do any part of Edge of Darkness?
Mr. Warner. No ; just a moment, please. Robert Rosson did that in 1942. That
was a war subject, too.
Mr. Thomas. You did not do North Star, did you?
Mr. Warner. No ; we did not.
Mr. Thomas. You did not do Song of Russia?
Mr. Warner. No ; we did not. The Epstein brothers worked on a picture called
Animal Kingdom. As I recall, tnat was aimed at the capitalistic system — not
exactly, but the rich man is always the villain. Of course, those fellows getting
16 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
two or three thousand dollars a week aren't rich men. I don't know what you
would call them. Both of those fellows work together. They are never separated.
The rest of them are a lot of comedies : Yankee Doodle Dandy, the Man Who
Came to Dinner, Arsenic and Old Lace, Strawberry Blonde, Four Mothers — all of
those pictures are comedies and there is no taint of communism in them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, do you desire me to proceed in this
manner, that is, reading the testimony in directly, or do j'oii wish me to
proceed in question-and-answer form ?
The Chairman. We would like to know from Mr. Warner at this
point whether he still believes as he did when he testified in California
on May 15, 1 think it was, the testimony of which was just read ?
Mr. Warner. Yes, I do, with one exception, and that is referring to
the Curtis Publishing Co. I didn't elaborate too much as I have
formed sort of a habit of being very curt in my speech, having to talk
all day in my particular business, so I didn't go into too much detail
about that.
I meant this : That the Curtis Publishing Co. by refusing — at least to
iinybody from our company — to publish this Gordon Kahn's article,
good or bad, whatever it was, I don't know, proves decisively that the
American way of life, free speech and free press, is very, very important
to retain and to never let it go. If anyone could influence Curtis Pub-
lishing Co. they could influence anybodv. Tlierefore, I believe — I pay
my deep respects to the Curtis Publishing Co. for their American stand
on free press and free speech.
Tlie Chairman. On all those other names you would make the same
statement in relation to them today as you did on May 15 ?
Mr. Warner. I would with the exception that I have looked up one
or two of the men ; it has been so far back. I was naturally carried
away at the time with this testimony being taken. I was rather emo-
tional, being 111 a very emotional business, to a degree. There are sev-
eral names here, one or two that I mentioned that I haven't any recol-
lection of at this time, after careful investigation, having written any
subversive elements.
The Chairman. You better name them.
Mr. Warner. Gu> Endore — it has been so long ago.
The Chairman. Then you would take him off the list?
The Witness. Yes, sir. Sheridan Gibney. As I stated, I hope
fully here, I have referred to Julius and Philip Epstein in this one
particular picture. The rest of the time they were always on very
good American films and there is very little can be said about them.
As I said, they do it in a joking way. The rich man is alwaysj the
villain, which is as old as the world itself. Ever since one man had
$1 and the other fellow had another dollar there has always been
that envy between man and man.
Outside of that, I would say these people whom I have mentioned
have not written Communist cloctrines, or endeavored to put in Com-
munist stories.
As I explained at our meeting in Los Angeles, my understanding
of the Communists or their doctrines is that they are a nation or a
country or a party or a sect, who endeavor to overthrow a country
or a government by violence and force. That I have never seen in
an American motion picture, not only ours, but anybody else's.
The Chairman. They would not be that foolish, would they?
I
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 17
Mr. Warner, I can't answer for them. I only speak from my own
actual experiences and my relations with every man. I find there
has been very little of it — remove that, if you please. I find these
people have not attacked the Government with violence and over-
throwing.
The Chairman. Don't you think it would be very foolish for a
Communist or a Communist sympathizer to attempt to write a script
advocating the OA^erthrow of the Government by force or violence?
Mr. Warner. Do you wish me to answer that as a motion-picture
executive or as an American citizen ?
The Chairman. Either one, it makes no difference, you are both.
Mr. Warner. It would not only be foolish, it would be something
they could not get away with in the American motion-picture industry
in California, or anywhere else.
The Chairman. Exactly. So what would they do? They would
put in slanted lines wherever they could and that is what you have
been trying to keep out?
Mr. Warner. That is correct.
The Chairman. That is why you have been doing exactly the same
thing in your business that we have been attempting to do in ours ?
Mr. Warner. That is correct.
The Chairman. You have detected these slanted lines, lines that
Communists or un-Americans, as you call them, would try to put in?
Mr, Warner, Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And because of that you have discharged a number
of employees; isn't that true?
Mr. Warner. I wouldn't use the word "discharged." I have had
them fulfill their legal obligations and then didn't renew their options,
or whatever you would call it.
The Chairman. But you did not rehire them ?
]\Ir. Warner. I did not rehire them ; that is correct.
The Chairman. Does any other member of the committee have any
questions to ask of Mr. Warner at this point ?
Mr. Vail. Yes, sir, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Warner, I gathered from Mr. McNutt's opening
statement that there is an Association of Motion Picture Producers
in California. Is your own firm a member of that association?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir; the Motion Picture Producers Association
is the name of it.
Mr. Vail. Are you an officer of the association ?
Mr. Warner. I am not ; no, sir.
Mr. Vail. In your testimony, you stated certain of your employees
were discharged on suspicion, apparently, of being Communists and
they were promptly hired by your competitors. Did I understand
you correctly?
iSIr. Warner. Some of them were; yes, sir; that is correct.
Mr. Vail. What is the purpose of the association?
Mr. Warner. The purpose of the association has nothing wha|:ever
to do with the hiring or firing or making of any terms of business
contracts. The business is the motion-picture industry and the pro-
duction field is very highly competitive. The association has nothing
whasoever to do with whom we eniraee.
18 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I would call it the sort of an organization where we handle mutual
affairs as to business in general, civic matters, and things of that na-
ture that happen in Los Angeles and in the industry in general.
Mr. Vail. Does the association comprise all the important pro-
ducers ?
Mr. Warner. It comprises all types of producers.
Mr. Vail. Is it all-inclusive? Does it include all the producers?
Mr. Warner. No; it does not. There is another association that
is headed by Donald Nelson, the Society of Independent American
Motion Picture Producers; I think that is the title, which has many
more members.
Mr. Vail. Wouldn't such an association provide a splendid piece of
machinery for distribution of information between producers as to
the type of individuals that are employed by the industry and who are
concerned with subversive activities?
Mr. Warner. Of course, that has never been brought up in the
association in any manner, shape, or form, by word or written form,
to my knowledge. I am rather active in the association. Of course,
I don't believe it would be legal in my opinion — speaking only per-
sonally— to have the association or any men band together to obstruct
the employment of any other man.
I don't believe the association would have anything whatsoever to
do with that type of operation. I would not be a party to it and
neither would any of the other men, from my knowledge of them.
Mr. Vail. Since we recognize the fact that motion pictures repre-
sent a forceful vehicle for the distribution of subversive information
it would seem to me that would be a very important bit of business for
your association. In other words, the association has a very grave
responsibility, it seems to me : To disseminate knowledge and infor-
mation to the American people that will not distort the viewpoint
of the people who see your pictures. So wouldn't that follow?
Mr. Warner. That sounds rather logical, but it doesn't hold water.
It doesn't happen, and I can't see- how it ever will happen unless there
are the proper laws created by you gentlemen in order to make a thing
like that legal, possible, active, and effectual. I wouldn't be a party
with anyone in an association, especially where you would be liable
for having a fellow's livelihood impaired: I wouldn't want to do
that.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Warner, would you be deeply concerned with the
assurance of a livelihood to the individual who is endeavoring to
destroy this form of government by force of arms, or violence?
Mr. Warner. Would I personally?
Mr. Vail. Or your association.
Mr. Warner. I couldn't hear you ^ery well. Would you repeat
that?
Mr. Vail. Would you be deeply interested in providing a livelihood
for the individual who was attempting by subversive methods to de-
stroy this form of government?
Mr. Warner. I cannot, at any time, during this hearing, speak for
anyone but myself in my business capacity and as an American citi-
zen. Therefore, as for myself, definitely I am against any type of
man creating, not only in motion pictures, but in any other enter-
prise, anything that would endeavor in any form, shape, or manner
to overthrow the democracv of the United States of America.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 19
I am absolutely against them and I would not engage them per-
sonally. I have said that before, and I will always say that. There
is no place for them in the American way of life ; I don't care whether
it is motion pictures, in Grand Rapids where they make furniture,
or in Detroit where they make motorcars. I am very emphatic about
that.
I feel very proud to be an American. I spent three-odd months in
Europe, and I saw the consequences of people who killed laws, who
destroyed freedom of enterprise, individual enterprise, private enter-
prise. I saw it in Europe, I saw it during the war, I saw it in Italy,
France ; and to a degree in England.
The CiTAiKMAN. Thank you.
Mr. Vail. Those are all the questions I have.
The Chairmajc. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Just one question, Mr. Warner.
You indicate Congress hasn't said what a Communist is. You know,
of course, this committee has before it a resolution outlawing Com-
munists and also another resolution defining Communists. Would
you advocate that the Congress adopt either of these resolutions ?
Mr. Warner. This is the first I knew that there was a resolution.
I never heard of it. It was probably while I was away. I would
advocate it providing it did not take away the rights of a free citizen,
a good American to make a livelihood, and also that it would not
interfere with the Constitution of the United States, as well as the
Bill of Rights.
Mr. McDowell. You know, during Hitler's regime they passed a
law in Germany outlawing communism and the Communists went to
jail. Would you advocate the same thing here ?
Mr. Warner. I am not an authority on Hitler's maneuvers and,
what is more, I don't believe I want to be — I am positive I don't want
to be, having seen the destruction of those people. It is a very sad
thing. Everyone in this room and everyone in the world knows the
consequences of that type of law.
Mr. McDowell. Canada has a similar law; also Panama, and many
South American countries. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. On that question, following up Mr. McDowell, in
view of the facts that this bill is before us to outlaw the Communist
Party and that laws have been passed outlawing the Communist Party
in other nations in this hemisphere, would you advocate that we outlaw
the Communist Party?
Mr. Warner. By the proper legal procedures.
The Chairman. If we passed a law that would be a proper legal
procedure, wouldn't it?
Mr. Warner. I, as an individual citizen, naturally am in favor of
anything that is good for all Americans.
The Chairman. Are you in favor of outlawing the Communist
Party?
Mr. Warner. You mean from the ballot?
The Chairman. Yes ; making it an illegal organization.
Mr. Warner. I am in favor of making it an illegal organization.
The Chairman. You are?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
20 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Nixon, Mr. Warner, you stated we can't fight dictatorships by
borrowing dictatorial methods. As I understand your observation
there, it is that if we adopt the same methods the dictatorships adopted
in Germany and Italy, and which the Communist dictatorships in
Russia and other Communist-dominated countries are adopting, if we
adopt those methods in fighting communism in the United States we
will be no better than they are from the standpoint of so-called free-
dom of expression, which you advocated very strongly in your state-
ment ?
Mr. Warner. By that I mean we learn the folly of the type of laws
they adopted. I am not qualified to say just what laws we should
have, but we certainly do not want to go along in their pattern.
Mr. Nixon. You think it is essential we maintain in America a
free press, free speech, and a free screen as the best safeguards against
dictatorship ?
Mr. Warner. Definitely; because if we do not — and I speak for
myself as an American, we will have a repetition of what they had
in the destroyed countries abroad. They had laws which completely
closed everything.
Mr. Nixon. Such as Germany and Italy?
Mr. Warner. Germany and Italy and when the Germans overran
these other countries everything was closed. There was not a radio
that wasn't planted; the words were put into the narrator's mouth.
There wasn't any free press; there were not any movies shown, only
as to the destruction of man by the Nazis. I saw pictures made before
the war that forecast everything that happened during the war.
That is, I saw these pictures in Europe.
Mr. NixoN. Have you had occasion during the past few years to
see any Russian motion pictures?
Mr. Warner. The only Russian picture I ever saw was an old
silent film about a battleship — Potempkin — or some name like tliat.
They put words into the actors' mouths ; they made it a talking film.
That is the only one I ever saw.
Mr. NixoN, From your knowledge and experience, would you say
they have what you would term a free screen in Russia today; that is,
they can make any kind of a picture they would like to?
Mr. Warner. Only from what I have read in the free press in
America do I know what is going on in Russia.
Mr. Nixon. What have you read in the free press in America?
Mr. Warner. My own individual conclusion is that everything is
censored, and you cannot do anything you want to do.
Mr. NixoN. In other words, from what you have read in the press,
which is free in America, the situation in Communist Russia today
is the same as it was in Nazi Germany, insofar as a free screen or
free press or free speech is concerned ?
Mr. Warner. No; I cannot say that I know that. I don't know it.
Not having been there I really don't know just how they control it.
I do know what Hitler and jNIussolini did, but I don't know what the
Russian Government is doing today.
Mr. NixoN. You think it is possible that in Russia today they do
have a free screen and free press? You follow the statements that are
made in the American press to the contrary; do you not?
Mr. Warner. I question that they have anything free there, from
what I have read of it in American newspapers.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 21
Mr. Nixon. Then so far as you are concerned, with your vital in-
terest in the free press and the free screen, and in maintaining that in
America, you believe it would be essential that we not have in the
United States a form of government, totalitarian form of govern-
ment, be it Nazi, Fascist, or Communist, which would when it came
into power immediately deny a free press, free speech, and a free
screen ?
Mr. Warner, I definitely am adverse to it with all my strength
and will oppose it with all my strength because it is my recollection
that the first thing Hitler did was to remove the press. As a matter
of fact, credit is given to Goering for taking over the important Berlin
newspapers. Hitler had always had one ; Goebbels had his in Munich
or one of the German cities.
The next thing they did was to remove the motion pictures. No one
could make pictures except the Nazis or under their direction.
Mr. Nixon. That is one of the reasons Warner Bros, before the war,
and even during the early years of the war, made so many effective
pictures describing what was happening in Fascist Germany and to a
less extent in totalitarian Italy?
Mr. Warner. Yes, sir ; exactly.
Mr. Nixon. Because you were interested in maintaining a free sys-
tem here and you did not want to see that thing come over here?
Mr. Warner. Definitely, and in addition to that, we produced a film
called Confessions of a Nazi Spy where we endeavored on a free
screen by freemen to awaken the democracies of America and Eng-
land and others to this terrible menace that faced them. I may go to
Europe once or twice a year and I hear things in general that I heard
way back in 1936 and 1937. That was my last trip to Germany — in
1937. That is the reason for making the film.
Mr. Nixon. You made those films because you wanted to protect
free speech and the free press in America ?
Mr. Warner. Definitely — not only in America, but in other civilized
portions of the world where men can be freemen.
Mr. Nixon. Consequently, then, you would feel it was a patriotic
duty which you as a motion-picture producer have, to oppose as well
as you possibly can at any time the infiltration into your industry of
writers or others who in some way or other would attempt to put into
those pictures certain lines of propaganda which have as their aim and
their purpose the setting up in the United States of a totalitarian
system of government, be it Fascist, or Communist; which would de-
stroy the rights that you have now to make any kind of a picture you
want to nu.ike?
Mr. Warner. I am for everything that you have said.
Mr. Nixon. You agree with that statement?
Mr. Warner. I agree wholeheartedly.
Mv. Nixox. The statement was a little long.
Mr. Warner. It was a very good statement; it was the statement of
a real American, and I am proud of it.
Mr. Nixon. Now, I note that you made 24 pictures a year, including
60 or CO short subjects. I also notice, as probably most of us did who
go to the movies — and I saw Confessions of a Nazi Spy which, inci-
dentally was a very fine job — that you have made a considerable num-
ber of pictures in which you have pointed out the methods of totali-
tarian dictatorships — the way they deny free speech and free press,
22 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
SO that Americans would be able to watch for that sort of thing in our
own country and be able to resist it.
Mr. Warner. Pardon me. May I offer a list of 43 films — 43 of maybe
100 or more dating back to '1917, when I produced My Four Years in
Germany, under the former Annbassador to Germany at that time,
James W. Gerard.
If you go right on down through this list you will find a real effort
to do exactly as you stated a few minutes ago in your rather lengthy
speech — which was good. I want to repeat that. I don't think we
should be too tense on this. Being too tense, I think you end up
without any tense.
Here is a photostatic copy of a review in a Motion-Picture News
magazine, March 23, 1918, virtually 30 years ago. It is in 10 reels.
If you want to see it it is a silent film and runs for about an hour and
a half. It told the story of what led up to World War I and between
World War I and World War II. This is my opinion of what it did.
The pictures speak for themselves. May I offer that in evidence?
Mr. Nixon. I would like to have these pictures made a part of the
record at this point.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.^
(The documents referred to are as follows :)
March 21, 1918 My Four Years in Germany. By James W. Gerard.
December 15, 1918 Kaiser's Finish.
1919 lieware. By James W. Gerard.
December 11. 1923___ George Washington, Jr. By George M. Cohan.
March 12, 1927 The Better Ole. By Bruce Bairnsfather and Arthur Eliot.
August 10, 1930 The Dawn Patrol. By John Monk Saunders and Howard
Hawks.
June 20, 1931 Men of the Sky. By Jerome Kern and Otto Harbach.
September 12, 1931__. iVlexander Hamilton. By George Arliss and IVIary P.
Hamlin.
October 3, 1931 I'enrod and Sam. By Booth Tarkington.
February 27, 1937 Penrod and Sam (remake). By Booth Tarkington.
July 21, 1934 Here Comes the Navy (reissue June 7, 1941). By Ban
Markson.
October 12, 1935 Shipmates Forever. By Delmer Daves.
October 11, 1941 International Squadron. By Frank Wead.
August 22, 1936 China Clipper. By Frank Wead.
January 30, 1937 Black Legion. By Robert Lord.
Februiiry 20, 1937___ Green Light. By Lloyd Douglas.
November 27, 1937 Submarine D-1. By Frank Wead.
February 11, 1939 Wings of the Navy. By Michael Fessier.
May 6, 1939 Confessions of a Nazi Spy. By Milton Krims (from arti-
cles by Leon G. Turron).
January 27, 1940 The Fighting 69th. By NormaA Reilly Raine, Fred Niblo,
Jr., and Dean Franklin.
October 5, 1940 Knnte Rockne — All American. By Robert Buckner.
August 30, 1941 Dive Bomber. By Fraid< Wead.
November 1, 1!)41 One Foot in Heaven. By IIartz?ll Spence.
February 21, 1942 Captains of the Clouds. By Rohnid Gillett and Arthur
T. Horman.
July 4, 1942 Sergeant York. By Alvin C. York.
July IS, 1942 Wings for the Eagle. By Byron Morgan and Ben Harrison
Orkow.
September 5, 1942 Across the Pacific. By Robert Carson.
January 2, 1943 Yankee Doodle Dandy. By Robert Buckner.
January 23, 1943 Casablanca. By Murray IJurnett and Jean Alison.
March 20, 1943 Air Force. By Dudley Nichols.
June 12, 1943 Action in the North Atlantic. By Guy Gilpatric.
^ See appendix, p. 523, for exhibits 3 and 4.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 23
August 14, 1943 This Is the Army. By Irving Berlin.
September 4, 1943 Watch on the Rhine. By Lillian Hellnian.
October 23, 1943 Princess O'Rourke. By Norman Krasna.
January 1, 1944 Destination Tokyo. By Steve Fisher.
May 6, 1944 The Adventures of Mark Twain. By Alan LeMay and
Harold M. Sherman.
December 30, 1944__. Hollywood Canteen. By Delmer Daves.
February 17, 1945 < >l)jective Burma. By Alvah Bessie.
April 7, 1945 God Is My Co-Pilot. By Col. Robert Lee Scott, Jr.
September 1, 1945 Pride of the Marines. By Roser Butterfield.
March 30, 194(5 Saratoga Trunk. By Edna Ferber.
August 17, 1946 Two Guys From Milwaukee. By Charles Hoffman and
I. A. L. Diamone.
[Motion Picture News, March 23, 1918]
My Four Years in Germany
(My Four Years in Germany, Inc. — 10 reels)
Reviewed by Peter Milne
Ambassador James W. Gerard's widely read book, My Four Years in Germany,
relating his experiences as representative of the United States Government in the
center of Prussianism, makes a stirring patriotic propaganda as rendered into
film form by Charles A. Logue, who prepared a scenario, and by William Nigh,
who directed.
Last Sunday night at the Knickerbocker Theater when the film received its
premiere presentation, there was hardly a minutfi when the house did not ring
with applause that turned into cheers.
All the wily diplomacy with which the heads of the German Nation sought to
deceive the United States through its representative, all the atrocities witnessed
by Mr. Gerard, such as the mistreatment of the English prisoners, the deportation
of helpless Belgian women, perpetrated without regard for any sense of inter-
national law- — -these and a large assortment of views of Allied troops on the
march make capital seeing for tlie man who goes into the theater ready to have
his emotions stirred against the common enemy.
While there is no personal story interwoven with the facts, these in themselves
are fully dramatic enough to make the 10 reels pass tirelessly. There is no stone
left unturned to arouse the audience to a sense that the German manner of
conducting war is synonymous with barbarism.
One witnesses the heartrending sight of helpless prisoners shot down before
German tiring squads because "there will be less mouths to feed," of English and
Russian soldiers placed in the same pens together so that the former contract
diseases common among the latter, and feeding of the prisoners as dogs.
All of which Mr. Gerard was an eyewitness — and more — is utilized to spread
the propaganda.
The sense of humor of the director is oftimes obvious. It was, indeed, a praise-
worthy sense when it came to the production. One long line of actual horrors
and of German intrigue would be rather fatiguing without some relief. This is
introduced in the way of an element of burlesque (m the German Emperor, the
Crown Prince, and the other war lords of Germany. These touches registered
every time during the initial showing; and they are the kind that will be appre-
ciated by any audience.
The scenes of real troops with which the fihn is crowded are well woven into
the matter picturized from Mr. Gerard's book, and usually to more rousing effect
than if tliey liad merely been shown by themselves. When the Kaiser laughs at his
enemies it makes one feel pretty fine when these same enemies are shown pre-
p;a-ing for battle with a vengeance.
Halbert Brown, a man who might be mistak"/i for Mr. Gerard by his best friend,
impersonates him in the picture. He mnkes an impressive and dignified figure
of tiie American diplomat. Mr. Gerard himself cannot complain — at least he
didn't in his speech last Sunday night. Louis Dean presented a good make-up as
tiie Kaiser and had he been imbued with some sense of the autocratic majesty
of the part, his characterization might have been perfect.
Fred Hern and I'ercy Standing, respectively, playing Minister Von Jagow and
Secretary Zimmerman succeeded in l)ringiiig out the cunning German diplomacy
in realistic .style. Earl Schenck as the Crown Prince, George Riddell as von
24 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Hindenbiirg, Frank Stone as Prince Henry, Karl Dane as Betlimann-Hollweg, and
Arthur C. Duvel as von Falkenhayn generally have convincing make-ups and
play to good effect.
IMr. Nigh himself plays the part of a German social democrat whose excellent
convictions are finally overwhelmed by inborn patriotism. His tragic story,
terminating with his final stand tor helpless prisoners, adds a valuable ijersonal
touch to the picture, though it is not \<.ny prominent. A. B. Conkwright, as his
companion in the Reichstag, in whom blood lust predominates after the outbreak
of the war, also contributes a valuable characterization.
My Four Years in Gt^rmany exposes the inner workings of the German jwlitical
and military machine and lets its audience know why America is at war as
clearly as did Mr. Gerard's book.
Mr. Warner. I have 39 subjects here, all pro- American short sub-
jects.
Mr. Nixon. How many of those are there, Mr. Warner?
Mr. Warner. Thirty-nine. This is a list of those really to the point.
It starts out with Song of a Nation, and runs right on down to one
called It Happened in Springfield.
The Chairman. Without objection, that will be placed in the record.^
(The document referred to is as follows:)
Pro-Amekican Short Subjects
Release date Title
July 4, 1936 Song of a Nation (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Frank McDonald.
Writers : Screen play by Fori-est Barnes.
Stars: Donald Woods, (Jlaire Dodd, Joseph Crehan.
February 20, 1937 Under Southern Stars (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Nick Grinde.
Writers : Story and screen play by Forrest Barnes.
Stars : Fred Lawrence, Jane Bryan, Wayne Morris.
December 19, 1936 Give Me Liberty (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: B. Reeves Eaton.
Writers : Story and screen play by Forrest Barnes.
Stars: John Litel, Nedda Harrigan.
November 27, 1937__. Man Without a Country, the (patriotic series).
Produ -er : Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbur.
Writers: Screen play by Forrest Barnes; adapted
from story by Edward Everett Hale.
Stars: John Litel, Gloria Holden, Theodore Osborne
February 24, 1939_— Romance of Louisiana (patriotic series).
Pi-oducer : Gorden Hollingshead.
Written and directed by Crane Wilbur.
Stars: Addison Richards. Crane Wilbur, Orville Al-
derman.
August 19, 1939 Bill of Rights (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon Hollingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars: Ted Osborne, Maroni Olson.
May 27, 1939 Sons of Liberty (patriotic series).
Prcducer: Gordon Hollingshead.
Director : Michael Curtiz.
Writers : Original screen play by Crane Wilbur.
Stars: Claude Rains, Gale Sondergaard, Donald
Crisp.
■* See appendix, p. 523, for exhibits 5 and 8. 'H
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 25
Pro-American Short Subjects — Continued
Release date Title
February 11, 1939 Lincoln in the White House (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: William McGann.
Writers: Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars: Frank McGlynn, Sr., Dickie Moore.
November 26, 1938 Declaration of Independence (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars: John Litel, Ted Osborne, Roselle Towue.
July 1, 1939 Right Way, the.
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbui".
Writers : Original screen play by Dore Schary.
Stars: Irene Rich, Gabriel Dall, Hanry O Neill.
August 31, 1940 Service With the Colors (dedicated to U. S. Army).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Writers : Original screen play by Owen Crump.
Stars : Robert Armstrong, William Landigan.
February 24, 1940 Teddy the Rough Rider (patriotic series).
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Ray Enright.
Writers : Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars : Sdney Blackmer, Pierre Watkin, Theodore
Von Eltz.
December 23, 1939 Old Hickory (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Lew Seller.
Writers : Screen play by Don Rayn and Owen Crump.
Stars: Hugh Sothern. Nana Bryant, Victor Kilian.
October 14, 1939 Monroe Doctrine (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers: Original screen play by Charles Tedford.
Stars : Grant Mitchell, James Stephenson.
October 19, 1&40 Flag of Humanity (patriotic series).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Jean Negulesco.
Writers : Written by Charles Tedford.
Stars : Nana Bryant, Fay Helm.
June 20, 1942 March of Ame'ica.
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Writers : Written by Owen Crump, narrated by Rich-
ard Whorf.
November 28, 1942__ Spirit of West Point, The.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Jean Negiilesco.
September 5, 1942 Spirit of Annapolis, The.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Jean Negulesco.
February 27, 1943 Armv Show.
Director: Jean Negulesco.
Writers : Based on radio program Soldiers With
Wings.
November 4, 1944— Champions of th*^ Future.
Producer: Howard Hill.
Director: Howard Hill.
Writers: Narration written by Roger Z. Denny.
March 18, 1944 Chinatown Champs.
Producer : Van Campen Heilner and A. Pam Blumen-
thal.
Director: Andre De La Varre.
W iters: Narration written by Jack SchoU.
November 6, 1943 Our Alaskan Frontier.
Writers : Narration written by Carl Dudley.
26 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
PROnAMKRicAN Short SUBJECTS — (^ontimiefl
Release date Title
April 29, 1944 Our Frontier in Italy.
Writers: Narration written by Saul Elkins.
August 12, 1945 Devil Boats.
April as, 1945 It Happened in Sprinsfield.
Producer: Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Crane Wilbur.
Stars : Andrea King, Warren Douglas, Charles Drake>
John Qualen.
November 11, 1944___ I Won't Play.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Crane Wilbur.
Writei-s : Story by Laurence Schwab. Screen play by
James Bloodworth.
Stars: Dane Clark, Janis Paige, Warren Douglas,
Robert Shayne, William Haade, William Benedict.
December 23, 1944 I Am an American.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writers : Written by Crane Wilbur.
August 4, 1943 America the Beautiful.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Writers : Narration by Owen Crump and Saul Elkins.
February 3, 1945 Pledge to Bataan.
Producer: Gordon Holingshead ; associate, Herbert T.
Edwards.
Director: David GrifRn.
Writers: Narration by Ralph Schoolman 'and Charles
L. Tedford.
September 1, 1945— Miracle Makers (reissue).
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Owen Crump.
Writers: From additional film by Lester Ilfeld.
October 13, 1945 Star in the Night.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Don Siegel.
Writers : Screen play by Saul Elkins. From a story
by Robert Finch.
Stars : J. Carrol Naish, Donald Woods, Rosina Galli.
October 10, 1945 Sports Go to War.
Producers : A. Pam Blumenthal and Andre De La
Varre.
Supervised by Gordon HoUingshead.
Director: Van Campen Heilner.
Writer : Narration written by Charles L. Tedford.
March 30, 1946 All Aboard.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Carl Dudley.
Writer: Saul Elkins.
August 24, 1946 Men of Tomorrow.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Saul Elkins.
Writer: Saul Elkins.
June 15, 1946 Hawaiian Memories.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : John D. Craig.
Writer: Narration by Saul Elkins.
October 19, 1946 Star Spangled City.
Producer : Gordon HoUingshead.
Director : Carl Dudley.
Writer : Narration written by Charles Linton Tedford
1945 Divide and Conquer.
1946 Hitler Lives. Academy award winning short.
Power Behind the Nation.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 27
[Congressional Record — Proceedings and debates of the 80th Cong., 1st sess.]
Statement of Senator Martin, of Pennsylvania, on Education in Patbiotism
Through Motion Pictures
In the Senate of the United States, Wednesday, July 16, 1947
Mr. Martin. Mr. President, there is before the Senate a measure by the dis-
tinguished senior Senator from Vermont recommending Government production
of films about the American system of constitutional government. It is proposed
to make these films available to schools as educational documents in order to
inculcate into our young people a better understanding of the American system.
This is a notable purpose. But I should like to see such films shovpn to that
very large portion of our adult population vphich attends the motion-picture
theaters. In my opinion it is just as important for our adults to see such motion
pictures as it is for our children.
In this connection, I want to call the attention of this body to an important
venture of a. similar nature already accomplished through private enterprise.
During the past decade there has been produced a series of patriotic featurettes
in color about American history. Not only have they been widely exhibited in
theaters, but they have been available in recent years without profit for non-
theatrical showings by churches, educational institutions, patriotic organizations,
and clubs. The Treasury Department, itself, distributed the most recent of the
series — America the Beautiful, a technicolor production.
These films were made by Warner Bros., one of the great motion-picture pro-
ducer.s, with a fine sense of civic responsibility and good citizenship. When their
theater engagements had been completed, they were made into 16-millimeter films
for schools and civic bodies to show. Some of the finest actors of the motion-
picture industry appeared in them, and the productions were of the highest
artistic caliber.
Because of the new bill, I am glad to call attention to the timeliness of the
Warner Bros, featurettes, and to mention some of their titles and topics.
The first was The Song of a Nation, which told the story of how the Star-Span-
gled Banner came to be written. Released to theaters on June 4, 1946, it proved
so successful that a whole series of historical shorts followed.
Give IMe Liberty made moviegoers part of the audience which heard Patrick
Henry make his stirring speech to the Virginia House of Delegates in 1775.
Other outstanding pictures of these series have been :
The Declaration of Independence, showing the signing of that historic docu-
ment; The Bill of Rights, in which audiences saw the fight for a free press and
free speecli ; Sons of Liberty, portraying Haym Soloman ; the Romance of Louisi-
ana, with James Monroe negotiating the great Louisiana Purchase.
Theater audiences also saw President Monroe read his historic message to
Congress in The Monroe Doctrine ; saw the defense of New Orleans by Andrew
Jackson in Old Hickory ; and a dramatization of the famous Man Without a
Country. There were also Lincoln in the White House, to give one side of the
War Between the States ; and Under Southern Stars, to give the other. The final
picture was Teddy, the Rough Rider.
Song of a Nation was reissued last May and is again being shown in the
theaters, while I understand that Teddy, the Rough Rider, will come out once
more next season, with some of the others to follow.
This is a good time to take note of these fine productions. World affairs are in
an uncertain state, and there is a tug of war between our kind of country and
communistic dictatorship. Our people tend to take America for granted and to
forget why it came about and the heroism and sacrifice which went into making
our Nation's greatness.
I am so glad that this splendid series of patriotic motion pictures is available
not only to schools but to the adult population as well. It is important that movies
like these be shown in our theaters today, not only to educate the children but
also to reeducate the adults.
The skill and patriotic effoi-ts of those at the Warner Bros, studios who pre-
pared the.se dramatizations of the making of our Republic should be given full
recognition. It is proper and fitting that Warner Bros, should be commended
here in the United States Senate for this important contribution to good citizen-
ship. It is an outstanding example of this kind of service that motion pictures
can render to the Nation.
Mr. Warner. I just want to give you the last one or two. One is
running now — I won't say at what tlieater — but one is running. It is
28 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
in technicolor, and it is worth seeing. Every American should see it ;
not only every American, but every foreigner who thinks he wants to
be an American.
The Chairman. ;Mr. Warner, I hope some of these other producers
speak as well for some of their pictures.
Mr. Warner. You can find in tliese pictures, gentlemen, pictures
like Give Me Liberty, Man Without a Country, Romance of Louisiana;
also the Bill of Rights, Lincoln in the White House, Declaration of
Independence, Teddy, the Rough Rider, Old Hickory, Monroe Doc-
trine, Flag of Humanity. A good one to see is March On, America. I
Am an American ; that is a very good film we should all see again to
reaffirm what this country is all about. It was written during the
height of the war in England. America the Beautiful
The Chairman. Go ahead with your questions.
Mr. Warner. I want the American people to know about that.
The Chairman. They will know about it. It will be in the record.
Mr. Warner. I want to make sure it is in the record. Also, here
is a pro-American film produced by Warner Bros, studies, without
profit, in cooperation with the United States armed forces. The last
one was called The Last Bomb. It is in technicolor. It was made by
the United States Army Air Force and is worth seeing. These are 26
pictures. I won't give you the names of all, but they were all for the
war effort.
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Warner, I think I can see why you have been so
successful in selling your pictures to the American public.
Getting back to my original point, Warner Bros, has made a great
number of very effective antitotalitarian pictures in which they pointed
out the dangers of fascism and nazism. They have also made some
very effective films under what we might term "selling America" pic-
tures, in which you point out the benefits of our American system and
in which you describe the freedoms which we have here.
You have also said you make about 24 full-length pictures a year
and 50 or 60 short subjects. You have indicated here in your state-
ment that you are willing to establish a fund to ship to Russia the
people who do not like our system of government and who prefer the
Communist system to ours.
You have also indicated from some of your observations that you
question the fact that there may be free speech or a free screen in
Russia. You have questioned some of the methods; and I am sure
if you have just returned from Europe, as I have, and have seen the
conditions in Italy and Yugoslavia and in France, you have no ques-
tion but that the totalitarian methods used bv the Communists are no
different from those used by the Fascists or Nazis.
Under those circumstances, I would like to know whether or not
Warner Bros, has made, or is making at the present time, any pictures
pointing out the methods and the evils of totalitarian communism, as
you so effectively have pointed out the evils of the totalitarian Nazis.
Mr. Warner. We are preparing, and will make, one film called Up
Until Now. That picture has been in the process of writing, but it
is a very serious subject, and we have been criticized by some people in
messages. I am sure we will come to it a little later. We want to be
positive we know what we are doing.
Mr. Nixon. The reason you have not made pictures pointing out
the evils of the totalitarian system on the left, as well as on the right,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 29
is, as you have indicated here, that if you did so you wouhl have tre-
mendous objection from within the industry itself?
Mr. Warner. Not the industry.
Mr. Nixon. When I speak of the industry, I mean the people em-
})loyed by the industry, the writers', and the people outside who think
tliey have a vested interest in it.
Mr. Wakxek. I am not worried about those in the industry who
will object, because since the beginning of the ages people have been
objecting to what others are doing in their own ranks, but I want
to be positive when we make a film pertaining to the activities of the
Communists in America, and the Fascists as well, we want to be right
in our presentation.
Then we have made, as I told you, 500 subjects showing the positive
American way of life. I think that is a great counter to the Communist
and Fascist way of life.
Mr. Nixox. I agree with you absolutely, Mr. Warner. I believe
it is essential, as you have put it so well in your statement, we must
attack with a free press and a free screen. I also believe that you
have stated in your statement freedom of expression does not include a
license to destroy.
But I think the point still must be well taken ; and from your obser-
vations, I think you will agree with it, that there is not only a positive
duty on the part of you as an xVmerican citizen to point out the benefits
of our way of life as you are doing so effectively, but also when we
see a real, present danger to our system, a danger which would impose
upon America a system of government which would deny to all of us
the freedoms we now have — as was the case with the Nazis back in
1989 and 1940 — it is not only your duty to point out the truth but
also the facts, so that the American people will be able to make a choice.
If they want that sort of thing, then they should know what it is.
Under the circumstances. I think this committee is glad to hear that
Warner Bros, is contemplating for the first time now making a motion
l)icture in which they point out to the American people the dangers of
totalitarian comnumisni as well as fascism.
Mr. AVakxer. There is one other film we made some years ago called
the Black Legion. It Avas an actual-fact story. It caused quite a
furor, down to threats upon lives, and so on. We will certainly con-
tinue, as long as we are in the motion-picture industry, to aid this great
country of the United States with every ounce of energy we possess.
1 speak for my brothers and myself.
^Ir. Nixox. Thank you very much.
Mr. Warner. I would like to have this additional list placed in the
record; these 26.^
The Chair.aiax. Without objection, it will be done.
(The list referred to is as follows :)
Pro-American Shobt Subjects PRODrcF;u bv Warner Bros. Stluids
(Produfetl in cooperation with United States aimed forces)
Jielra.se date Title
Nov. 2. 194(5 Last Uonib, The.
In cooperation witli United States Army Air Forces.
Sui)ervised by Frank Lloyd.
' .Sfe appcmlix. p. .")2.'i. for cxliibit 7.
67G83— 47 -3
30 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Pbo-American Short Subjects Produced by Warner Bros. Studios — Continued
Release date Title
Apr. 13, 1946 Gem of the Ocean (U. S. Navy).
Narration by Cliarles L. Tedford.
September 29, 1945-- Here Comes the Nqvy Biuid.
Director: Dave Gould.
Photographed in cooptn-ation with (U. S. Navy).
January G, 1945 Beaelihead to Berlin ( U. S. Coastguard). ♦
Narration written by Charles Linton Tedford.
August IS, 1945 Orders From Tolvyo.
In cooperation with the Philippine government and
the Office of Strategic Services.
Prologue by Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, Resident
Commissioner of the Philippines, to the United
States photographer and narrated by David C Grif-
fin, captain, United States Marine Corps.
September 23, 1944__. Proudly We Serve (U. S. Marine Corps).
Director : Crane Wilbur.
Writer: Written by Crane Wilbur.
Stars : Andrea King, Warren Douglas.
March 3, 1945 Nav.v Nurse (U. S. Navy).
Director : D. Ross Lederman.
Stars : Andrea King, Marjorie Riordan, Warren
Douglas.
July 7, 1945 Live ano to page 22, you will find that I replied — well, it refers to who con-
tacted us about making the film. I said :
At the time I can't remember if he contacted us, or my brother who was in
New York contacted Mr. Davies. I can't say who contacted whom, but I know
that we went ahead with it.
Here is the story of what occurred. My brother contacted Mr.
Davies after reading Misson to Moscow as a best seller on the stands
and in the new\spapers. Mr. Davies stated, "There are other com-
panies wanting to produce this book and I would be very happy
to do business with you if you want to make it," or words to that
effect. My brother made the deal with Mr. Davies to make it and it
was at my brother's suggestion and not Mr. Davies'. I am rather
surprised I said what I did. but I want to stand corrected, if I may.
Mr. Striplixg. All right, Mr. Warner. Now, I would like to read
further. Mr. Chairman.
The Chaikman. Proceed.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Mr. Stripuxg. Did Mr. Davies coni'e to Hollywood to see you relative to the
making of Mission of Moscow, or did you confer with him at any time about it
in person?
Mr. Warnek. I conferred with him in AVashington and we made the deal in
the East, in New York or Washington ; I have forgotten which. But he did
come here when the film was being produced, and he also acted in an advisory
capacity throughout tlie making of the film. As a matter of, fact, he appeared
in a slight prologue of the picture.
Mr. Stripling. Don't you consider very frankly that the film Mission to Mos-
cow was in some ways a misinterpretation of the facts, or the existing
conditions'/
Mr. Warner. Of the time, you mean?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. In 1942?
Mr. Stripling. In other words, certain historical incidents which were por-
trayed in the film were not true to fact?
Mr. Warner. Well, all I could go by — I read the novel and spoke to Mr. Davies
on many, many occasions. I had to take his word that they were the facts. He
had published the novel and we were criticized severely by the press in New
York and elsewhere. As I remember, it was started up by this Professor Dewey
from Columbia University. From what I read and heard, he was a Trotskyite
and tliey were the ones who objected mostly to this filia because of Lenin versus
Trotsk.v
Mr. Stripling. That is Dr. John Dewey?
Mr. Warner. Yes. That is what I read. He made statements in the New
York Times which were as long as the paper was, but as to the actual facts,
if they weren't portrayed authentically — I never was in Russia myself and I
don't know what they were doing in 1942, other than seeing the events of the
battles for Stalingrad and Moscow, which we all saw in the films and read about.
But I talked to ^Ir. Davies about that after we were criticized, and there is only
one thing tliat happens which is a license, what we call condensation in the
making of films. We put the two trials in one and the two trials were condensed
because if you ran the two trials it would go on for 20 reels. I personally did
not consider that film pro-Communist at the time.
Mr. Thomas. Now, it is 1947. Do you think it is pro-Coninmnist now?
Mr. Warner. That I would have to think over. Let me pause for a minute
and ask you a question or two, if you don't mind. You mean by saying that the
type of scenes shown in that film today would that make the picture pro-Com-
munist ; is that it?
Mr. Thomas. You said in 1^942.
Mr. Warner. It was made in 1942.
Mr. Thomas. You did not believe it wns pro-Communist?
Mr. Warner. No. We wei'e at war at that time.
Mr. Thomas. Now it is 1947. Do you believe it is pro-Communist?
34 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Would yon release the film now, in other words?
Mr. Warner. No ; we would not release the film now.
Mr. Thomas. Why not release the film now?
Mr. W^\RNE2i. Because of the way Russia is handling international affairs since
the cessation of the war. I consider, in my opinion as an American, that they
are advocating communism throughout the world and I am not in any shape,
manner, or form in favor of anything like that. In fact, I despise and detest
the very word.
Mr. Thomas. You say Mr. Davies got in touch with you. He was the first
one to get in touch with you about the idea of producing this film ; is that correct?
Mr. Warner. At the time I can't remember if he contacted us, or my brother
who was in New York contacted Mr. Davies. I can't say who contacted whom,
but I know that we went ahead with it.
Mr. Thomas. Did any other person in the Government contact either you or
your brother in connection with producing Mission to Moscow?
]\Ir. AVarner. Not to my knowledge ; no.
Mr. Stiupling. What about the State Department?
Mr. Warnek. You mean anyone in the State Department that asked us to
make it?
Mr. Stripling. Were they consulted in any way in this film, or did they consult
with you?
Mr. Warner. I am trying to think hard who
Mr. Stripling. I am being very frank, Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. If you will give me a couple of minutes.
Mr. Stripling. I will be very frank with you. The charge is often made and
many statements have been made to the committee to the effect that Mission to
Moscow was made at the request of our Government as a so-called appeasement
or pap to the Russians ; in other words, it was produced at the request of the
Government. Now, is such a statement without foundation?
Mr. Warner. I^ee what you mean. No ; it is not without foundation. That is
why I am very happy you put it that way. In order to answer that question
correctly, I would say there were rumors and many stories to the effect that
if Stalingrad fell, Stalin would again join up with Hitler because, naturally,
the way the stories were that far back, during the hardest days of the war, fi-om
what I could get out of it, is that the authorities in Washington who were con-
ducting tlie war were afraid if Stalin would make up with Hitler they would
destroy the world, not only continental Europe and Russia, but Japan and
everything else. And we know what the scheme of things was, that the Japs
and Germans were to meet in India or Egypt, I forget just which.
IMr. Thomas. Do you mean to say some of the Government officials in Wash-
ington informed you that they were fearful that Stalin might hook up with
Hitler?
Mr. Warner. No ; but that was the tenor of things. It would be pretty hard
for me to say that someone told me that, but that was just the general feeling
in Washington. Every time I would go there that would be it.
Mr. Thomas. Mr. Stripling asked a question that I don't think we have had
an answer to yet.
Mr. Stripling. Let me state further, Mr. Chairman, it has also been charged
that this film had the tacit approval, if not the request, of the White House.
Mr. Warner, was there anything that occurred prior to the production of this
film which led you to believe that the Government, the Federal Government,
desired that this film be made as a contribution to the war effort? In other
words, what I want to make clear, there is no desire on the part of the sub-
committee to put you or your company on the spot for making Mission to ^Moscow
but if it was nuide, as in other films, at the request of the Government as a
so-called patriotic duty, you would have no other course to follow and you would
naturally be expected to do so.
Mr. Warner. The general feeling as I found it in Washington was a tre-
mendous fear that Stalin might go back with Hitler because he had done it before.
Mr. Thomas. No. What we want to get at is the reason, not the general
feelings.
IMr. Warner. Yes ; but I am just going to come back to that.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. Warner. The Russians were very discouraged and they figured that the
United States was not going to back them up with lend-lease and so on and so
forth in sufficient quantities to beat Hitler, wliich was very, very important) to
civilization, and the feeling was if a film could be made — and I imagine other
things were being done — to assure the Russians and Stalin
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 35
Mr. Thomas. Can't you be more specific. You say a feeling existed.
Mr. Warner. Yes.
Mr. Thomas. We want to Ivuow more about the specific tiling, something more
than just a general feeling. We want to know the persons in the Government
who got in touch with you concerning the making of this film.
Mr. Warner. Well, I don't think Mr. Davies was in the Government then. He
was then ex-Ambassador to Russia and almost everything was dealt tlirough him.
Mr. Thomas. Did anyone in the State Department get in touch with you or not?
Mr. Warner. No. I don't know. Not to my knowledge. No one here or in
New York.
Mr. Thomas. Did anyone in the White House get in touch with you?
Mr. Warner. No, not directly in touch ; no, sir.
Mr. Thomas. Not directly in touch?
Mr. WABNEm. Do you mean did anyone in the White House say we should
make the film for reasons along those lines?
Mr. Thomas. Directly or indirectly?
Mr. WiUiNER. Well, as I understood at the time through Mr. Davies that he had
contacted the White House and for all of the reasons I recited it was good for
the defense and for the prosecution of the war to' keep the Russians in there
figliting until the proper time when the United States and Britain could organize,
in other words, give us time to pi'epare.
Mr. Thomas. Let's have the date you started producing that film.
Mr. Warner. We started November 9, 1942.
Mr. Thomas. And you completed production when?
Mr. Warner. On February 2, 1943. It took a little under 4 months.
Mr. Stripijng. That is rather a quick production, isn't it?
Mr. Warneoi. No ; that was about the usual length of time. They are usually
8 or 10 weeks.
Mr. Stripling. From a commercial standpoint the film was not very successful,
was it?
Mr. Warner. No ; it was not exceptionally successful. It was not successful
to any great degree. It did very good at first.
Mr. Stripling. I mean from what I lieard. In fact, there has been testimony
it was not very successful.
IMr. Warner. No ; I would not call it very successful. Commercially it wasn't
exceedingly successful ; no, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, there is one question which I think the subcom-
mittee would like to have cleared up and I think that you as a studio executive,
could probably give them some information about it.
That testimony, Mr. Chairman, does not deal with Mission to
Moscow.
I would like to skip over to the next page, which picks it up again
[reading] :
Mr. Stripling. If you had not been approached by Mr. Davies or by anyone in
the Government indirectly it would have been very likely that you would not
have filmed Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. No ; we would not.
Mr. Stripling. I think the writers are the most important people in this investi-
gation. I believe you mentioned Koch.
Mr. Warner. Howard Koch.
Mr. Warxer. Pardon me, yon missed some very important infor-
mation here.
ISIr. Stripling. I am sorry.
Mr. Warxer. You said the next page, and you skipped a page.
Mr. Stripling. I am .sorry, Mr. Warner, I clid.
Mr. Warner. If you will go back to page 28 you will find it refers —
oh, yes; at the bottom of page 27 [reading] :
Mr. Wariter. —
this is myself speaking —
I was going to say something about that after I recited some of the chronological
events of the war in order to confirm my feeling for the reasons that the Gov-
36 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
eriiment was interested in tlie making of the pieture. This is one of the reasons.
I am not here to defend tiie (lovernnient hecause that is their business.
Mr. Thomas. We will he glad to have it.
Mr. VVaknkr. When the Germans were halted at Stalingrad, that was one of
the things Mr. Davies told my brother, that it was essential to keep the Russians
in there —
Mr. Thomas said "pitching," and I replied:
* * * pitching to give our country a chance to arm. the Navy, the Army,
airpower, and everything else, which we were not prepared for at the time, and of
course history ha.s told the story.
And I want to introdnce the front pages of a New York newspaper,
starting with the day following Pearl Harbor, December 8, 1941, right
np to December 30, 1942, which gives a very vivid history of the
process of the war by the Russians.
The Ctiairman. How many pages are there, Mr. Warner?
]\Ir. Warner. I am going to read them.
The Chairman. No. How many are there?
Mr. WARNf:R, There are about 25 — just papers.
The Chairman. We will take that as an exhibit."
Mr. Stripling. Is that the chroiiological statement which you gave
to the committee?
Mr. Warner, It is, to one degree or another. And I have a copy
of the chronological statement, too. I will give you another one,
if you want,
Mr, Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. But this tells the story of Russia's distress, Russia
getting beaten.
The Chairman, We will be glad to receive those as an exhibit.
Go ahead with the questioning, Mr, Stripling,
]\Ir, Stripling. Now, Howard Koch wrote the script for Missior
to Moscow ?
Mr. Warner. Yes ; he did.
Mr. Stripling, Was Howard Koch one of those writers whom you
.subsequently dismissed?
Mr, Warner. Let us get it correct, I never dismissed anyone for
any activity. His contract expired and we didn't renew his contract.
Mr, Stripling. You haven't employed him since?
Mr, Warner, We didn't make a new deal with him,
Mr. Stripling. Now, when the picture Mission to Moscow was
made, were you aware that there were certain historical events
which were erroneously portrayed in the picture?
Mr, Warner. I stated the only historical events that I know, by
claim of many people — the press and public, in general — were the
trials of the purge, or whatever they called it at the time in the book,
which was condensed.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner
Mr.' Warner. I told you, I don't know if it Avas all correct or not.
Mr, Stripling, Yes,
Mr. Warner, Mr, Davies was
Mr, Stripling, The ])oint is this, Mr, Warner, that here was a
picture which was produced and shown to the American people, and
it was shown in other countries, I presume, was it not?
' See appendix, p. 523, for exhibit 8.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 37
Mr. Warnkr. I tliink it was shown in England and several other
countries.
Mr. Stripling. It was also shown in Moscow, to Mr. Stalin ?
Mr. Warner. In Moscow and to Stalin ; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Here is a picture, however, which portrayed Russia
and the Government of Russia in an entirely different light from what
it actually was?
Mr. Warner. 1 don't know if you can prove it, or that I can prove
that it was.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to read one quotation. I have here,
Mr. Chairman, a book entitled "The Curtain Rises," by Quentin
Reynolds
Air. Warner. What year was that published in ?
Mr. Stripling. Copyrighted in 1944.
Mr. Warner. Well, I had nothing to do with Russia in 1944. I
want no part of it. I am not interested — unless you want to put it in
the record — in what happened then. That book ended in 1937, when
ex-Ambassador Davies returned here.
Mr. Stripling. Mi'. Reynolds qualifies himself as being a Moscow
correspondent.
Mr. Warner. He wasn't there in 1937.
The Chairman. Just a minute, Mr. Warner. Let Mr. Stripling
continue.
Mr. Stripling. On page 80, he says [reading] :
June 8: Joseph E. Davies left today after a 2-week visit wliich has left us
bewildered. Mr. Davies said that he had come mei-ely to deliver a letter to
Stalin. Although he didn't say what the letter contained, we are all convinced
that it was a suggestion from President Roosevelt, that he, Stalin, and Churchill
meet. What bewilders us (and we are sure bewilders Stalin) is the fact
that the President has sent Mr. Davies to deliver the letter. Our Embassy is
just across the street from the Kremlin and Ambassador Standley is never too
busy to walk over to the Kremlin with a letter.
Ihere was a distinct Hollywood tinge to the Davies visit. The huge DC-4
whi(h brought Davies to Moscow must weigh about 56,0C0 pounds. It had a
crack crew of nine men. Mr. Davies brought his nephew witli him to act as
his secretary (his nephew is Lieutenant Stamm, a naval officer). Mr. Davies
brought his former valet with him to supervise the preparation of his food (his
former valet is now a corporal in the United States Army). Mr. Davies brought
his personal physician with him, a necessary precaution because Mr. Davies is
not in good health. We all admired the courage of Mr. Davies in undertaking
a very difficult 16.000-mile trip by air. No one here questiros. picture. Mission to Moscow, with him. Stalin
tendered a dinner to Mr. Davies at the Kremlin a few days after his arrival. It
was a typical Kremlin show reserved for visiting big sliots with the usual 20
or so courses and 30 or so toasts. The press, of course, is never permitted
to breathe the rarified air of Kremlin dinners, but our friends in the various
embassies always give us accurate reports of sucli dinners. To us the real big
news of the dinner was the fact that Nikolai Palgunov attended. That meant
that he was still in high favor. We had been hi>ping that liis efficiency and
poor judgment would by now have percolated up to the sacro.sanct presence of
Vishinsky or Moloiov and that he might be on his way out. The fact that he
was at the dinner meant that he was still the white-haired boy in the press
department of the foreign office, which is the pressing news for us. The other
news was that the film, Mission to Moscow, was shown in Stalin's private pro-
jection room after the dinner. Some of the British and Americans who have
38 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
been here for many, many years, and who re;illy know Russia, told us that
Stalin gave a magnificent performance during the showing of the picture.
"Walter Huston was fine," a British member of the diplomatic corps told us,
"but he couldn't compare with Stalin. Do you know that Stalin kept a straight
face througliout the showing? He didn't laugh once."
A few days later the film was sliown at our embassy at one of the usual
Saturday afternoon shows. It was a beautiful technical job and the perform-
ances of the character actors who figured in the trial scenes were especially
magnificent. But the film portrayed a Russia that none of us had ever seen.
This would have been all right except that the picture purported to be factual
and the Russia shown in the film had as much relation to the Russia we all
know as Shangri-la would have to the real Tibet.
Correspondents like Henry Shapiro, Jean Champenois, and Alfred Cholerton
who had been in Moscow for many years were bewildered. The film had tele-
scoped two purge trials into one and had not presented them with any degree
of accuracy; no fault, of course, in a picture which did not claim to be factual.
But this picture did. We all had copies (in English) of the testimony given
at the trials and it varied considerably from what was shown on the sci-een.
In the actual trials Radek's had been impassioned and brilliant and Bukharin's
vituperative come-backs at Prosecutor Vishinsky's expense masterpieces of in-
vective. The Warner Bros.' or Davies' version differed considerably. In the
film Radek is condemned to death. Actually he was sentenced to 10 years'
imprisonment.
The veteian diplomats were also astounded at the treatment given Lord
Chislen in the picture. Chislen was British Ambassador to Russia during Mr.
Davies' tenure of the American ambassadorship. In the film he was made out
to be a half-wit. Veteran embassy officials and correspondents couldn't under-
stand that at all.
"Litvinov once told me during those days," a correspondent said, "that there
were only two foreign diplomats in Moscow he had any respect for. They were
Chislen and the German Ambassador Von Schulenberg."
We were all frankly embarrassed by the picture. I was especially amazed
because I know the Warner Bros, and their brilliant staff that so faithfully
mirrored the careers of men like Dr. Erlich, Pasteur, Zola, and others whom they
made sub.iects of pictures. It was hard to believe that they had made this
factually incorrect film. It would have been so easy for Warner Bros, to have
called in any correspondent who had spent some time in Russia to check up
on factual details. If the purpose of the picture was to improve relations be-
tween America and Russia it was completely defeated by the obvious inaccur-
acies shown on the screen. It was such a pity that no one with any knowledge
of Russia was called in to advise on the story. It could have been a great
picture and an honest one.
I met one of the officials of Vox the day after the picture was shown to us.
Vox passes on all foreign pictures before they are shown in Russia. I asked
him if Mission to Moscow would be released to the public.
"Well," he hesitated, "we'd like to release it but, of course," he added in perfect
seriousness, "we have to cvit a great deal of the Russian parts out of it."
Have yoii ever seen that statement which appeared in Reynolds'
book?
Mr. Warner. No ; it is the first time I ever knew that Mr. Reynolds
had been in Russia or wrote a book, and if he did it is his own personal
opinion. I have nothing to say other than Reynolds speaks of 1944.
Our picture, under the guidance of Mr. Joseph E. Davies, speaks up
to and including his leaving of the Embassy in Russia in 1937. Again,
I have little or nothing to comment. I know nothing about it, other
than what you have just read.
Mr. Stripling. Well, is it your opinion now, Mr, Warner, that
Mission to Moscow was a factually correct picture, and you made it
as such ?
Mr. Warner. I can't remember.
Mr. Stripling. Would you consider it a propaganda picture?
Mr. Warner. A propaganda picture
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 39
Mr. Warner. In what sense?
Mr. Stripling. In the sense that it portrayed Russia and com-
munism in an entirely different light from what it actually was ?
Mr. Warnp:r. I am on record about 40 times or more that I have
never been in Russia. I don't know what Russia was like in 1937 or
1944 or 1947, so how can I tell you if it was right or w^rong?
Mr. Stripling. Don't you think you were on dangerous ground to
produce as a factually correct picture one which portrayed Russia
Mr. Warner. No ; we were not on dangerous ground in 1942, when
we produced it. There was a war on. The world was at stake.
Mr. Stripling. In other words
Mr. Warner. We made the film to aid in the war effort, which I
believe I have already stated.
Mr. Stripling. Whether it was true or not?
Mr. Warner. As far as I was concerned, I considered it true to the
extent as written in INIr. Davies' book.
Mr. Stripling. Well, do you suppose that your picture influenced
the people who saw it in this country, the millions of people who saw
it in this country?
Mr. Warner. In my opinion, I can't see how it would influence any-
one. We were in war and when you are in a fight you don't ask who
the fellow is who is helping you.
]Mr. Stripling. Well, due to the present conditions in the interna-
tional situation, don't 3^011 think it was rather dangerous to write about
such a disillusionment as was sought in that picture?
Mr. Warner. I can't understand why you ask me that question, as
to the present conditions. How did I, you, or anyone else know in
1942 what the conditions were going to be in 1947. I stated in my
testimony our reason for making the picture, which was to aid the war
effort — anticipating what would happen.
Mr. Stripling. I don't see that that is aiding the war effort, Mr.
Warner — with the cooperation of Mr. Davies or with the approval of
the Government — to make a picture which is a fraud in fact.
Mr. Warner. I want to correct you, very vehemently. There was
no cooperation of the Government.
Mr. Stripling. You stated there was.
Mr. Warner. I never stated the Government cooperated in the
making of it. If t did, I stand corrected. And I know I didn't.
Mr. Stripling. Do you want me to read that part, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairman. No; I think we have gone into this Mission to
Moscow at some length.
Mr. Warner. I would like to go into it at great length, in order
to make the Warner Bros.' position to the American public clear, as
to why we made the film. You couldn't be more courageous, to help
the war effort, than we. Certainly there are inaccuracies in every-
thing. I have seen a million books — using a big term — and there have
been inaccuracies in the text. There can be inaccuracies in anything,
especially in a creative art. As I said, we condensed the trials
The Chairman. We only have 5 minutes this morning. Can w^e
finish wnth Mr. Warner this morning?
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
If you would like some qualified reviewer who has seen the picture to
give the committee
40 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. That ma}- come at a later date.
Mr. Stripling. I ask that the complete testimony of Mr. Warner
[before the sulwonnnittee on Un- American Activities on May 15, 1947,
Iieard in Los Angeles, Calif.] be included in the record at this point.
The Chairman. So ordered.
(The testimony of ]SIr. Jack L. Warner is as follows :)
Testimony of Jack L. Wakxki:
(The witness was first duly sworu.)
Mr. Thoma.s. Mr. Stripling, you may take the witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Warner, will you state your full name and present address,
please?
Mr. Warner. My name is Jack L. Warner. Do you want my business or home
address?
Mr. Stripling. Your business address.
Mr. Warner. Warner Bros. Studio, Burbank, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Where were you born, Mr. Warner?
Mr. Warner. I was born in London, Ontario, Canada.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Warner. I am vice president of Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., and I am in
charge of production of films at our studios.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood ?
Mr. Warner. Since 1912. It was about 1912. I went to San Francisco and
came here in 1912.
Mr. Stripling. This is a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-Aiuerican Activi-
ties of the United States House of Representatives. It is sitting here in Los
Angeles to receive any testimony, evidence, or opinion concerning Communist
influences or infiltration into the motion-picture industry. The committee in
Washington has received during the past 4 months many requests to investigate
Communist" activities. The subcommittee is here for the purpose of determining
whether or not these allegations deserve or require a full-scale investigation.
As a motion-picture executive, you have been invited here by the subcommittee
to give them the benefit of your views or any information you might have rehiting
to this subject. You can either give a general statement if you like, or if you prefer
we will ask you questions.
Mr. Warner. I think I would prefer questions.
Mr. P. Blayney IMatthews. Do you want to read that statement?
Mr. Warner. At this point I have a statement that I have given to the press
and it was run virtually verbatim, of my views, my brother's, or the company's,
being the views as I see them of the motion-picture industry.
Mr. Thomas. When was that statement given to the press?
Mr. Matthews. April 21.
Mr. Warner. Just a couple of weeks ago.
Mr. Thomas. How long a statement is it?
Mr. Warner. It is very short.
Mr. Thomas. You can go ahead and read it.
Mr. Warner. I will leave it with the reporter. This statement was released for
the press Monday, April 21, 1947, announcing production of the picture Up Until
Now.
Backslid Americans, as well as outside enemies of our free institutions, will
be exposed in this story of a Boston family. Here at Warner Bros, we have no
room for backslid Americans and wishy-washy concepts of Americanism. We
believe that our films must reflect positive Americanism founded on the funda-
mental principles of the Declaration of Independence, our Constitution, and our
Bill of Rights.
Up Until Now will not be a "middle of the road" picture about democracy. We
do not believe democracy has middle lanes, left detours, or right alleys. The
great highway of American liberty is sufficiently broad and straight for all to
travel in peace, prosperity, and happiness.
Up Until Now is but another chapter in our war against threats to American
democracy. It is not the opening gun by 40 years. It will not be a single bar-
rage. We are working on other topical stories to combat any insidious influ-
ence that threatens our country. We will shoot them as rapidly as they are
ready for production.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 41
From the cliiy it was founded under the same management that now exists,
Warner Bros, has been wholly dedicated to the system of government that has
made the American way of life a shining example to peoples throughout the
world.
We have been aggressive in our defense of that way of life because we feel
we must crusade for the things in which Americans believe. We are happy that
other motion-picture producers are joining in the aggressive course Warner
Bros, has pioneered, and we hope still others will follow. We cannot combat
the enemies of freedom by closing our eyes, shutting our ears, aud sealing our
mouths. It's better to fight with words, pictures, and ballots than with guns,
atomic bombs, and poison gas. American needs awakening.
The backsliders, the in-betweeners, and the straddlers are too content to drift
with the dangerous tides the subvei-sive elements are stirring. Aud too many
sound-to-the-core Americans are thoughtlessly ignoring those tides. We've got
to jar ourselves into alert awareness of what is going on.
This company has endeavored with all the means at its disposal to keep
America alert against the loss of liberties which, if lost, must be redeemed in
blood. Through topical entertainment features and short subjects we have retold
the lessons so simply and clearly expounded in the three great basic documents
of our Government. Through the same media, we have warned of dangers
ahead.
One of our first major feature pictui'es, My Four Years in Germany, based on
the experiences of former Ambassador James Gerard, was inspired by the dangers
facing our Nation in World War I. A short generation later we were first to
warn of another and greater peril in Confessions of a Natzi Spy.
During the tragically brief interim between our two World Wars we made the
short historical films based on the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution,
and the Bill of Rights. Our feature films before and during World War II in-
cluded, among many others, the inspiring life stories of such great Americans
as Sgt. Alvin York, Knute Rockne, Mark Twain, and George M. Cohan. At the
same time we were filming I Am a Fugitive From a Chain Gang, Black Fury,
Black Legion, and other pictures which exposed various evils threatening the
American way of life.
During the war period Warner Bros, film production was dedicated to the cause
of Alliem. As I recall, that was aimed at the capitalistic system —
not exactly, but the rich man is always the villain. Of course those fellows getting
two or three thousand dollars a week aren't rich men. I don't know what you
would call theni>. Roth of those fellows work together. They are never separated.
Tl.e rest of them are a lot of comedies: Yankee Doodle Dandy, The Man Who
Came to Dinner, Arsenic and Old Lace, Strawberry lilonde, Four Mothers — a;l
of those pictures are comedies and there is no taint of conuniniism in them.
Mr. Thomas. Off the record.
Mr. Warner. I would like to put in the record a few more names.
Mr. Thomas. Yes.
Mr. Warner. Clifford Odets in Humoresque. You .see, tiiis was way ba<'k in
in.37—
Mr. Stripling. What about Humoresque; isn't that a i-ecent release?
Mr. Warner. Yes. That was written by Clit'ford Odets. It was a story which
we modernized from llie old Fannie Hurst novel. In that picture there was no
con nnuiistic jjropaganda. I have even written tlie words down here. It is the
old story. There is one line where the boy was mad. John Gariield played the
part of the boy and he was mas, or whatever they are. Y(m
saw how they came in, by revolution in Russia, or however these things happen.
P.ut in reading: these hundreds of scripts which I do read and I buy p'ays and
books and novels — it all started to come to me and tliat is tl)e thins I watcli for
most earnestly. That is iiow tliey jiet in. If you will watch the films you will
find that is what happens.
Now. take the pictures made durinii' the war, the pictures to aid the victory of
the Allies or the United Nations. We have no apologies to make for any of those
films that we made. They were made by us and we thought it was tlio riglit thing
to do to aid the war effort, and we never had any rebuffs from anyone. In fact,
we were asked to make pictures from time to time by different departments.
Mr. Stripling. Were you asked to make Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. I would say we were to a degree. Vou can put it in that way
in one form or another.
Mr. Thomas. Wlio asked you to nuike ^Mission to AIoscow'/
Mr. Wau.xf.r. I would say tlie former Ambassador Davies.
Mr. Tiio.MAS. He asked you to make Mission to Moscow?
Mr. WAijNKR. At tlie time and lie recites why. I brouglit a small resume of it
.when we entered into the agi'eement. and so forth, with the events of the war
in the early part of 1942. They are all put in chronological order here.
Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Davies come to Hollywood to see you relative to the
making of Mission to Moscow or did you confer with him at any time about it
in person 'y
Mr. Warner. I conferred with liim in W^•lshington and we made tlie deal in
the East, in New Yoi'k or Washington, I have forgotten which. But he did come
here when the tilm was being produced and he also acted in an advisory capacity
throughout the makirg of the film. As a matter of fact, he appeared in a slight
prologue of the picture.
Mr. Stripling. Don't you consider very frankly that the film Mission to Moscow
was in some vs-ays a misinterpretation of the facts of the existing conditions?
Mr. Warner. Of the time, you mean?
Mr. Stripling. Yes.
Mr. Warner. In 1942?
Mr. Stripling. In other words, certain historical incidents which were por-
trayed in the film were not true to fact?
Mr. Warnir. Well, all I could go b.v — I read the novel and spoke to Mr. Davies
on m;iny, many occasions. I had to take his word that they were the facts.
He had pulilished tlie novel and we were criticized severely b.v the press in, New
York and elsewhere. As I remember, it was started up by this Profes.sor Dewey
from Columbia University. P'rom what I read and heard, he was a Trotskyite
and they were the ones who ol'jected mostly to this tilm because of Lenin versus
Trotsk.v
Mr. Stripling. That is Dr. John Dewey?
Mr. Warner. Yes. That is what I read. He made statements in the New
York Times which were as long as the paper was, but as to the actual facts, if they
weren't portr.-i.ved Muthentically — I never was in Russia myself and I don't know
what they were doing in T.M2. other than seeing the events of the battles for
S'talingr.-id and .Moscow, which we all saw in the films and read about. But I
talked to .Mr. Davies about that after we were criticized, and there is only one
Ihi-ig that happiiis which is a license, what we call condensation in the making
of films. We put the two trials in one and the two trials were condensed because
if yon ran the two trials it wcmld go on for 20 reels. I persoiuilly did not con-
sider that fihu i)ro-Communist at the time.
.Mr. Thomas, .\ow. it is 1947. Do you think it is pro-Communist now?
Mr. Warner. That I would have to think over. L "t me pause for a minute and
ask you a question or two, if you don't mind. You mean by saying rliat the type
of scenes shown in that film today would that make tln^ picture pro-Ci>nunuiMst,
is that if
Mr. Thomas. You said in 1942.
..Mr. Warner. It was made in J942.
Mr. Thomas. You did not believe it was pro-Communist.
Mr. W.ABNEB. No; we were at war at That time.
67683—47 4
46 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Thomas. Now, it is 1947. Do .vou believe it is pro-Communist?
Mr. Sntii'LiNG. Would you release the film now, in other words?
Mr. Wakner. No, we would not release the film now.
Mr. Thomas. Why not release the film now?
Mr. Warneb. Because of the way Russia is handling their international affairs
since the ces.sation of the war. I consider in my opinion as an American that the.y
are advocating communism throughout tlie world and I am not in any shape,
manner, or form in favor of anything like that. In fact, I de.spise and detest the
ver.v word.
Mr. Thomas. You say Mr. Da vies got in touch with you. He was the first one to
get in touch with you about the idea of producing this film, is that correct?
Mr. Warner. At the time I can't remember if he contacted us, or my brother
who was in New York contacted Mr. Davies. I can't say who contacted whom, but
I know that we went ahead with it.
Mr. Thomas. Did any other person in the Government contact either you or
your brother in connection with producing Mission to Moscow?
Mr. Warner. Not to my knowledge, no.
Mr. Stripling. What about the State Department?
Mr. Warner. You mean anyone in the State Department that asked us to
make it?
Mr. STRiPLrNG. Were they consulted in any way in this film, or did they consult
with you?
Mr. Warner. I am trying to think hard who
Mr. Stripling. I am being very trank, Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. If you will give me a couple of minutes.
Mr. Stripling. I will be very frank with you. The charge is often made and
many statements have been made to the committee to the effect that Mission to
Moscow was made at the request of our Government as a so-called appea.sement or
pap to the Russians ; in other words, it was produced at the request of tlie Govern-
ment. Now, is such a statement without foundation?
Mr. Warner. I see what you mean. No, it is not without foundation. That is
why I am very liappy you put it that wa,v. In order to answer tliat question cor-
rectly, I would say there were rumors and many stories to tlie cffc'ct that if
Stalingrad fell Stalin would again join up with Hitler because, naturally, the
way the stories were that far back, during the hardest days of the war, from wiiat
I could get out of it, is that the authorities in Washington who were conducting
the war were afraid if Stalin would take up with Hitler they would destroy ihe
world, not only continental Europe and Russia, but Japan and everything else.
And we know what the scheme of things was, that the Jayis and Germans were to
meet in India or Egypt, I forget just which.
Mr. Thomas. Do you mean to say some of the Government officials in Wash-
ingti>n informed you that they were fearful that Stalin might hook up with
Hitler?
Mr. Warner. No ; but that was the tenor of things. It would be pretty hard for
me to say that someone told me that, but that was just the general feeling in
Washington. Every time I would go there that would be it.
Mr. Thomas. Mr. Stripling asked a question that I don't think we have had
an answer to yet.
Mr. Stripling. I>et me state further, Mr. Chairman, it lias also been charged
that this film had the tacit approval, if not the request, of the White House.
Mr. Warner, was there anything that occurred prior to the production of this
film which led you to believe that the (Tovernment, the Federal Government, de-
sired that this film be made as a contribution to the war effort. In other words,
what 1 want to make clear, there is no desire on the part of the sul>committee
to put you or your company on the spot for making Mission to ^Moscow, but if it
was made, as in other films, at the request of the Government as a- so-called
jiatriotic duty, you would have no other course to follow and you would natu-
rall.v he expected to do so.
Mr. Warner. The general feeling as I found it in Washington was a tre-
mendous fear tiuit Stalin might go back with Hitler because he had done it
before.
Mr. Thomas. No. Wliat we want to get at is the reason, not the general
feelings.
Mr. Warner. Yes, but I am just going to come back to that.
Mr. Thomas. All right.
Mr. Warner. The Russians \^'ere very discouraged and they figured that the
United States was not going to back them up with lend-lease and so on and so
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 47
forth in suflScient quantities to beat Hitler, which was very, very important to
eople engage them.
Mr. Thomas. That is what we would like to know.
Mr. WARNFJt. I can't fathom it, to save my life.
Mr. Thomas. But we want to know liow you are going to correct the situation.
Do you think they will keep on engaging them and keep on doing this until, the
iirst thing you know, the industry gets a black eye, or will they ultimately get
religion as you have got religion?
Mr. Warner. I would like to correct that statement. I didn't get religion. I
have always been that way — an American.
Mr. Thomas. I didn't mean that.
Mr. Stripling. Become aware of it.
Mr. Thomas. By religion I meant you have become aware of the danger.
Mr. Warner. Of the danger ; that is correct.
Mr. Thomas. Will they become aware or not become aware and the industry
get a black eye':"
Mr. Warnek. I can say this for the industry : They are all good Americans, but
some of them look upon this type of man drawing a big salary as lieing a good,
-capable writer and see no reason why be should not keep on working, because
there is no law against it.
Mr. Thomas. Well, there is no law against it, but I want to tell you if I had
:a business it would not make any difference — whether it is the insurance business
-which I have got — or whethei- it was the moving picture business or some other
l)usiness — if I had a business I would not keep a commie in there 5 seconds.
Mr. Warner. That is my policy and my brother's policy.
Mr. Thomas. You have done the same thing.
Mr. Warner. Detinitely.
Mr. Thoaias. But the dollar sign plays a big part with some of the other fel-
lows, and that is what astounds us.
Mr. Warner. I would like to make a bi'ief statement outlining the policy of the
<-onipany and ourselves personally regarding subversive elements such as leftists,
fellow travelers, or members of the Connnunist Party. I wish to reiterate the
very tenor of Congressman Thomas' feeling as just stated because I could not
improve on it. I also want to offer as evidence, if you will accept it, two of our
personnel blanks that have been in use for a number of years. This yellow ap-
plication form was first used in 193(). I would like to have you look at question
No. 10. And on the white form, page 3. question No. 17, where we deliberately
put in there through my personal direction — I would like you to read it [handing
•documents to IMr. Stripling].
Mr. Stript.ing. I will read it into the record.
Question No. 10. "Are you atiiliated with any organization or group that is
fintagonistic to the principles of our American form of government?"
That is on the yellow form.
Now, the white form, question No. 17:
"Are you atiiliated with any organization or group antagonistic to the prin-
ciples of our American form of government? (Yes or no) — . Are you a mem-
ber of any organization, society, group, or sect owing allegiance to a foreign gov-
ernment or rule? (Yes or no) — ■"
Mr. Warner. We had plenty of rebuffs from people who had to answer them
or they wouldn't get a job.
(The afore-mentioned documents were marked "Warner Exhibits Nos. 1 and
2." I'o.spectively. )'
Mr. Stripling. Don't you tliink tlie most effective way of removing these Com-
munist influences — and I say Communist influences; I am not saying Com-
" Sop appendix, p. .">2.3. for Warnpr exhiliits 1 and 2. .submitted in pxocntive hearings, May
15. 1047, now designated as exhibits 9 and 10.
50 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
niunists; I am not accusing them all of being Communists — but don't you think
the most effective way is the pay-roll route? In other words, if the owners and
producers cut these people off the pay roll it would eliminate it much quicker than
a congressional conmiittee or crusades and so forth.
iMr. Waknkb. Well, that definitely would be. Of course, if you drop them out
of pictures then the Communists have other ways of doing it. In New York I
saw All of My Sons, written by Arthur Miller. Here are some of the lines : •'Rich
men are made ambassadors. Poor men are strung up by the thumbs."
Another line: "You can't walk along the street and spit unless you hit a college
man."
They write about 21 cylinder heads that were brolcen. They can't write about
the 1,500,000 good airplane motors produced. These are the kind of things they
write about. That play disgusted me. I almost got into a fist fight in tlie lobby.
I said, "How dare they?'' They wrote about 21 little cylinder heads that were
cracked. And the play is a good play, but it has all of this stuff in it. In fact,
it won the critics' award in New York, and was directed by a chap named Elia
Kazan who is now at Twentieth Century-Fox as a director. He directed Boomer-
ang and is now going somewhere to make a picture for them.
Mr. Thomas. What is the new one?
Mr. Warnek. Gentlemen's Agreement. Can I say something off the record?
Mr. Thomas. Put it on the record.
Mr. Wariver. This fellow is also one of the mob. I know of him. I pass him
by but won't talk to him.
' Mr. Stripling. Doesn't it kind of provoke you to pay them $1,000 or $2,000 a
week and see them on the picket lines and joining all of these organizations and
taking your money and trying to tear down a system that provides the money?
Mr. Waenf:e. That is absolutely correct because I will offer as evidence John
Howard Lawson — a photograph oif him in our picket line in the big, strike of 1945.
The strike was supposedly on account of the carpenters and painters.
Have you got it ? I haven't seen it for a long time.
(Mr. Matthews hands photograph to Mr. Warner.)
Mr. Warnkr. 1 have never seen this fellow in person, but here he is. In that
line was John Wexley to whom I called your attention before. Tliere were loads
of them — Ring Lardner, Jr. They even went so far as to send me a threatening
telegram which I am sorry I didn't bring with me — that we were using goons
to destroy union labor. They are the ones that came through with goons from
Chicago and overturned our motorcars. We have motion pictures of it. It is
nauseating to see it.
(Tlie photograph referred to by Mr. Warner was marked "'Warner Exhibit
No. 3.")*
Mr. Stripling. About that time what were you paying Mr. Lawson and some
of these other writers?
Mr. Warner. We were probably giving them about $750.
Mr. Thomas. $750 a week?
Mr. Warner. Yes. He was there only for that one picture. Here is the way
the fellows get 'into the studios, in my opinion. In each studio there is what they
call a steerer. Most of them are menibers of the story editors and writing
departments and they bring in all these boys. I tried to find out how they got in
our place. There was a very inoffensive, nice chap — a vei'y nice guy all around —
his name is James Goller. I don't know if he belongs to anything, but he must be
something on the left side of the street. He is the one that steered most of these
writers into the studio. He was in charge of picking up writers.
Mr. Thomas. Is he still employed by you?
Mr. WARNER. No. He went the moment his contract was out and we could
legally get rid of him. He has been gone at least for some time. They are all
gone. The last one that left us was Gordon Kahn.
Mr. Stripling. Your eyes have really been opened. Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. They were open all the time. I always had my eyes open. I
don't mean to say that I didn't but I didn't realize what method they were using.
I always looke(i upon the Communists as overthrowing the Govermnent by
violence and force. 1 believe that is the very words that they state.
Mr. Stripling. I think that is all I have, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. AVakni-b. Let me see what else I may have here. There are many ways
of going against the capitalist system using one form or another, such as poking
* See appendix, p. 523, for Warner Exhibit No. 3, submitted in executive hearing, May 15.
1947, now designated as exhibit 11.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 51
fun at our political system. This seems to be the easiest way for writers to get
by us, and by the prodvu'tion heads. The rich man is their favorite choice.
Now, I have something on the back here. After this big strilve these people
were naturally of the opinion that we were sympathetic with them, which we
were to labor in general. Laborers were trying to live on $1>S a week in the de-
pression period and my brotlier and I deliberately raised the wage scale from
around ;">(» or 00 cents, wluitever it was, to 85 cents, and w^e were rather criti-
cizi^d by people around here. \\'hen the strike started they picked on us first,
thiidcing tliat we were with tliem. They instantly found out we were not with
them ; it was just to tlie contrary. When asked why they picked on Warner
Bros., they sairopagandists need no
aid from anyone. They are pretty clever. They know everything.
Mr. Thomas. Isn't it true there will be a rush of anti-Communist films?
Mr. WAKNEii. I don't think there will be a rush of them, but there are going
to be a few made because we are making one now,' I^p Until Now. We sent a
company to Boston to get proper locations. In making this type of film you have
to be certain you are portraying the events of the day. You can't say that you
are going to make Mission to jMoscow in 1947 because 1942 was an entirely
different story. Then they were our allies and when you are fighting your enemy
you go along with your allies until you win.
Yes ; I feel you have proven a point, in my opinion. Propagandawise they
contemplate many anti-Communist pictures and I don't believe there will be so
many made. The only one I know going right out to tell the story is the one we
are preparing. The rest of them are doing it in one form or another. I don't
say anyone will make any pro-Russian pictures, because that is ridiculous. They
will try to make good American stories. There have been some verj', very won-
derful sequences and American speeches made by the companies in the past. - I
don't think there is anyone who hasn't tried in one form or another to do that,
but every once in a while they will get this anticapitalistic propaganda, as I have
found it, and some of it may stick in the films. They have gotten things over
on me : I know they have.
Mr. Thomas. Have you any more questions?
Mr. Stripling. I have no more questions.
Mr. McDowell. I have none.
Mr. W^arneb. If you don't mind just a moment. Would you want this for the
record? You can use it as you wish. These are copies of Communist literature
distributed on our picket lines in the 1945 strike.
Mr. Thomas. We would like very much to have them.
Mr. Warner. We have books that high of evidence that Avent on in front of
the studio, but everybody knows about this.
Mr. Stripling. I will ask the reporter to mark those exhibits at this point in
the record.
(The leaflets referred to were marked "Warner's Exhibits 4, 5, and 0."*)
Mr. Warner. Screening pictures for subversive messages — that is the cardhial
point. We watch everything. One fellow came up and objected and found
fault with the destruction of the Indians and what not in order for the white
' See appendix, p. 523. for Warner Exhitiits N().s. 4, 5, and 6, introduced in executive
hearing, May 15, 1947, now designated as exliibits 12, 13, and 14.
52 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
men to builfl a railroad out West. Whether it i.s true or false I don't know. I
really don't know because I wasn't there. He said, "There is no reason why
we can't do that becjiuse it is in the school books. They have been writing
about it for almost 100 years and it is a fact." Then he recited a picture that
we made about the i-ailroad barons, or whatever you want to call them in the
East, a picture called Saratoga Trunk, directed by Sam Wood, a very tine man.
If you saw that film you will remember Gary Cooper and Ingrid Bergman. It
came out a couple of years ago. The men were trying to steal railroads from
one another. I don't Ivuow, they called them robber barons or s(»mething of that
nature. Tliey come back with those kinds of things, "You permitted it in Sara-
toga Truidv and you don't let it go here. That is the way I feel about it. This
is really not about Indians. It is really about the building of the West." They
have the routine of the Indians and the colored folks. That is always their
set-up.
Mr. Thomas. The committee appreciates your coming here, Mr. Warner. You
are doing a .splendid job. We only wish that it could be carried through into
some of the other companies. If at any time you have any ideas as to how
you can -rt'ork out the situation with the other producers in order to accomplish
just what you have been doing I think it would be helpful to the country. The
main thing I want to say right now is we certainly appreciate your coming here
today and giving us your cooperation. What you said has been very helpful to
the committee. This is off the record.
Mr. Warner. May I give you a couple of more things in case you want to use
them ■?
Mr. Thomas. Go right ahead.
Mr. Warner. It is t)ften difficult to prevent the hiring of certain people due to
the fact the majority of employees are hired through unions and through the
guilds, some of which are Communist-controlled. Also the discharging of sub-
versive employees is difficult because of union regulations. We have to do it
along seniority lines. One of the guilds was pretty pink and we had to close a
complete department in order to get rid of them The Story Analysts was the
name of it. We had to close the whole thing and do it in New York, which I did.
We established some time ago a unit to investigate these things and this type
of work in the studio.
Mr. Thomas. Is there anything in your testimony which you have given here
today that you are willing for us to give out to the press?
Mr. Warner. Let me tell you two more things, about the Bulletin which we
have here, and I would like to submit a photostatic copy of an open letter to
Jack Warner, dated October 23, 1945, printed in the New Masses.
Mr. Thomas. That will be the next exhibit.
(Theoi>en letter was marked "Warner's Exhibit No. 7.") i"
Mr. Matthews. We have some bulletins issued by the lATSE.
(The bulletins referred to dated November 2 and 13, 1945, were marked "War-
ner's Exhibits 8 and 9," respectively.) ^i
Mr. Thomas. Now, is there anything which you have given us that you would
like for us to say to the press?
Mr. Warner. There is one thing that is very important, something I would not
like to give to the press ; let's put it that way.
Mr. Thomas. What is that?
Mr. Warner. That is the whole routine on Mission to Moscow.
Mr. Thomas. That is the one thing you don't want to give to the press?
Mr. War.M':r. That is the one thing I don't want to give to the press because
that is like throwing the hananer and sickle up in front of you, and it all hap-
pened back in 1942.
Mr. Thomas. That is all.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Mr. Vail ?
Mr. Vail. I avouUI like to get one or two specific answers from
Mr. Warner.
Touching- again upon the association, you are a very responsible
executive in tlie motion-picture industry, Mr. Warner. You are thrown
'" Sec appendix, p. 52,S, for exhibit 15.
" See appondix, p. .523, for exhibits 16 and 17.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 53
into an association, in this organization, with other ex(^cutives of the
industry.
Now, we have touched ni)on the writers that were dismissed. But
we all liave knowledge of a large numher of actors who are generally
known to have connnunistic sympathies and are contributors to the
Connnunist war chest. It would seem to me that your organization
would recognize the fact that the American people are not interested
in viewing the pictures in wdiich actors appear who have communistic
leanings. It would seem to me that this organization should concern
itself with cleaning house in its own industry.
You pointed out what the organization was not organized for, but
you didn't touch upon the reason, the actual reason or reasons, for its
existence. I take it for granted that the reason is the betterment and
the improvement of the industry. I don't think that you can improve
the industry to any greater degree and in any better direction than
through the elimination of the writers and the actors to wdiom definite
communistic leanings can be traced.
Don't you agree to that, Mr. Warner?
Mr. Warnp^r. I agree to it personally, Mr. Congressman, but I
cannot agree as far as the association is concerned. I can't, for the
life of me, figure where men could get together and try in any form,
shape, or manner to deprive a man of a livelihood because of his
political beliefs.
It would be a conspiracy, the attorney tells me, and I know that
myself.
Mr. Vail, At this stage w^e have no law. There is a question as to
whether we shall have a law to illegalize (sic) communism. But we
have to recognize that the motion-picture industry is one of the chan-
nels through which is established the groundwork for the eventual
destruction by force, that you spoke of a little while ago.
Don't you think it is a job of the industry, then, to prevent the
insertion of the tentacles of the communistic ideology through your
industry?
Mr. Warner, Speaking as an individual American, with each man
in the industry having a responsibility, I feel like you do, I feel,
likewise, in the free press, the radio, and the theater to a degree more
or less, that everybody is very, very cognizant of the duty that they
are entrusted with, in the dissemination of the American way of life.
Speaking for myself, as I have testified many times here, I am
more than aware of it, and I do everything that is humanly possible
to eradicate it in every form, shape, or manner. That could be my
only answer. The producers' association has nothing to do with a
man's ability to earn a living, and so forth. We meet in common
purpose for the betterment of moral standards of our business — sort
of good public relations, I would call it.
Mr. Vail. Well, you recognize the fact that conmuniism is a very
definite threat to our Govennnent today?
Mr. Warner. I certainly do recognize it — a threat not only to the
United States but to many of the European and the far-eastern
countries.
Mr. Vail. Well, you recognize the fact, also, that the motion-picture
industry, ])aying high salaries to actors professing connnunism and
54 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
supportino; the Connnunist Party, is lending aid and sujiport to the
communistic effort ?
Mr. Warner. If you have that proof, undoubtedly that is what they
are doing. I don't know whether they are doing it or not.
Mr. Vail. I feel that you are much better informed than I am about
the situation out in Hollywood. I assume that while you may not
know, you probably have heard rumors — like all the rest of us have
heard rumors — that certain actors and actresses, as well as writers, are
substantial contributors to the Communist Party.
Mr. Warner. I have heard rumors. It is sort of common gossip,
for the want of something else to s])eak about.
Mr. Vail. Well, you have failed to act for lack of supporting proof.
Would you act if proof were supplied ?
Mr. Warner. We would act very effectively if we had the proof.
Mr. Vail. Thank you, Mr. Warner.
Mr. Warner. You are welcome.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chair:man. Mr. Nixon ?
Mr. NixoN. No questions.
The Ceiairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions.
The Chairman. The Chair would like to announce that it is going
to be the policy of the committee to go into session every morning at
10 : 30, to recess at V2 : 30, to reconvene at 2, and to adjourn at 4.
The witnesses scheduled for tomorrow — and we will have two more
witnesses this afternoon — will be, first, Mr.Adolphe Menjou; second,
Mr. Jack Moif itt ; and, third, Ayn Rand.
Mr. Warner, the committee desii'es to thank you A^ery much for
being here today and speaking so freely and for doing the excellent
job which you have done in your own studio in cleaning house.
Thank you.^^
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Chairman— — -
The Chairman. The meeting is adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 30, a recess was taken until 2 p. m.)
afternoon session
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Stripling. The first witness, Mr. Chairman, is Sam Wood.
The Chairman. Mv. Wood.
Mr. Wood, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth?
Mr. W^ooD. I do, sir.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF SAMUEL GROSVENOR WOOD
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Wood, will you please state your full name?
Mr. Wood. Samuel Grosvenor Wood.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
" See appendix, p. 524, for subpena of Jack L. Waruer, being exhibit 18.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 55
Mr. Wood. 1 am a motion-picture producer and director.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Wood. I was born in Pliikidelphia, Pa., 1883.
The Chairman. Excuse me, Mr. Stripling.
Haven't you an attorney?
Mr. Wood. No.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
]\Ir. Stripling. Do you desire an attorney?
Mr. Wood. No. I am certainly satisfied.
^Ir. Stripling. How long have you been associated with the motion
l)icture industry, Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. For over 30 years.
Mr. Stripling. What are the various positions that you have held
in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Wood. Pardon me?
Mr. Stripling. The various positions you have held. You have
been producer, director
]Mr. Wood. I w^as first assistant director for a year and a half and
then became a director ; then I produced and directed my own pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Would you name to the committee some of the films
which you have produced and directed in recent years ?
Mr. Wood. Well, Saratoga Trunk, Goodbye Mr. Chips, For Wliom
the Bell Tolls, Kitty Foyle, King's Row ; the last picture was Ivy, with
Joan Fontaine.
]VIr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Directors Guild?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Would you explain to the committee what the Screen
Directors Guild is?
Mr. Wood. Well, it is very similar to a union. I mean, we have
banded together to protect our rights and have a uniform front on
subjects that might come up with the executives or the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know how many members the Screen Direc-
tors Guild has?
Mr. Wood. I think we have two hundred and forty-some. I am not
sure of that, but I think that is it.
]\Ir. Stripling. Do you know whether or not the Screen Directors
Guild has ever been infiltrated by the Communists?
^Ir. Wood. They have tried.
Mr. Stripling. Will you tell the committee of the efforts that you
are aware of on the part of the Communists to infiltrate the Screen
Directors Guild?
Mr. Wood. There is a constant effort to get control of the guild. . In
fact, there is an effort to get control of all unions and guilds in Holly-
wood. I think our most serious time was when George Stevens was
president ; he went in the service and another gentleman took his place,
who died, and it was turned over to John Cromwell. Cromwell, with
the assistance of three or four others, tried hard to steer us into the
Red river, but we had a little too much weight for that.
jMr. Stripling. Will you mime the others?
Mr. Wood. Irving Pichel, Edward Dmytryk, Frank Tuttle, and — I
am sorry, there is another name there. I forget.
Mr. Stripling. If you think of it, will you give it for the record?
Mr. Wood. Yes.
56 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Wood, are you a ineniber of the Motion Picture
Alliance for tlie Preservation of American Ideals ?
Mr. W()(H). I am. I was the first president.
Mr. Stripling. Will you tell the connnittee the circumstances mider
which this organization was founded, and the rea.son why it was
founded?
Mr. Wood. Well, the reason was very simple. We organized in
self-defense. We felt that there was a definite effort by the Commu-
nist Party members, or Party travelers, to take over the unions and
the guilds of Hollywood, and if they had the unions and guilds con-
trolled, they would have the plum in tlieir lap and they would move
on to use it for Communist propaganda.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall the year that the alliance was estab-
lished ?
Mr. Wood. 1944.
Mr. Stripling. I. have here a copy of the statement of principles
of the guild.
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Without reading them into the record, could you
briefly outline to the committee the purposes? I will hand you this.
Mr. Wood. I am sorry, I don't have my glasses. I was going to
ask yon to read it for me.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Statement of I'rinciples
We believe in, and like, the American wny of life; the liberty and Iretnloni
which generations before us have fought to create and preserve; the freedom
to speak, to think, to live, to worship, to work, and to govern ourselves as indi-
viduals, as free men ; the right to succeed or fail as free men, according to the
measure of our ability and our sti'ength.
Believing in these things, we find ourselves in sharp revolt against a rising
tide of communism, fascism, and kindred beliefs, that seek by subversive means
to undermine and change this way of life; groiips that luive forfeited their right
to exist in this country of ours, because they seek to achieve their change by
means other than the vested -procedure of the ballot and to deny the right of the
ma.ioi'ity opinion of the people to rule.
In our special field of motion pictures, we resent the growing impression that
this industry is made up of, and dominated by, Communists, radicals, and
crackpots. We believe that we represent the vast majority of the people wh(v
serve this great medium of expression. But unfortunately it has been an unor-
ganized majority. This has been almost intnMtable. The very love of freedom,
of the rights of the individual, make this great majority reluctant to organize.
But now we must, or we shall meanly lose "the last, best hop;- on earth."
As Americans, we have no new plan to offer. We want no new plan, we want
only to defend against its enemies that which is our priceless heritage: that
freedom which has given man, in this country, the fullest life and the richest
expression the world has ever known: that system which, in the present emer-
gency, has fathered an effort that, more than any other single factor, will make
possible the winning of this war.
As members of the motion-picture industry, we must face and accept an espe-
cial responsibility. Motion pictui'cs are inescaiiably one of the world's greatest
forces for inllueucing public tlionght and opinion, iioth at home and abroad.
In this fact lies solemn obligation. We refuse to permit the effort of Com-
munist. Fascist, and other totalitarian-minded groups to pervert this iiowerful
medium into an instrument for the dissemination of un-American ideas and
beliefs. We pledge ourselves to fight, with every means at our organizxl com-
mand, any effort of any group or individual, to divert the loyalty of the screen
from the" free America that give it birth. And to dedicate our work, in the
fullest possible measure, to the presentation of the American scene, its standards
and its freedoms, its beliefs and its ideals, as we know them and believe in them.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 57
Mr. Wood, would you name some of the other individuals in Holly-
wood who were associated with you in the formation of this organi-
zation ?
Mr. Wood. Maurice Kiskin, Gary Cooper, Clark Gable, Bob Taylor,
Jim McGuinness, Howard Emmett Rogers, Ralph Clair, Ben Martinez,
Joe Touhy. Those last three men are labor leaders. When we first
incorporated, I think we had 50 to 100 people together to talk this
over, and then we decided to organize. It is difficult to remember all
the names. I don't know whether that is enough. Oh, there is Ginger
Rogers.
Mr. Stripling. Victor Fleming?
Mr. Wood. Victor Fleming. Clarence Brown.
Mr. Stripling. Rupert Hughes?
Mr. Wood. Rupert Hughes.
Mr. Stripling. They were people who were very prominent in the
industry?
Mr. Wood. Yes ; very prominent.
Mr. Stripling. The reason for forming this organization was to
combat the inroads that the Communists were making or attempting to
make within the industry ?
Mr. Wood. Both the Communists and the Fascists.
Mr. Stripling. Did your organization meet with any opposition?
Mr. Wood. Yes ; great deal of it.
Mr. Stripling. Would you describe for the committee the attack
that was made u]5on the organization and upon the individuals who
were instrumental in founding it?
Mr. Wood. Well, an organization was gotten together called the
Emergency Council of Hollywood Guilds and Unions over which
Emmett Lavery presided and back of the scenes was Herbert Sorrell.
Then there was an organization which jumped up called the Free
Word. Walter Wanger dug it up some place. I think it has quite
a background, if you want to look it up. Wanger's first attack was on
the basis of "We don't want any home-front Communists here." He
didn't mention any home-front Fascists. He called it "home-front
Fascists," but said nothing about "home-front Communists." The
other attacks were individual. We know of a number of people that
called up other people. It just depended on which method they
though would be the most effective. And they referred to us as anti-
Semitic, anti-labor, anti-Negro. Of course, always anti-labor when
they couldn't think of anything else.
Mr. Stripling. Isn't that the usual tactics of the Communist ?
Mr. Wood. To smear, yes. Smear and hide.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Wood, is it your opinion that the Communists
do exercise some degree of influence in the making and production of
motion pictures in Hollywood at the present time, or have in the past ?
Mr. Wood. Well, at the present time — of course, they are always
trying — but I think at the present time Hollywood is pretty well aware
of them and I think the thing is watched pretty closely. It has really
caused everyone to be a watch dog. They know pretty well. I think
it was inexperience that any material crept through. Now that they
are aware of it they kept a pretty good eye on them.
It isn't only what they get in the films, it is what they keep out. If
a story has a good point, that sells the American way of living, that
58 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
can be eliminated and you wouldn't miss it. If you picture some
official, or the banker, as a dirty "so and so," we can see that, and out
it jToes. Of course, they know me pretty well. In fact, I don't have
any of them around. I don't want them.
Mr. Stripling. You haven't had any trouble with any of the Com-
munists in your own productions?
Mr. Wood. No.
Mr. STRirLiNG. Why do you think that is ?
Mr. Wood. Because I don't have them. Don't want them.
Mr. STRirLiNG. Is that true of all the studios in the motion-picture
industry ?
Mr. Wood. I know the heads of most of the studios. I know Louis
Mayer, Mrs. Schenk, Eddie Manix, I know the Warners, Mr. Fried-
man, Mr. Ginsburg of Paramount, Mr. Yates of Republic. I could go
on down the line. I don't think any of them would willingly permit
propaganda, Communist propaganda, in their pictures. But it is im-
possible, utterly impossible for the heads of the studios to read the
number of scripts they would have to read. There is the danger. They
are always trying. So you have to be a watchdog.
Mr. Strttling. What group in the industry must be watched more
carefully than the rest ?
Mr. WojOd. The writers.
JNIr. Stripling. The writers ?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Is it your opinion that there are Communist writers
in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Wood. Oh, yes. It is not my opinion, I know positively there
are.
Mr. Stripling. Would j^ou care to name any that you know yourself
to be Communists?
Mr. Wood. Well, I don't think there is any question about Dalton
Trumbo; any .question about Donald Ogden Stevrart. The reporter
asked the question of a great many writers, "Are you a member of the
Communist Party," or "Are you a Communist?"
Mr. Stripling. Did they deny it?
Mr. Wood. They didn't answer it.
Mr. Stripling. Was John Howard Lawson one of those persons?
Mr. Wood. Oh, yes; he is active in every piece of Communist work
going on.
Mr. Stripling. Is there any question in your mind that John How-
ard Lawson is a Communist ?
Mr. Wood. If there is, then I haven't any mind.
I suppose there are 19 gentlemen back there that say I haven't.
Mr. Stripling. When did you first notice this effort on the part of
the Communists to enter Hollywood or to exert influence in the mo-
tion-picture industry?
Mr. Wood. Well, I think they really started working around 1030,
some, I forget the exact time. I think we were very conscious of it,
had been for some time, but like everyone else we probably hadn't done
anything, because it is quite an effort and you get quite smeared, and
a lot of people would like to duck that. It is fun to play bridge, for
instance, rather than to check on something like that. We felt it more,
I think, just previously to our organization in 1944.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 59
Mr. Stripling. That was the reason, in other words, that you formed
3'our organization, was to combat the increased activity on the part
of the Communists in the industry ?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir ; we felt there was a great danger, and it was in
the interest of self-defense of our business, because we felt a moral
responsibility for our business. It has been very kind to a lot of us,
and we want to protect it.
Mr. Striplincj. Now, Mr. Wood, would you give the committee some
of these examples in which the Communists have exerted influence in
the motion-picture industry? In other words, how do they go about
it, what is the mechanics of it?
Mr. Wood. There are a number of ways. I think the thing that is
very important, and the thing I was most anxious about, is the pride
of Americans in working. They are pretty subtle. For instance, a
man gets a key position in the studio and has charge of the writers.
Wlien you, as a director or a producer, are ready for a writer you ask
for a list and this man shows you a list. Well, if he is following the
party line his j^ets are on top or the other people aren't on at all. If
there is a particular man in there that has been opposing them they
will leave liis name off the list. Then if that man isn't employed for
about 2 months they go to the head of the studio and say, "Nobody
wants this man." The head is perfectly honest about it and says, '"No-
body wants to use him, let him go." So a good American is let out.
But it doesn't stop there. They point that out as an example and say,
"You better fall in line, play ball, or else." And they go down the
line on it.
Mr. StPvIplixg. That is true in the case of writers. Would you say
it is true in any other branch of the industry ?
Mr. Wood. I don't think, in any part of the business, they will use
a party who is opposed to their ideas, if they can avoid it, and they can
usually avoid it.
Mr. Stripling. They opei'ate as cliques, in other words?
Mr. Wood. Oh, yes; they have their nleetings every night. They
ai'e together ; they work for one purpose.
Mr. Stripling. What is that purpose, Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. Well, I think they are agents of a foreign country myself.
Mr. Stripling. I see.
The CiLviRMAN. Would you say that these persons you named here
today were agents of a foreign country?
Mr. Wood. I think anyone following the party line, I think this
particular party line, are agents of a foreign country. I think they
are directed from a foreign country.
It isn't exactly fair to have my back to that gang out there.
Mr. Stripling. jNIr. Wood, from time to time have pictures been
produced by Hollywood which portray what we might call the sordid
side of American life? Are 3'ou familiar with any pictures of that
kind ?
Mr. Wood. Well, I think there are all sides of life and I think they
should be photographed. I would like to say that I think one of the
great dangers to this business would be censorship because those
people are so Avell organized that they would like to have censorship
because then they would get their stooges in the position of censoring
and then Avould have it in their pocket. And as far as the sordid side
60 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
is concerned, I think 3^011 should tell all things in pictures. I think
that if a story has a good point to it — I mean, Grapes of Wrath —
things happen in America and I think we should show it.
Mr. SxiaPLiNG. I believe Mr. Johnston, when he aj^peared before
the committee, made some mention of Russia's desire to obtain cer-
tain pictures which might portray the worst side of the United States.
Do you know of any pictures that they have endeavored to obtain
to show in Russia ^
Mr. Wood. I don't know as they would be anxious to show" that pic-
ture, because, after all, as poor as they were, they did have a piece
of ground, and they did have an automobile, and they are at liberty
to get the automobile and travel across the country.
Mr. Stripling. Speaking of Grapes of Wrath?
Mr. Wood. Yes; I don't think he would be anxious to show that.
He might have started it, but I think they would take it off if they
did.
Mr. Stkiplixg. Now, Mr. Wood, since so many Americans attend
the motion pictures every week, you are certainly aware of the tre-
mendous propaganda vehicle it affords. Do you feel that the Com-
munists have succeeded in putting in pictures scenes which — or leav-
ing scenes out of pictures — which indirectly attack our system of
government ?
Mr. Wood. Well, unquestionably they are always trying. It is very
difficult for the American people to understand what you mean b}^
Cf)mnuinist projjaganda in pictures. You might refer to some pic-
ture, something is mentioned, and they say, "That is ridiculous, there
is no propaganda there,'' because they are looking for some howl for
Stalin or showing the Russian way of life. But they dcm't show that.
They have nothing to sell. All they want to do is try to unsell
America.
Mr. Stripling. That can be done just as effectively by leaving
stuff out of pictures as by putting it in?
Mr. W(H)D. Yes: they don'f want to show the American way of life.
Mr. Stripling. These groups or cliques that you have referred to
in the motion-picture industry, are they a source of financial assist-
ance to the Community Party in California?
Mr. Wood. Very substantial. For example, at the rally which
Katherine Kepburn attended, they raised $87,000 — and you know
that didn't go to the Boy Scouts.
Mr. Stripling. Where do you think it went ?
Mr. Wood. AVe will see the results of it. Recently they had a rally
for these 19 guests of yours and they raised $10,000. They dig the
money up, or else.
Mr. S'liupLiNG. Were you ever approached by any Govermnent
representative, Mr. Wood, regarding the making of a film dealing
with the Congress of the United States?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Would you tell the connnittee the circumstances
of that ?
Mr. Wood. I got a phone call from Sam Spivak in New York,
1 think he was, or Washington, saying there was a very important
picture they wanted made, and particularly wanted me to make it,
because it had to be so aiul so. I was delighted to make anvthing that
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 61
\vt)ul(l help the war effort. I said all right. They said the gentle-
man wonld be out tomorrow. The next day I got a call from Lowell
Mellett. I met him at the Brown Derby in Beverly Hills and he had
with him a man named Pointer. They told me they wanted to make
a short showing Congress enacting a law. It was a little strange to
me, because I couldn't figure how that was going to help the war
effort.
The Chairman. I didn't get the name of the picture.
Mr. Wood. A short showing the Congress enacting a law. And
when they told me what the subject was, I said, I was a little sur-
prised and then they immediately started to refer to "Joe" — different
Members of the Congress, referred to them by their first names.
They were a little amused about the gentleman "Joe." In the mean-
time I thought it over and I said, "How is that going to help the war
effort.^" and they looked at me a little strangely, and in a few minutes
the thing was over, and I didn't hear any more of it. So maybe I
spoke too quickly.
Mr. Stripling. Did you gain the impression that they thought it
ridiculed Congress?
Mr. Wood. I had an idea from the conversation that they didn't
think highly of them.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether Mr. Mellett was a representa-
tive then of the Motion F'icture Section of the Office of War Infor-
mation ?
Mr. WoDD. I don't know positively. I presume he was. Spivak
told me these gentlemen were coming out and I presume they were
conducted with them.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether or not in the
past there have been efforts to discredit certain institutions of the
American Government by constantly referring to the Members of
Congress as being crooks, and so forth, in the pictures ?
Mr. Wood. I think there has been an effort. Of course, if you go
back in pictures you will find frequently the banker or the man in
l>ublic life, the doctor, any one of them would be the heavy in the
picture. I think it is particularly bad if that is constantly shown,
every night you go to the pictures you see a dishonest banker, or
Senator, you begin to think that the whole system is wrong. That is
the way they work on it. They figure if you can break down or
destroy the confidence of the people in the Government, or the gentle-
men who are executing it, then it is a very simple thing to have a new-
idea for them — and, believe me, they have got one for you, too.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions at this time.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood, do you have any questions?
Mr. John S. Wood. Mr. Wood', how many people are members of
the Writers Guild?
Mr. Wood. I think, sir. about eleven or twelve hundred members.
Mr. John S. Wood. This other organization; what was that?
Mr. Wood. Motion Picture Alliance?
Mr. John S. Wood. Yes. How many members are there of that?
Mr. Wood. Well, we have probably 1.100 members, but then we have
tlie heads of labor and they control a great many votes. We have a
lot of people, thousands more of people, who are indirectly interested
with us through other associations.
67683—47 5
62 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, John S. Wood. What percentage of the membership of those
organizations would you say now follow the Communist line?
Mr. Wood. I think you misunderstood. I said that the Motion Pic-
ture Writers Guild was controlled by the Communists but they are a
very small portion of them.
Mr. John S. Wood. How do they control it ?
Mr. Wood. Well, sir, how do they control labor? After all, there
are a lot of ways they do it. They call a meeting, they start argu-
ments, it gets to be around 12 o'clock and they are still going, the peo-
ple go home, and then they pass what they want to pass. They have
got that down pretty cleverly. Of course, they like to put up people
who are not members of the Communist Party. It is much more
favorable to them to have a man who is a good Catholic, for instance,
stand up and say, "I am not a Communist," but he is talking for them.
Mr. John S. Wood. You say you have been in the producing. busi-
ness how long ?
Mr. Wood. I have been in the motion-picture directing and produc-
ing end for over 30 years.
Mr. John S. Wood. During that time you directed pictures for
various studios ?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; I started in with Paramount and then went
to Metro. I think I was with those two for 20 years. Then I went
on my own. I mean, I didn't go directly to that. I have made pic-
tures— if I liked the story I have made a picture. For instance, I
wanted to get Gary Cooper for For Whom the Bell Tolls and (xold-
wyn would only let me have him if I made Lou Gehrig. But I have
been producing my own pictures for the last o or 4 years.
Mr. John S. Wood. I would like to have your opinion as to the views
on communism or other subversive influences embraced by any re-
sponsible studio head or producer for whom you have worked or
by whom you have been employed.
JSIr. Wood. I have never come in contact with any heads of any
studios that were Communist inclined or favored it or weren't willing
to tight against it. For instance, in our own country we weren't very
conscious of it until very recently. I think now you can depend on
them. They will take as strong action as the Government or we will
take with them. I am positive of that, of the men I know.
Mr. John S. Wood. I believe that is all.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Wood, you have indicated that the organization
which you have described believes that it is essential for Hollywood
to direct its attack against both the Fascists on the one side and the
Communists on the other?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. And you have indicated that when your organization
was formed there were certain elements in Hollywood which leveled
some pretty severe attacks upon your organization and that those at-
tacks were limited to that part of your program that had to do with
anti-Connnunist activities?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. None of them referred to us as Communists
at all. It was sort of a mouth-to-mouth thing. They would call up.
For instance, Jewish members, they oven called them anti-Semitic.
Labor people were antilabor. It didn't make any difference. But
they kept it up. You can't stop that.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 63'
Mr. Nixon. The grounds which generally have been given by those
who dislike any criticism of Hollywood following, an anti-Communist
line, shall we say, or any criticism of the pictures which have, shall
we say, been pro-Comnuuiist, is that they do not feel tliat propaganda
and tiie motion pictures should be controlled and they do not feel that
it should be used for the purpose of attacking any way of thinking.
You, of course, have heard of the control arguments which have been
used time and time again.
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; I saw a copy of that meeting.
Mr. Nixox. This group obviously, therefore, has said we don't want
to see any investigations of Communist activities in Hollywood, we
don't want to see any pictures which are anti -Communist, or any in-
fluence exerted to make anti-Communist pictures, because if that is
the case we would be leveling an attack upon the right of people to
believe anything they want in the United States and to say it openly.
But by the same token have any members of those groups ever criticized
3'ou, or to your knowledge have they ever criticized any segment of
the industry for the pictures which Hollywood has made in which
Hollywood has leveled a devastating attack on the totalitarian form
of government ?
j\Ir. Wood. Well, that is a long question. Do 3'ou want me to take
it by sections ?
Mr. Nixox. Have you any knowledge that this group that leveled
attacks upon your organization, have they ever criticized you, or to
your knowledge have they ever criticized the industry generally, be-
cause the industry has made in the past pictures which attacked the
Nazi and Fascist totalitarian governments?
]\rr. Wood. Of course, they made no attacks during the time Hitler
and Stalin were together: they welcomed that. Previous to that
Hitler and Mussolini were both their enemies. As soon as Hitler
and Stalin got together, then the whole thing was changed. It wasn't
in the interest of America or in the interest of anything in particular
but Stalin. That was their main idea.
]Mr. Nixox. So far as this group is concerned, it is "thought con-
trol'' whenever the motion-picture industry might make an anti-
Communist film: but it isn't "thought control" if they were to make
an anti-Fascist or anti-Nazi film? In other words, they welcome the
first but oppose the latter?
Mr. Wood. If you would read the review of that meeting of the
"thought conference" held at Beverly Hills Hotel you would know
exactly what was in their mind. It is only one thing. It is not
America. As far as investigation is concerned, we would welcome an
investigation. Our books are open to you at any time.
]Mr. Nixox. You have indicated that the main success of those who
follow the Communist line in Hollywood has not been in what they
have been able to get into i)ictures but what they have been able to
get out ?
Mr. AVooD. I think they are both dangerous, but I think what they
keep out is doubly dangerous. You wouldn't notice that. If the
script is accepted, you don't check back. I do. I generally go back
over the book and try to check to see if anything important was left
out. But if they don't check back, they leave things out that puts
this country and our way of living in a favorable light.
64 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Nixon. In addition, they might also be interested in keeping
out of the fihiis anything that ^vas derogatory of the Communist
system of Government?
Mr. Wood. Oh, my heavens, yes ; oh, yes.
Mr. Nixon. But they would have no interest in keeping out of the
film anything that was derogatory of a Fascist or the Nazi system of
government ; that is true ?
Mr. Wood. Pardon me. I didn't get that.
Mr. Nixon. They wouldn't be interested in keeping out of the film
anything derogatory of nazism or fascism?
Mr. Wood. No,
Mr. Nixon. Which illustrates the point I was trying to make in
a rather lengthy way — that their interest is only when it comes to
keeping anti-Communist things out of a picture.
Mr. Wood. You see, if I may offer something there, these new names
of fronts ai'e used. They start a front, and they milk it. Where the
money goes, you don't know. They come out and say they have a
Greek relief. Everybody wants to give to the Greek relief. Checking
into it, it is found it has gone to the guerrillas. Half of the people that
give money — people feel they want to conti'ibute to a good cause — they
don't know the purpose for which the money is given; they don't know
where the money goes. These organizations take one and milk it and
start a new one. Sometimes they overlap and one is carried on over
the other.
Mr. NixoN. If Hollywood were to make a picture pointing out the
methods used — a factual picture pointing out the methods used and
which have been used in Europe and are used at the present time by
the ConuTiunists in taking over various governments now behind the
iron curtain, a picture similar to those made about the Nazis before
World War II, would you anticipate serious opposition from this
group ?
Mr. Wood. They would try every possible way to stop it, of course.
Mr. NixoN. Is that one of the reasons such pictures have not been
made in the past ?
Mr. Wood. No; I don't think so. I think at the present time the
studio heads rather feel that anything having: to do with war at the
present time is not a good subject. I don't think anyone would hesi-
tate to make it if there were a good story presented.
Mr. NixoN. To get clearly your attitude — because I think it is im-
portant that we draw the lines pretty clearly — from what you have
indicated you believe that no control — or shall we say criticism —
should be "directed toward Hollywood for making pictures like the
ones Mr. Stripling described, which may point out the sordid side of
life in the United States?
Mr. Wood. I think it would be a great mistake to have that censor-
ship. It might rectify something that is wrong with our system.
Mr. Nixon. As a matter of fact, isn't it true that there are many
pictures which point out the weak features of our own American sys-
tem which have been made by people whose loyalty, insofar as com-
munism is concerned, is absolutely unquestioned? In other words,
peoi)le' who are anti-Communist have made, and will continue to make,
pictures which point uj) weaknesses in our American system?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; if it is a good subject, they make it.
Mr. Nixon. You believe it is essential to maintain that privilege?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 65
Mr. W( »()!). Yes, sir ; I do. It is very important. I think we should
have freedom to make the thini^s that are important. There may be
something- that you want to show, and it is important that it be shown
to the ])ublic.
Mr. Nixox. Then your objection is simply that you believe it is
essential that the knife cut both ways — that pictures can be made
pointing out the true state of conditions in the United States —
pictures can be made pointing out the good features of our system
of government and our economic system, as well as the bad ; but what
you object to is the line which is followed by some of the people in
Hollywood who are interested only in pointing up that side which
will promote eventually the changing of our system of government
and setting up in its place a Communist system of government?
Mr. AVooD. Very definitely; yes; I agree.
Mr. Nixox. What is involved is that those who follow the Com-
munist line in Hollywood believe in a free screen and a free press
and free speech only for the purpose of pointing up and advocating
their own political ideas and the system of government which they
would like to set up in the United States?
Mr. Wood. Yes, sir; the only reason they support that idea is to
tear us down. That is all.
The CiTAiRMAX. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I have no questions to ask Mr.
Wood, but I would like to commend this gentleman for the w^ork that
he is doing out there, for the vigorous energy that he has piled into
this work, and remind you with a great deal of pride that Mr. Wood
is a Pennsylvanian and has exhibited here some very rugged Pennsyl-
vanian characteristics.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. ]Mr. AVood, I have been much interested in your state-
ment to the eft'ect that you have neither writers nor actors on your
pay roll having Communist tendencies.
Mr. AVooD. Yes. sir.
Mr. A^AiL. I take it you heard the testimony of Mr. Warner this
morning?
Mr. AA^ooD. Yes, sir.
Mr. Vail. If so, you heard Mr. Warner say he has certain scruples
against releasing individuals from his pay roll for such tendencies
because of the danger of depriving them of their livelihood.
Mr. AA'' months.
The Chairman. Mr. Mayer, these hearings haven't anything to do
with the promptness, have they?
Mr. May'i:r. No, no; it is just out now, called Vespers in Vienna.
The script is about ready. The original title was The Red Danube.
The Book of the Month Club wanted the other title, and so we agreed
with the author that the publisher use the other title "Vespers in
Vienna." It takes several months to lick a big book like that, but it
is almost ready to start production.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Mayer, are you fainiiiai- with tlie picture Ten-
nessee Johnson ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. sir; we made it.
Mr. Smith. Do you recall at the time you made it, or just before,
did you receive any protests from any individuals in the studio against
making the picture?
Mr. Mayer. There was quite a lot of confusion about that picture,
and I think I yelled as loud as anybody about some scenes which I
didn't think were good.
Mr. Smith. Why w^as that ?
yir. Mayer. AVell. because I didn't believe it.
Mr. Smith. Did you receive a protest from any individuals, do you
recall?
Mr. Mayer. I don't recall, Mr. Smith. If you will remind me, I
will be glad to tell you.
Mr, Smith. That is all the questions at this time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 77
Mr. McDowEi.L. What was the name of this picture yon are talking
about ?
Mr. Mayer. Tennessee Johnson.
The CiiAiK]\rAN. Is tliat all tlie (juestions you have at this time?
Mr. SMrrii. It is; yes, sir.
The C^HAiRMAx. ]\Ir. Wotxl.
Mr. AVooi). Since you have been in the production business, Mr.
ISIaj^er, ai)proximately how many pictures have you made?
Mr. Mayeh. About" 1,200. ])]-ol)"ably.
Mr. Wood. AVhat criticism, if any, has there been from the public
or the j)ress oi' the (lovernment leveled against any of them that you
have made?
Mr. Mayer. Well. Mr. C'onoressman, we have always received great
approbation, until this tiling s-tarted, about this picture Song of
Russia.
Mr. Wool). Well, about the time that you made Song of Russia — by
the way, at that time we w^ere engaged in a war in which Russia was
one of our allies, is that correct ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir.
Mr. Wood. Perhaps that is one of the reasons that the committee
wanted to hear from you. with reference to the underlying reasons
that prompted the production of that particular picture. Can you
give us any more enlightenment on that ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. As I told you, we made Joe Smith, the American,
which was an incentive to war workers. Then we made one that the
(Tovermnent was terribly anxious to have made, those who used to come
and visit us, to show the industrial strength of America. We called
that picture American Romance, in technicolor. It showed an immi-
grant, coming from Sweden, getting b}^ the Statue of Liberty. And
through Ellis Island, he walks out to Minnesota, to the iron mines,
where he had some relations — walking across the country, getting a
ride here and there. He became a Henry Ford under our system,
Avhicli makes that possible. He became a great industrialist.
Mr. Wood. That was the American
Mr. Mayer. American Romance, in technicolor.
Mr. W(h;d. Mr. Mayer, I believe buck in May of this year you made
a talk before tlie Ne\vsi)aper Advertising Executives Association, in
San Francisco; is that right?
Mr. Mayer. Yes. sir.
Mr. Wood. About the Tth of May, was it ?
Mr. Mayer. Yes, sir; I think it was.
Mr. AVooD. I find in the Congressional
Mr. Mayer. July 7.
Mr. Wood. I find in the Congressional Record, under date of July
1;") of this year, an iiisei-tion in tlie Congressional Record by Hon. Gor-
d to be exact.
Mr. Stripling. In Hollywood?
Miss Rand. Yes.
Mr. Strii>ling. Would you give the committee a break-down of your
summary of the picture relating to either propaganda or an untruthful
account or distorted account of conditions in Russia?
]\Iiss Rand. Yes.
First of all I would like to define what we mean by propaganda.
We have all been talking about it, but nobody
Mr. Stripling. Could you talk into the microphone ?
Miss Rand. Can you hear me now ?
Nobody has stated just what they mean by propaganda. Now, I
use the term to mean that Communist propaganda is anything which
gives a good impression of communism as a way of life. Anything
that sells peo})le the idea that life in Russia is good and that people
are free and happy would be Communist propaganda. Am I not
correct ? I mean, would that be a fair statement to make — that that
would be Communist propaganda?
/■""T^ow, here is what the picture Song of Russia contains. It starts
/ with an American conductor, played by Robert Taylor, giving a con-
j cert in America for Russian war relief. He starts playing the Amer-
ican national anthem and the national anthem dissolves into a Russian
mob, with the sickle and hammer on a I'ed flag very prominent above
their heads. I am sorry, but that made me sick. That is something
which I do not see how native Americans permit, and I am only a
naturalized Amei'ican. That was a terrible touch of propaganda. As
a writer, I can tell you just exactly what it suggests to the people.
It suggests literally and technically that it is quite all right for the
American national anthem to dissolve into the Soviet. The term here
is more than just technical. It really was symbolically intended,
and it worked out that way. The anthem continues, played by a
Soviet band. That is the beginning of the picture.
Now we go to the pleasant love story. Mr. Taylor is an American
who came there apparently voluntarily to conduct concerts for the
Soviet. He meets a little Russian girl from a village who comes to
him and begs him to go to her village to direct concerts there. There
are no GPU agents and nobody stops her. She just comes to Moscow
and meets hifn. He falls for her and decides he will go, because he is
falling in love. He asks her to show him Moscow. She says she has
never seen it. He says, "I will show it to you."
They see it together. The i)icture then goes into a scene of Moscow,
supposedly. I don't know where the studio got its shots, but I have
never seen anything like it in Russia. First you see JNIoscoav build-
ings— big, prosperous-looking, clean buildings, with something like
84 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
swans ov sailboats in the foreground. Then you see a Moscow res-
taurant that just never existed there. In my time, when I was in
Russia, there was only one such restaurant, which was nowhere as
luxurious as that and no one could enter it except commissars and
l)rofiteers. Certainly a ^irl from a villapy.
88 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
If you doubt this, I will just ask you one question. Visualize a pic-
ture in your own mind as laid in Nazi Germany. If anybody laid
a plot just based on a pleasant little romance in Germany and played
AVa^ner music and said that people are just happy there, would you
say that that was propa^randa or not, when you know what life in
Germany was and what kind of concentration camps tliey had there.
You would not dare to put just a happy love story into Germany, and
for every one of the same reas(ms you should not do it about Russia.
ISIr. Stripling. That is all I have, Mr. Chairuuin.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. I a., February 18, 1890.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in the motion-picture in-
dustry ?
Mr. Menjou. Thirty-four years.
Mr. Stripling. And how long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Menjou. Twenty-seven years.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, were you in the First World War?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. In the armed services?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir. I served abroad for 2 years. I was in the
Army 3 years. 1 year in America. I served in Italy, with the
Italian Army, being attached to the Italian Army: attached to the
French Army; and with the Fifth Division until the surrendei- on
November 11, 1918.
Mr. Stripling. Were you in World War II t
Mr. Menjou. I served 6 months with the U. S. Camp Shows, Inc.,
entertaining troops — for 4 months in England, 2 months in North
Africa, Sicily, Tunisia, Algeria, Morrocco. Brazil, and the Caribbean.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou. have you made a study of the subject
of communism, the activities of the Communists, in anv j)articular
field in the United States?
Mr. Menjoit. I have. I have made a more particular study of Marx-
ism, Fabian socialism, communism, Stalinism, and its jjrobable effects
on the American people, if they ever gain power here.
Mr. Stripling. Based upon your stucfy, have you observed any
Communist activity in the motion-picture industry or in Hollywood,
as we commonly refer to it ^
Mr. Menjott. I Avould like to get the terminologies completely
straight. Connnunistir activities — I would rather phrase it un-
American or subversive, antifi'ee enteri)rifse. anticapitalistic. I have
seen — pai'don me.
Mr. Stripling. Have you observed any Connnunist propaganda in
pictures, or un-American j)roi)aganda in pictures which were pro-
duced in Hollywood?
Mr. Menjoit. I have seen no connnunistic pro])aganda in ])ictures —
if you mean ""vote for Stalin," or that type of connnunistic propa-
ganda. I don't think that tlie Communists are stupid enough to try
it that way. I have seen in certain pictures things I didn't think
should have been in the pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell the connnittee whether or !U)t there
has been an effort on the part of any particular group in the motion-
picture industry to inject Cimmuinist propaganda into pictures or
to leave out scenes oi- parts of stories which would serve the Com-
mnnist Party line?
Mr. Menjou. I don't like that term "Connnunist ])ropaganihi,""
because I have seen no such tiling as Connnunist pro})agan(hi. sucli
as waving (he liannner and sickle in motion pictures. I have seen
things that I thought were against what I considered good American-
ism, in my feeling. I have seen pictures I thought shouldn't have
been made — shouldn't have been made, let me ])ut it that way.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 93
Tlie Chairman. May I interrupt just a minute. I want the record
to show that Mr. AVood is here. We now have a quorum of the full
connnittee.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, do you have any particular pictures
in mind
Mr. Menjou. Well
Mr. SxRirLiNG. When j^ou make that statement?
Mr. Menjou. AA'ell, 1 wonder if I could preface it by a short
statement ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes, if you please.
Mr. Menjou. I am not here to smear. I am here to defend the
industry, that I have spent the greater part of my life in. I am here
to defend the producers and the motion-picture industry.
Now, you wanted me to name a picture ?
The Chairman. May I interrupt before you name a picture?
Mr. Menjou. I am sorry.
The Chairman. I want to say that the committee is, also, not here
to smear the industry or to smear people working in the industry.
Tlie committee wants to get the facts, and only the facts. We are
going toliear both sides of all of these questions. We want to make
it very clear that the committee is not out to censor the screen.
Proceed, Mr. Menjou.
Mr. Menjou. Will you repeat the question, please?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Well, we will approach it this way. We have
had testimony here to the effect that writers who were members of
the Screen Writers Guild have attempted to inject un-American propa-
ganda into motion pictures. Are you aware that that is the case,
or has been the case, in Hollj'wood at any time?
]\Ir. Menjou. I don't think that I am competent to answer that
question. I am a member of the Screen Actors Guild, and I think a
member of the Screen Writers Guild would be far more competent
to answer that. If you want to ask me if I know of any un-American
propaganda in any pictures that I appeared, I wall be glad to give
you my thoughts.
Mr. Stripling. Will j^ou give an example?
Mr. Menjou. I don't think the picture Mission to Moscow should
have been made. It was a perfectly completely dishonest picture.
If it was to have been an adaptation, of the book by Mr. Davies it
should have included the entire story in Moscow, including the Mos-
cow trials where Mr. Davies was a witness and over wdiich Mr. Vishin-
sky presided. That was not in the picture. Therefore, I consider
that a completely dishonest picture and distortion of the adaptation
of the book.
I also do not think that the jjicture North Star was a true picture,
from what I have been able to learn after reading over 150 books on
the subject. This was a picture showing the German attack on the
Russians and certain parts of it were not true. It has been quite
some time ago since I saw the picture. I thought that picture would
have been better unmade. Fortunately, those pictures were unsuc-
cessful.
Mr. Stripling. As a generality, would you say that the more enter-
taining the picture is, the better opportunit}'^ there might be to put
across propaganda ?
67683—47 7
94 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Menjou. Yes. The better the entertainment the more dan-
gerous the propaganda becomes, once it is injected into the picture.
Mr. Striplin(}. Do you know of any anti-Communist pictures that
are being prcxUiced in Hollywood at the present time?
Mr. Menjou. No, sir; I do not. And I would like to see one. I
think the pi-oducers of anti-Fascist pictures should turn around and
make an anti-Communist i)icture. I believe it would be an enormous
success, if it were made.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. JNIenjou, if a picture is produced, as for example
Mission to Moscow, which gives a false portrayal or which has propa-
ganda in it, who do you hold responsible in your own mind as a veteran
actor in the motion-picture industry^
Mr. Menjou. Well, I believe that the manufacturer of any product
is responsible in the end for the quality of his product.
Mr. Stripling. In other words, the producers would be held respon-
sible?
Mr. Menjou. They should be.
Mr. Stripling. Wliat do you think could be done to correct that '.
Mr. Menjou. I think a great deal already has been done. The
eternal vigilance of the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation
of American Ideals, by its vigilance, has prevented an enormous
amount of sly, subtle, un-American class-struggle propaganda from
going into pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider that the alliance is doing a good
job ; that is, has been doing a good job i
Mr. Menjou. I think they have done a magnificent job, and I am
very proud to be a member of the board of directors.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Actors Guild '.
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir ; I am.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever noticed any effort on the part of
Communist individuals to gain influence in the Screen Actors Guild i
]Mr. ^Ienjou. I don't know any members of the Screen Actors Guild
who are members of the Commimist Party. I have never seen their
cards. I am a firm believer that the Communist Party in the United
States is a direct branch of the Comintern — which, in my opinion,
has never been dissolved — direct from Moscow. It is an oriental
tyranny, a Kremlin-dominated conspiracy, and it is against the inter-
ests of the people to admit that they are Communists. Very few
admit it.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have your very definite suspicions about
some members of the Screen Actors Guild f
Mr. Menjou. I know a great many people who act an awful lot like
Communists.
Mr. Stripling. As an actor, Mr. Menjou, could you tell the commit-
tee whether or not an actor in a picture could portray a scene which
would in effect serve as propaganda for communism or any other
un-American purpose ?
Mr. Menjou. Oh, yes. I believe that under certain circumstances
a communistic director, a communistic writer, or a communistic actor,
even if he were under orders from the head of the studio not to inject
communism or un-Amercanism or subversion into pictures, could easily
subvert that order, under the proper circumstances, by a look, by an
inflection, by a change in the voice. I think it could be easily done.
I have never seen it done, but I think it could be done.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 95
Mr. Stripling. You don't know of any examples?
Mr. Menjou. I cannot think of one at the moment, no, sir.
Mr. Stripling, Do you know Mr. John Cromwell ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He was identified before the committee yesterday
by Mr. Sam Wood as being one who sought to put the Screen Directors
Guild into the Red river. Do j^ou consider Mi'. Cromwell to be a
Communist?
Mr. Menjou. I don't know whether he is a Communist or not.
Mr. Stripling. Does he act like one ?
Mr. Menjou. In my opinion, he acts an awful lot like one.
Mr. Stripling. Did he ever make any statement to you relative to-
his
Mr. IVIenjou. Mr. Cromwell, in his own house, said to me that cap-
italism in America was through and I would see the day when it was
ended in America. A very strange statement from a man who earns
upward of $250,000 a year, who owns a great deal of Los Angeles and
Hollyv\'ood real estate. It is rather difficult to reconcile that. He is
profiting by the capitalistic system, and yet he is against it. He told
me so with his own lips.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know Mr. Herbert K. Sorrell ?
Mr. Menjou. I do not know Mr. Sorrell.
]Mr. Stripling. Do you know who he is, however?
Mr. Menjou. I know who he is.
Mr. Stripling. Will you identify him for the committee?
Mr. Menjou. Mr. Sorrell, I believe, is head of the painters' union.
I think he is also the head of the Conference of Studio Unions.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, what have been your observations re-
garding Communist activity in Hollywood in the past 10 years ? We
received testimony yesterday that their activity increased after 1936.
Mr. Menjou. Well, I became very much interested as to what
socialism was during the last war, when I was stationed in the birth-
place of Karl iNlarx with the Fifth Division. It interested me greatlj-.
I did a considerable amoiuit cf reading. I tried to wade through D.is
Kapital. It was a very difficult job. I read the Max Eastman con-
densation of it. When I got to California later, we heard very, very
little about it. Socialism at that time was spoken of. It liad very
few followers in this country. About 1932 or 1933, when the Russiaii
question began to loom in the picture, with the mass starvations of
the poor Russian peasants because they would not conform to the
demands of ]\Ir. Stalin^ — why, they shocked the world witli the testi-
mony of some of the witnesses.
Then, later on, identified by various committees, groups began to
be formed, which have been labeled, and I think documented, as being
communistic front organizations. I particularly refer to the Inde-
pendent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.
This was labeled a Communist front organization. I understand
that at a meeting of the board of directors it refused to make an anti-
Communist statement, that the}^ were anti-Communist, whereupon
there were wholesale desertions. One of the first was the president,
Mr. James Roosevelt. He left the thing just prior to the elections.
Then there were many, many other people who left. Those peoplei
who still remained in it, in my opinion, would be pro-Connnunist.
96 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I do not Tinderstand any other reason for a person belonging to an
organization in whicii he knew Connnunists were in and w^ere dom-
inating.
Tlien the PCA was formed. It also refused to come out with an
anti-Communist platform, whereupon the ADA, the Americans for
Democratic Action, was formed. 1 believe by jStrs. Roosevelt, Leon
Henderson, Melvin Douglas, and some other ijeople. They do not
j^ermit Communists in their organization, I understand.
I wonder if I can help you any more.
Mr. SxiarLTNG. Yes. Now, these various front organizations, which
have sprung up in Hollywood
Mr. Menjou. There is the American Youth for Democracy, which
is the new name for the Young Communist League.
I am not an expert on the organizations here in America, although
I have a list of names here which I have gathered and will be glad to
produce.
Mr. Stripling. Let me ask you this: The committee has evidence
that there have been numerable Communist front organizations mush-
room in Hollywood. We received testimony yesterday from Mr.
Wood to the effect that they set up an organization, and after they
milk it dry they form another one. In the Screen Actors Guild, have
there ever been any resolutions offered by any of the members which
had as their purpose to aid these front organizations ?
Mr. Menjou. I was one of the founders of the Screen Actors Guild.
I think my number is among the first 50. I served for many years
on its board, but I have not been active in any of the board of directors'
meetings for some 7, 8, or 9 years, so I couldn't make a statement on
that. I couldn't answ^er that question.
Mr. Stripling. Well, let me ask you this
Mr. Menjou. I think a member of the board of directors would be
far more capable of answering that question than myself.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Mr. Chairman, we will have officials of the
Screen Actors Guild before the committee later in the week.
As a student of communism, did you note an increased alliance with
the Communists in Hollywood during the period of the w^ar emer-
gency, when we had a military allied relationship with the Soviet
Union ?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I spent practically 7 months out of every year
after Pearl Harbor away, and I was not in Hollywood most of that
time. I find it rather difficult to answer that question. Maybe you
could rephrase it and I could answer it. I w^as
Mr. Stripling. Would you say that Communist activity increased?
Mr. Menjou. Oh, yes.
Mr. Stripling. In Hollywood after Pearl Harbor, 1941? Was it
intensified ?
Mr. INIenjou. It w^as intensified with the nonaggression pact be-
tween Mr. Molotov and Mr. Von Ribbentrop.
Mr. Stripling. Weren't some
Mr. Menjou. I believe the date was in 1939.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall some of the figures in Hollywood who
were very active in the American Peace Mobilization during that
period?
Mr. Menjou. I do not. I am not familiar with that part of the
picture at all. I know tlie organization by name only, and I could
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY • 97
not tell you the names of that. Someone else who is more familiar
with that will have to answer that question.
Mr. Stripling. Would you say the Communists in Hollywood follow
the party line, directions laid down by Moscow?
Mr. Menjou. Rigidly.
Mr. Stripling. It is requested in all of their activities there?
Mr. JNIenjou. Yes, sir .
Mr. Stripling. Could you elaborate on that point anj^ Mr. Menjou?
Mr. Menjou. I am tryino; to thiuk how I can help you. We have
had a very disastrous strike in Hollywood, and a very long one. It has
been going on now for more than a year. Mr. Son-ell is the head of the
organization whose members are out on strike. I believe, according to
the testimony I have here, that Mr. Sorrell is a member of the Com-
munist Party under the name of Herbert K. Stewart. I have a photo-
static copy of the purported Communist card and the sworn testimony
of Mr. Sellers, admittedly the w^orld's greatest handwriting expert.
Based on the fact, I believe, that Mr. Sorrell is a Communist, I would
be very suspicious of any of the people who either stood on a platform
with him or supported any of his activities or statements. This strike
was a particularly bloody strike.
Mr. Stripling. Could the committee have that ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. That photostat.
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. We would like to receive this into evidence, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.-*'
Mr. Stripling. Do you know of some of the actors or other people
who are prominent in the motion-picture industry who did associate
with Mr. Sorrell in his activities ?
Mr. Menjou. I attended a meeting of the entire membership of the
Screen Actors Guild. I am not too certain of this date, but it might
have been a year ago. The meeting was called in order to try to settle
the strike. Now, the board of directors of the Screen Actors Guild had
exerted all of their efforts to settle this strike in everyway possible.
I think a magnificent job was done by the board of directors, particu-
larly Mr. Regan, the president. After long, long deliberations and
trips to Chicago and everywhere else, they finally came to the conclu-
sion that it was a jurisdictional strike and could have been settled, but
Mr. Sorrell did not want to settle it. That was the conclusion made.
This meeting was called by a group of 350 people. I think that is the
necessary amount, according to our bylaws, to call such a meeting.
Mr. Regan spoke for, I think, more than an hour and a half, explain-
ing the position and the work and the labors that he had gone through
to try to determine who was right or who was wrong, because there was
an eiffort being made to call all the actors out on strike, which would
hine thrown !-ome thirty-odd-thousand people out of work.
Now, then, that particular evening the opposition wanted to be
heard. Mr. Sorrell spoke. Following Mr. Sorrell appeared Mr. Ed-
ward G. Robinson, Mr. Cronin, Mr. Alexander Knox, and Mr. Paul
Henreid. They all admitted what a wonderful job Mr. Regan had
done, but they wanted the strike settled on Mr. Sorrell's side, which,
■" See appendix, p. 525, for exhibit 28.
98 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
in my opinion, would liave meant more trouble, more chaos, and no
solution to the trouble, excepting that the uni(ms would have been
under the complete domination of thevConununist Party. That is my
opinion.
I think sanity prevailed. There was a motion presented by myself
that the membership stand by its duly elected board of directors, which
was majority voted, and the meeting was over.
Now, I personally would never have been seen with Mr. Sorrell if
I coidd help it. He is responsible for the most incredible brutality —
beatings, the overturning of cars on private property in front of the
Warner Bros, studio, shocking parades, where one man almost lost an
eye in front of the MGM studio — a most outrageous performance and
violation of the jiicketing laws in California.
I think he did everything possible to embarrass the producers. I
don't believe the Communist Party has any intention of ever having
any peace of any kind, and I would regret the day that a man of Mr.
Sorrel Ps characteristics should ever be in charge of the labor unions
in California. God help us if he ever does.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know Mr. John Howard Lawson ?
Mr. Mexjou. I do not.
Mr. Stripling. Have you heard of him?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know him by reputation ?
]\Ir. Menjou. Only by hearsay.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever heard a charge that he was head of
the Communist Party in Hollywood ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. He directed their affairs?
Mr. Menjou. I have heard that, but I cannot testify to it because
I do not know.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not he participated in the
picket line at Warner Bros, studio, when the cars were overturned ?
Mr. Menjou. I do not know that ; I am sorry.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, what do you think is the best way to go
about combating communism in Hollywood?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I think a great deal already has been done. The
first meeting of this committee has already alerted many apathetic
})eople. many people who are not aware of the incredibly serious men-
ace that faces America. They don't take the trouble to read. I am
huve that some of my fellow actors who have attacked this committee
and myself had they taken the time to read and study would be of
exactly the same opinion as I am. I believe that 95 percent of the
l)eo]3le in California are decent, honest American citizens. The Com-
munist Party is a minority, but a dangerous minority. I believe that
the entire Nation should be alerted to its menace today. In my opin-
ion, the Commintern has never been dissolved and the new Commin-
foini which meets in Belgrade is simply an opening. No one seems to
blow why they have come out into the open. They have always been
underground before. The proof that they are in existence is the letter
from Mr. DuBois, the pastry cook, one of the heads of the Communist
Party, wrote to the Conununist Party in New York, which was pub-
lished in the Daily Worker, forced Mr. Browder, the former head of
the Communist P'arty, out of the party. Presumably Mr. Browder
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 99
had no trouble getting a passport to go to Moscow and returned to
represent the Connnunist book trust in New York. I don't think any-
body is being fooled by this. But the American people are not alert.
If a Gallup poll in California shows that 50 percent of the people have
never heard of the Taft-Hartley bill, you can imagine how apathetic
and how ignorant most of them are of this subject.
I have a list of books here — I published a list of over 35 books — and
if you will bear with me and if I have the time I would like to read a
list of books which I would advise every man, woman, and child in
America to read. They will then get a picture of this oriental tyranny,
this Commmiist-dominated conspiracy to take the world over by force.
It will take the words out of Mr. Lenin's mouth, out of Mr. Stalin's
mouth. Mr. Molotov is a member of the Politburo. Mr. Vishinsky
I consider simply a puppet.
First, I would like to ask them to read Das Kapital, by Karl Marx ;
then the Max Eastman condensation; then a magnificent book called
The Ked Prussian; The Dream We Lost, by Fred A. Utley; Report
on Russians, by Paul Winiton, who spent 14 years in Moscow as a cor-
respondent; Towards Soviet America, by William Z. Foster, present
head of the Communist Party in America, where on page 275 he ad-
vocates the liquidation of the American Legion, the rotary clubs, all
fraternal organizations, arming of the farmers and arming of the
workers, with a dictatorship of the proletariat to take America over
by force. That is page 275 of Towards Soviet America. You will
have trouble getting the book. You will have to advertise for it.
Yogi and the Commissar, by Arthur Koestler, one of the magnifi-
cent writers living today who was a Communist member of the party.
He spent a great deal of time in Russia. Dark Side of the Moon. 1
defy anyone to read that without being frightened to death. That is
a documentary testimony, edited by T. S. Elliott, of the 1,750,000,
estimated, Poles, innocent Polish people taken into concentration
camps by the Russians in early 1939. The three books by Mr. Dallin,
particularly his book, which will be in Look magazine, Slave Labor in
Communist Russia. Over at Uncle Joe's, a magnificent book by
Atkinson; Russian Report, by William White; I Chose Freedom, by
Victor Kravechenko; One Who Survived; Why They Behave Like
Russians, by Fisher; In Search of Soviet Gold, by Littlepage; and
one of the best books of all, Pattern for World Revolution, written
anonymously.
This is only a very, very small list of books, but I guarantee you
that anyone that reads them will fear for the safety of America.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, yesterday Mr. Wood, Mr. Sam Wood,
testified that he considered members of the Communist Party in this
country to be the agents of a foreign i)rincipal. Do you share that
opinion with Mr. Wood?
Mr. Menjol;. The members of the Communist Party in the United
States unquestionably, in my mind, are agents of the Commintern in
Moscow or the Coinminform in Belgi'ade, or wherever it is. The
papers found, on I think it was Professor May, who is now in jail,
the Polish-born member of the Canadian Parliament, would prove
to me conclusively that the Commintern has never stopped working.
This was a sop to America.
100 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Strii'lixg. Do you consider that the Communist Party members
in this countr}^ are onftaged in treasonable activities?
Mr. Men.tou. Deiiiiitely.
Mr. S'rKirLixG. Mr. Menjou, this committee also has a legislative
function as well as an investigative function. During this session
there were two bills introduced Avhich sought to outlaw the Commu-
nist Party. Do you think that the Communist Party should be out-
lawed by legislation?
Mr. Menjou. I believe that the Communist Party in the United
States should be outlawed by the Congress of the United States. It is
not a i)olitical party. It is a conspiracy to take over our Government
by force, which would enslave the American people, as the Soviet Gov-
ernment— 14 members of the Politburo — hold the Russian people in
abject slavery. Any one of a dozen books will prove it. This is not
hearsay. Dozens of other testimony will prove what horrors are
going on in Russia today, so horrible that you cannot read them
without becoming ill.
Now, we don't want that here.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Menjou, there has been quite a bit said
and written in the Communist publications and certain left-wing
organizations have circulated pamphlets to the effect that this com-
mittee is trying to bring about thought control.
Mr. Menjou. Well, I also have heard many other words — "witch-
hunting." I am a witch-hunter if the witches are Communists. I am a
Red-baiter. I make no bones about it whatsoever. I would like to see
them all back in Russia. I think a taste of Russia would cure many
of them. Unfortunately, people in Europe who have not faced the
Russians do not realize the method. That is one of the great troubles
in France. They are faced with French Communists and not Russians.
All of those nations — Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Austria, the
Russian zone in Germany — that have had to come in contact with the
Russian Army realize what a menace this is.
There would have been much more of an overwhelming vote for
General De Gaulle if these people realized it. They don't realize it.
They don't read. They don't study. The masses of Russian officers
who have come to the American headquarters and asked how they can
get into America. The escape of the Russian general who is now in
Buenos Aires. The capture of the young senior lieutenant who tried
to commit suicide rather than to return to his country. With the
hundreds of suicides of those who faced return there, I think it is
shocking that the United States should ever return anybody back to
the Soviet Union.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Menjou, yesterday there was placed in the
record the salaries of three writers who were employed in the motion-
picture industry, whose salaries exceeded $70,000 yer year. They had
been identified as Communists, and the committee had records con-
cerning these three men. How do you account for a person who would
have such an income subscribing to the Comnuniist philosophy ?
Mr. IMenjou. Well, Frederick Engels, who supported Karl Marx
his entire life, was a millionaire. He had a very large textile factory
in Germanv and a very large one in England. We find crackpots every-
where. We have in California what I call the lunatic fringe, the
political idiots, the morons, the dangerous Communists, and those who
have yet to be convinced. ' I don't accuse anybody, because we are
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 101
curing people every day. Tliere has been an amazing change in Holly-
wood in the attitude of many people since this connnittee has started
to function and also due to the activities of the INIotion Picture Alliance.
These people only have to be told and have to see. The only danger-
ous one is the hard, disciplined core of the Communist Party them-
selves. These people I do not know. I have never seen one. The only
Communist I ever met was Mr. Maisky, the Ambassador to London,
and I fear he has either been liquidated or shunted off somewhere for
some deviation. His name has disappeared completely from the
newspapers.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, those are all the questions I have at
this time.
The Chairman". Mr, Wood.
Mr. Wood. Mr. Menjou, do I understand from your testimony that
it is your opinion that the producers themselves and the responsible
studio heads in Hollywood are not communistic ?
Mr. Menjou. They are as fine a group of men as I ever met. I
have worked with them for 34 years, and I don't think any of them
are Communists. I think due to the fact that the Communist Party
in America is a legal party has prevented them from taking certain
action against very excellent writers. There are some very excellent
writers among those leftist writers. They don't have to always write
communistically, at all. Some of them have contributed much to
some of our finest motion pictures, in which there was no communism
whatsoever,
I think the producers in California, as I say, are as patriotic a group
of Americans as you will meet anywhere. •
Mr. Wood. It was suggested yesterday in the testimony of one of
the witnesses by a member of the committee that the producers them-
selves should get together and by concerted action eliminate these
people who are affected with Communist tendencies from the in-
dustry. Do you agree with me that that would involve or not involve
some very serious legal implications ?
Mr. Menjou. I believe it would.
Mr. Wood. Under existing law?
Mr. Menjou. I spoke to Senator Taft about that the other day, and
he n creed also.
Mr. Wood. Would you then feel that a recommendation to the
Congress by this committee to so modify existing law as to permit
just that to be done would have a wholesale effect?
Mr. Menjou. ISIr. Wood, I feel this way : If the Communists would
come out in the open, let us know who they are, because they can be
watched. I am told by Mr. Edgar Hoover, who is a very close personal
friend of mine, that he is against driving the Communist Party under-
ground. They are now underground. I want to bring them out so
we can see who they are. I feel, about pictures, that propaganda
pictures should be labeled propaganda as such and propaganda should
be not injected into entertainment. I feel that if an anti-Fascist
picture is made, an anti-Communist picture should be made next,
because I am anti-Fascist as well as I am anti-Communist. The
German-American Bund was driven underground, if you want to
call it such. I believe all their members are known. But they cannot
go on the air. The}?^ cannot have meetings. They cannot get con-
102 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
verts. Therefore, tliey ai-e made impotent. I want to know tliese
Communists. We want to see them. I am not afraid of communism
in America if it is out in the open. I am not afraid. The American
people will reject it openly, if they know what it is. I would like
to see it outlawed.
Mr. Wood. That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The CiiAiRjiAN. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Menjou, on this matter of outlawing the Com-
munist Party, the party has been outlawed in Canada, Panama, and
various other nations of the world. So far as I could study their
situations, the results haven't been much different. There are many
Communists now in Canada. Canada now faces the business of arrest-
ing those that are known Communists and proven Communists. They
go through trials. But it hasn't apparently slowed the number of
Communists that are in Canada.
Mr. Menjou. You are not going to slow down the hard core of the
disciplined Communist. He is going to be there all the time. He
simply has to be watched.
To take the producers in the picture business — if I may partially
answer Mr. Wood again — a man, let us say, like Mr. Mayer or Mr.
Warner, who testified yesterday, it is practically impossible for them
to see every foot of film made in their studios. They make too many.
They haven't the time. They couldn't possibly do it. Both of them
are anti-Communist to the core ; that I know. You will see, and have
seen, very, very little of what I would call anything like subversion
because, as I say, of the activities of the alliance and due to the publicity
that has been giveji out. This publicity is healthy. That is why I am
proud to be before the committee, because these things can be heard and
brought out. Being so busy that they cannot do it, the under producers
in the studio do the engaging of the writers.
Mr. Mayer doesn't hire any writers. That is done by other people.
Now, if these people are watched constantly, they can do no harm.
They can't do any harm.
I wouldn't want to deprive anybody from making his bread and but-
ter. I think these people can be taught. I think, if their party is
outlawed, the thing that worries me about the party is its connection
with Moscow, which is dedicated to the overthrow of this Government
by force, and every other government. Any study of the situation in
Bulgaria, Rumania, or Hungary must api)all people. They must
frighten them to death. We don't want that here.
If the capitalistic system does as well in the next 50 years as it has
done in the last 50, there will be no trouble at all in this comitry,
believe me.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Menjou, I believe I told you last May, on the
west coast, that of all the thousands of people I have discussed com-
munism with you have the most profound knowledge of the background
of communism I have ever met.
With that knowledge, with your study of Karl Marx and modern
communism, I would like to ask anothef question. There has been
a great deal of propaganda in the United States and other countries
here in the last 2 years that the Soviet Government has relaxed its
opposition to religion — churches. I have even heard speakers from
the Soviet Union say that church attendance was encouraged. Do you
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 103
think the ardent Soviet Government has changed in any respect from
the original Marxian commmiism?
Mr. Menjou. I think they were requested. I don't know who made
the request. It was somebody from the Government some 4 or 5 years
ago that requested they relax their attitude toward religion. The
Conmiunist Party itself will never relax it. They are anti-God. They
are atheistic, the party itself. The Russian people are deeply, dee])ly
religious people, and their cry for religion is very great. They have
been permitted to go to church, yes, but I think that everybody has
been watched very carefully. Father Brown, who was the only Catho-
lic priest permitted in Russia for many years, had a small group of
people coming to his church. The government itself has never i"e-
laxed its attitude toward religion at all.
It is still there in the Red Square that "religion is the opiate ofthe
masses and the Communist Party itself." They have relaxed nothing,
nothing. They allow a few more people to go to church, but they
watch everybody. The secret police watch the people so carefully
that they have complete control over there. They have complete con-
trol. The Russian people are completely enslaved.
Mr, Vishinsky is enslaved. Mr. Molotov is enslaved. They are all
frightened to death. Mr. Stalin would just as soon kill them as look
at them. He killed all his close friends. There is excellent evidence
that he poisoned Lenin, Gorky, and that he also executed the pharma-
cist, the head of the NKVD at the time, who was the witness. He acted
very much like Mr. Capone. He committed the murders and then
killed the witnesses.
Mr. McDowELi.. ]\Ir. Chairman, in addition to being a great Ameri-
can, here is one of the greatest American patriots I have ever met.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Menjou, do you think there is justification for the
action of this committee in its instituting an investigation of Commu-
nist activities in Hollywood?
Mr. Mexjou. Do I think so? Certainly.
Mr. Vail,. In the daily papers in the past few days I noticed a
statement that was signed by a number of prominent Hollywood
actors and actresses deploring the investigation and describing it as a
smear. What is your impression of the people who were signatoi*y to
that statement ?
Mr. Mexjou. I am just as shocked and amazed — which I believe
were their words — as they said they were shocked and amazed. I
don't believe any of them has ever made a serious study of the subject.
I believe they are innocent dupes; that is my impression of them, in-
nocent dupes.
I guarantee not one of them could name four men on the Politburo ;
I guarantee not one of them could name a date or an action against
Russia or a violation of the antiaggression pacts which Mr. Stalin
violated. If these people will only read and read and read and read,
they will wake up. I have all the sympathy in the world for them ; I
am sorry for them.
Mr. Vail. I have no more questions.
The Chairmax. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixox. Mr. Menjou, from what you have said to charge a
person with being a Communist is a very serious thing ?
104 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. You would not want that charge made?
Mr. Menjou. Without substantiation, that is right. That is play-
ing right into the Communists' hands.
Mr. NrxoN. In answer to a question by Mr. Stripling you indicated
that although you might not know whether a certain person was a
Communist, I think you said he certainly acted like a Communist.
Mr. Menjou. If you belong to a Communist-front organization and
you take no action against the Communists, you do not resign from
the organization when you still know the organization is dominated
by Communists, I consider that a very, very dangerous thing.
Mr. XixoN. Have you any other tests whicli you would apply which
Avould indicate to you that people acted like Communists?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I think attending any meetings at which Mr.
Paul Robeson appeared and applauding or listening to his Communist
songs in America, I would be ashamed to be seen in an audience doing a
thing of that kind.
Mr. Nixon. You indicated you thought a person acted like a Com-
munist when he stated, as one person did to you, that capitalism
was through.
Mr. Menjou. That is not communistic per se, but it is very danger-
ous leaning, it is very close. I see nothing wrong with the capitalistic
system, the new dynamic capitalism in America today. Mr. Stalin
was very worried when he talked to Mr. Stassen. He asked him four
times when the great crash was coming in America. That is what they
are banking on, a great crash, and I do not think it is coming.
Mr. Nixon. You indicated that belonging to a Communist-front
organization, in other words, an association with Communists, attend-
ing these planned meetings, making statements in opposition to the
capitalistic system are three of the tests you would apply.
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. Do you have any other tests from your experience you
would like to give this committee?
Mr. Menjou. I don't know of any better ones.
Mr. NixoN. Do you believe that the motion-picture industry at the
present time is doing everything it can to rid itself of subversive
un-American influences ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, I do. I believe it has been that way for almost
"a year, or maybe a little more than a year.
Mr. Nixon. You see no further steps the industry can take at this
time that it has not taken in the past?
Mr. Menjou. Except eternal vigilance that every American and
every citizen of the United States should exercise toward communism.
1 would rather label it as Stalinism; there is no such thing as
communism.
^Ir. Nixon. Do you feel congressional action is necessary in order
10 assist the industry in going aiw further with this campaign?
Mr. Menjou. This is a secret organization. Very few people admit
to being members of it, only a few, and of course their records are
disgraceful. Mr. Mate of the French Communist Party was sentenced
to 20 years for mutiny; Mr. Torres was sentenced to 6' years for deser-
tion. Mr. Eugene Dennis, one of the members in New York, has a
police record in California. I think I would keep away from those kind
of people; at least I have been taught that way.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 105
Mv. Nixon. Getting down to specific cases as to what the industry
should do
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir.
Mr. Nixon. To rid itself of un-American activities in Hollywood if,
for example, a producer were to be given unequivocal proof that one of
his star actors was a member of the Communist Party do you believe
that that producer has tlie responsibility as an American not to renew
that person's contract?
Mr. Menjou. Well, I would not want to say that. I was one of the
persons most deeply shocked when Mr. Cecil B. DeMille was deprived
of his job on the radio. I thought that was perfectly shocking. I
asked Mr. Cromwell about that and he said, "He is rich." I said, "What
has wealth to do with the matter ?" .
I think Mr. DeMille showed incredible moral courage, more than I
have, in giving his job up. He cannot work any more on the radio
because he refused to put up a dollar for political purposes. The
Taft-Hartley Act has negated all that. I don't believe that an actor,
if he is a member of a Communist Party and is careful to state that —
I think the public will take care of him.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, you believe the producer in that case
would be justified in keeping him in his employment ?
Mr. Menjou. He won't last long if he is labeled as a Communist.
Mr. Nixon. What if a producer is informed that a writer he has in
his employ is a member of the Communist Party, what should his
action be ?
Mr. Menjou. He could be very carefully watched; this producer
could watch every script and every scene of every script. We have
many Communist writers who are splendid writers. They do not have
to write communistically at all, but they have to be watched.
Mr. Nixon. Your answer would be the same in case he learned that
ix director or one of the top employees in the particular industry was
a member of a Communist Party ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir. I am firmly convinced of the evils of Stalin-
ism or Marxism ; it is so evil and it is such a menace to the American
people that I think it should be watched and watched and watched.
Mr. NixoN. Then so far as your program is concerned, what you
advocate is publicity of the fact that certain people in the industry are
Communists?
Mr. Menjou. If they are members of the Communist Party they
should say so.
Mr. Nixox. And once that publicity is given by vigilance on the
j)art of the producers and those responsible for the films that go to the
public they can see that no un-American propaganda ge|;s into those
films ?
Mr. Menjou. Yes, sir. I have no objection. Mr. Nixon, to com-
munistic picture propaganda if it is so labeled an an honest, faithful
picture. I would like to see it. I would like to see pictures of the
])eople at the place where Mr. Wallace made his speech; I'woidd like
the American people to see that. That would be an honest picture of
what is going on in Russia today.
Mr. Nixon. If we refuse to allow a Communist picture to be made
and advertised as such we would probably be falling into the same
error that we criticize the Communists for in Russia, is that right?
106 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Menjou. I agree.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, they will not allow a picture showing
the democratic way of life in Russia ?
Mr. Menjou. I also believe the Russians should be treated exactly
as they treat us. I would treat them visa for visa. If there are 218
Americans in Moscow today there shouldn't be 3,046 Russians in
America because they are all spies, every one of them. There should
be 218 Russians in America. Treat them exactly as they treat us.
For every American in Moscow we should allow one here. I think we
are 2 years late in our firm attitude; we are verj' far behind.
Mr. Nixon. Thank you.
The Chairman. Mr. Menjou, why have no anti-Communist films
been made in the United States?
Mr. Menjou. There are a great manv anti-Nazi films made ; I do not
know. Some have been announced as bein^ in preparation. The title
"The Iron Curtain" is, I think, copyrighted by a number of producers.
I hope to see that made. I would like to see an honest anti-Coinmunist
picture and I would like to see it labeled as such, not as entertainment.
The Chairman. We heard yesterday from witnesses that at least
one, possibly two anti-Communist films were being planned. What
have you heard from Hollywood as to the feeling on the part of the
producers about producing anti-Communist films?
Mr. Menjou. I believe they would be an incredible success. After
the first picture was made I think there would be many many more
made. I think it would be a very wonderful thing to see one made.
I wx)uld like to see a picture of the Bulgarian situation : I would like
to see the execution of Mr. Patkoff by Mr. Dimitrich who was former
head of the Commintern. I woidd like to see that shown to the Ameri-
can public so they can see communism as it actually is.
I would like them to see the brutal beatings, the stabbings, the
killings that go on all througli Europe with which the Communist
Party is facing the people.
We showed many many anti-Nazi ])ictures. I see no reason why
we do not show anti-Communist pictures.
The Chairman. Why don't we show them ?
Mr. Menjou. I don't know. I hope they are going to show them.
The Chairman. It has been said in the press by certain individuals
in the United States that these hearings now being held by the Un-
American Activities Committee are a censorship of the screen. Wliat
have you to say about that ?
Mr. Menjou. I think that is juvenile.
The Chairman. So anybody that would make such a statement
would be considered as such ?
Mr. Menjou. It is perfectly infantile to say this committee is trying
to control the industry. How could they possibly control the industry ?
They wouldn't know anything about it. You wouldn't know how to
make a picture or anything else. I don't see how that could be said
by any man with the intelligence of a louse.
The Chairman. As a result of testifying here, that is, when the
actors testify and when the writers testify, when persons in labor
testify, will their testimony and the fact that they have testified before
his committee injure their livelihood in any way ?
Mr. Menjou. I shouldn't think it would injure it seriously. I be-
lieve there are many people in the picture industry that would not
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 107
liavo me in a ])iclui'e Avilli them. 1 think tliis has oone too far in
Hollywood. The Jine of cleava<>e is very strai<>lit. It isn't like a
good Kepublican or a good Democrat. This is a foul philosophy and
it has embittered many many people.
I think Mr. Vishinsky and Mr. Molotov have done a most mag-
nihcent job of awakening the American people. The more informa-
tion the American people get the moi-e they will realize it and the
more they will turn against it. It is completely against the American
philosophy.
I would move to the State of Texas if it ever came here because I
think the Texans would kill them on sight.
The Chairman. Have you heard or do you know of any efforts made
on the part of anyone to intimidate witnesses that might come before
this committee?
Mr. Menjou. Xo; I have not. When I went out to campaign for
Ml-. Dewey and Mr. Bricker in 1944 I was told by various people it
w^ould injure my career. I don't think it has and I think I had a right
to do it. There is no way of proving that. In Hollywood when your
name comes up for a picture 3'ou are one of seven or eight actors. I
believe a person who was friendly toward communism, a pro-Com-
munist, and who liked the Communist government better than ours, if
I came up for a job he would choose another man in preference to nie,
everything else being equal. I do not consider that a loss of a job,
because we lose jobs m many other ways and we get them in many
other ways.
Many times we never know when the good part is coming up. Good
parts make good actors. The better the part the better the actor.
The Chairman. You believe, then, it is the patriotic duty of a wit-
ness to speak very frankly and freely and he should be pleased to come
before the committee and testify ?
Mr. Menjou. Definitely. I believe that any man who is a decent
American, who believes in the Constitution of the United States and
the free enterprise system which has made this country what it is and
which has given its people the highest standard of living of any country
on the face of the earth, I believe he should be proud to stand up for it
and not be afraid to speak.
The Chairman. Do any other members of the committee have any
questions ?
Mr, McDowell. I would like to tell Mr. Menjou something to add
to his already great knowledge of communism. Recently I have been
examining the borders of the United States. I would like to tell you.
Mr. Menjou, that within weeks, not months but w^eeks, bus loads of
Communists have crossed the American border.
Mr. Menjou. That is right. We have no air border patrol, not a
sufficient one, and we haven't enough guards. The frontier is very
long which we are guarding and it is very easy for people to infiltrate
from Mexico over the border.
There was a great, profitable industry in smuggling Chinese over the
border. One of my good friends made a great deal of money doing it.
I believe America should arm to tlip teeth. I believe in universal
military training. I attended Culver Military Academy during t)ie
last war and enlisted as a private. Due to my military training I was
soon made an officer and it taught me a great many things. I believe
108 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
if I was told to swim tlie Mississippi River I would learn how to swim.
Every yoiin, 194G, relative to
infilrration of Communists in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes. sir; I do.
Mr. Striplixg. Would you read that to the connnittee?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I would like to point out that the Communists have
practically rendered the English language meaningless in that they
very often use a term to indicate its opposite, such as the term "de-
mocracy" whicli Mr. Foster uses. So before I read Mr. Foster's state-
ment I would like to read one by Joseph Stalin which rather orients
wliat a Communist means by "democracy." The statement that I am
about to read is taken from The Foundations of Leninism, a series of
lectures delievered in Moscow by Joseph Stalin.
In this he says :
The dictatorship of the proletariat is a revolutionary power based on the use
of force against the bourgeois.
He goes on to say :
Briefly, the dictatorship of the proletariat is a rule unrestricted by law and
based on forces of the proletariat over the bourgeoise, a ruling enjoying the
sympathy and support of the laboring and exploited masses.
Then he proceeds to say :
My first conclusion is that the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be com-
plete democracy, democracy for all, for the rich as well as the poor. The
dictatorship of the proletariat must be a state that is democracy in a new way
for the proletariat and propertyless in general and a dictatorship in a new way
against the bourgeois.
He goes on, on page 58, to say :
In other words, the law of violent revolution, the law of smashing the bour-
geoise machine as a preliminary condition for such a revolution, is an inevitable
law of the revolutionary movement in the imperialistic countries of the world.
With that definition of democracy in mind, I will now read what
Mr, William Z. Foster had to say in the New Masses on April 23, 1946,
speaking on elements of the peoples' cultural polic3^ He says :
Progressive artists should also strive to make their constructive influences
felt within the scope of the great cultural organizations of the bourgeoise.
Motion pictures, radio, literature, theater, and so forth. Artists must eat like
other people. Many artists, tlierefore, are necessarily constrained to work under
direct capitalist controls on employers' pay rolls pretty much as workers. It is
also iK)litically and artistically necessary to penetrate the commercial organiza-
tions as it would be for the worker. But this does not mean that artists so
employed should become servile tools or prostitutes of these exploiters as, unfor-
tunately, many do. On the contrary, progressive artists have a double responsi-
bility. Not only should they actively cultivate every form of independent
artistic activity, but they should also fight as workers do in capitalist industry
to make their democratic influences felt in the commercialized cultural organi-
zations. The fact that capitalists through their commercialized art forms have
to appeal for profits to the broadest ranks of the people makes these forms
especially vulnerable to ideological and organizational pressure as much experi-
ence demonstrates.
116 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Foster says not only that they should infiltrate their ideas, but
that they have siiccessfnlly infiltrated their ideas.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, based upon your observations and in-
formation, have the Communists infiltrated into Hollywood?
Mr. Moffitt. Have they infiltrated into Hollywood^
Mr. Stripling. When I refer to Hollywood, 1 am speaking of the
motion-picture industry.
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir; I should say they have. I would like to
bring to your attention the fact that every studio employs what are
known as story analysts. These people read all stories submitted to
the studio, allfree-lance writing, all such scripts. This work is done
by what is known as the Screen Analysts Guild.
Mr. Stripling. INIr. Moffitt, before you do that, for the benefit of
the committee, would you give, briefly, the mechanics of a story from
the time it is written until it is produced as a picture?
Mr. Moffitt. There are several routines that may be followed. A
studio may ask a writer already employed by them to write an original
story for a specific need — if a star needs a vehicle, for example.
Mr. Stripling. Take, for example, a book, a best-selling novel. We
will assume that a studio has bought the novel to make a picture. Will
you tell the committee the various departments that that book would
go through before it is produced as a film?
I\Ir. Moffitt. In a large studio that literary property would be as-
signed to an associate producer. That associate producer would call
upon, after reading it and conferring with the head of the studio as to
the general approaches of the dramatization, he would then call the
scenario editor, the man in charge of hiring writers.
That editor would submit to him a list of names of available writ-
ers that he thought suitable for this assignment. The list would in-
clude both writers under contract and writers off contract.
A great discretion is in that man's hands. As Mr. Sam Wood
pointed out yesterday, it is very easy for him to load the list with Com-
munists, if he is a Communist. In the case of a man under contract
who never gets on one of those lists he soon has been employed for a
number of months, he has received the studio's money, and because of
the manipulations of a scenario editor in keeping his name oif the lists
of available writers, he has a record of nonemployment. Then the
scenario editor, if so disposed, can go to the head of the studio and
say, "None of our associate producers want to work with this man;
therefore I think it advisable not to renew his contract."
Mr. Wood, I think, explained that yesterday.
Mr. Stripling. Yes ; he brought that out.
Now, the next step.
Mr. Moffitt. Well, after the writer or writers are assigned, they
very often write a "treatment," which is an outline, a break-down of
the form the dramatization should take. They bring that back to
the associate producer, and if he approves it he either keeps them work-
ing to develop a script or he hires other writers to develop a script.
There are very often four or five scripts on one story as the script is
refined and polished.
Mr. Stripling. What is the next step after the script? Then it is
turned over to the producer or to the director ?
Mr. Moffitt. After the script is written in some studios it goes to a
story board who criticizes it from various angles, from its contents,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY H?
from the ability of tlie studio to cast the script as written, for the way
it squares with public o})inioii as the studio iiiteri)rets it a that time;
and the story board can ask for further revisions or can approve it, in
which case a production date is set and it would 2;o into production.
At this stage of the game a director is usually assigned to it and since
the director is responsible for getting the values of the story into film
he is allowed considerable advisory power. That will fluctuate with
the reputation and skill of the director and the importance of the pro-
ducer. As a rule the director is listened to. It is profitable to listen to
the director and to make any reasonable changes that he desires. It
is best to have him happy, in other words. <
The CiiAiRMA]s[. The Chair would like to announce that this after-
noon we will have Mr. Moffitt continuing his testimony and one or
two other witnesses, and that tomorrow^ we will have the following
witnesses, all writers : Mr. Rupert Hughes. Mr. Morrie Ryskincl, Albert
Carlson, Howard Rushmore, Richard Macaulay, Fred Niblo, Jr., and
Ayn Rand.
We will recess now until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 25 p. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m. of the
same day.)
AFTERIsrOON SESSION
The Chairman. The meeting wall come to order.
The Chair would like to announce that if transportation arrange-
ments can be completed today, or have been completed this morning,
one of the witnesses tomorrow morning will be Mr. Robert Taylor,
the actor.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixg. Will you point out that the first witness will be
Mr. Jim McGuinness?
The Ciiair:man'. And the first witness tomorrow morning will be
Mr. Jim McGuinness. The second witness will probably be Mr. Robert
Taylor.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I ask permission to insert into the
record certain excerpts from the testimony of Adolph Menjou which
was taken in executive session in Hollywood in May. Those excerpts
will only serve to elaborate on certain points he made here this morning,
which would clarify the record.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The excerpts referred to above are included in Executive Hearings
and will not be printed in this volume.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt.
TESTIMONY OF JOHN CHARLES MOFFITT— Eesumed
Mr. Stripling. Before we adjourned for the noon hour, you men-
tioned Story Analyst Guild. Would you tell the committee just how
this Story Analyst Guild functions?
Mr. MoFFi'i-i\ Yes, sir; I would be delighted to, but before I do that
I would like to make a correction on my morning's testimony. Due to
a too hasty glance at my chronology here, I think I confused some
members of the press concerning dates. The time of my alleged col-
118 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
laboration with Mr. Trimibo at Paramount was in the spring of 1941,
prior to the German invasion of Russia, the i)eriod of the Berlin-
Moscow pact. I believe I failed to make the date clear. The time
of my menibershi]) in the Anti-Nazi Leajjue and mj?^ conversations with
John Howard Lawson is, to the best of my recollection, in 1937.
Now, as to the Story Analyst Guild, that is a union of workers whose
function it is to read all material submitted to various motion-picture
studios and to wa-ite synopses of the stories submitted. These synopses
are placed on lile and they are available to producers and associate
producers in makino- decisions of what material they wnsh to screen.
As I understand it, under the terms of the contract — in the first
place, I understand that the Story Analyst Guild has been named the
bargaining agency for that phase of the motion-picture business. I
also understand that under the contract which has been approved for
that guild and the producers, the producers are not permitted to fire
on the basis of political activity. It has been the experience of many
writers who are not Communists that the members of this guild pre-
pare very bad synopses on all material submitted by people who are
not Communists and they damn thoroughly in their reports any stories
that are not friendly to the Communist line. The president of the
Story Analyst Guild and a member of the Communist Party, as I
understand it, is Frances Mellington. She is head of the story analyst
or reading department at Paramount. She is assisted by a woman
who has repeatedly voiced very strong Communist sympathy. Her
name is Simon Maise — M-a-i-s-e.
Mr. Stripling. How do you spell her first name, Mr. Moflitt ?
Mr. MoFFiTT. The French name — S-i-m-o-n.
Also in her department is Bernie Gordon, a man whose actions and
talk follows the party line.
In one unit at AVarner Bros, he is Dave Robison — R-o-b-i-s-o-n. I
think he is in what is known as the Spurling unit at Warner Bros.,
I believe. His wife, Naomi Robison, was at one time, I understand,
Communist treasurer for Hollywood.
Another reader at Warners, who I understand is a Communist mem-
ber, is Thomas Chapman — C-h-a-p-m-a-n — but I believe he has been
let out since Mr. Warner began to rid his studio of Communists.
The story man at Enterprise Studio is, I believe, a Communist, and
his name is Michael Uris — U-r-i-s.
I understand that among the analysts at Metrol-Goldwyn-Mayer
who are Communists and follow the party line, are Jesse Burns and
Lona Packer — P-a-c-k-e-r. According to my information. Miss
Packer was discharged some months ago and has not returned to that
studio.
Does that answer your question?
Mr. Stripling. Yes,
Now, Mr. Moffitt, as a writer in Hollywood and as a critic, could
you name for the committee any writers that you consider to be Com-
munists who are employed in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Katz. Mr. Thomas, I represent a number of persons who have
been subpenaed
The Chairman. I am very sorry. You are out of order. We have
a witness on the stand, so please go back and sit down.
Mr. Katz. You have said-;
The Chairman. I said you are out of order.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 119
Mr. Katz. You have said you want a fair hearing. Cross-examina-
tion is necessary.
The Chairman. Will you take this man out of the room, please?
Put him out of the room.
(to ahead with the testimony.
We nmst have order in these chambers, or we will be inclined to clear
the room of the audience.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. MofRtt, the question was : You name the
writers in Holl3'wood according to your information who are mem-
bers of the Communist Party.
Mr. MoFFiTT. I am not a Government agency and I do not have the
investigative powers that one would have. I have had contact with
men who are former members of the FBI on the Hollywood beat and
I know what they have told me. I also have followed the careers of
a great number of these people and I know^ that those that I mention
have followed the party line. I cannot tell you under oath that I
have the party cards or number of these people. The men I am about
to name were asked by the Hollywood Reporter: "Are you a Com-
munist and is your party number as follows?"
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. MofHtt. Would you identify
the Hollywood Reporter?
Mr. MoFFiTT. The Hollywood Reporter is a trade paper, a daily
published in Hollywood. I think it shares with Daily Variety the
distinction of being one of the two most important trade papers deal-
ing with motion-picture matters.
Mr. Stripling, (to right ahead.
Mr. MoFFiTT. The Hollywood Reporter, according to my informa-
tion, asked Mr. Albert Maltz — M-a-1-t-z^ — a very able screen writer, if
be was a member of the Communist Party and if his number was No.
48062. To the best of my knowledge Mr. Maltz nevpr returned an
answer. Mr. Maltz is rather significant because Mr. Maltz is signifi-
cant of the discipline which the Communist Party impo: es upon those
of its artists which it infiltrates into the studios.
Some months ago j\Ir. Maltz wrote an article that attracted wide
attention, which was published in the Communist press. In that
Mr. Stripling. Pardon me. You refer to the Communist press.
Do you mean (he New Masses?
Mr. Moffitt. I think this one was published in the Daily Worker.
Mr. Stripling. Official organ of the Communist Party?
Mr. Moffitt. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
Mr. Moffitt. In that article Mr. Maltz made a plea for a certain
degree of intellectual freedom amon.i radical writers. Mr. Maltz said
that while Farrell. the author of Studs Lonnigan. was not a Com-
munist Party member and liad resisted Communist discipline, that at
the same time he thought he was a very able writer and that on the
whole he was an able exponent of the leftist or extreme liberal or, as
I would say. close to Communist thinking.
He named, I believe, John Dos Pasos — D-o-s P-a-s-o-s — in the same
article. He cited these men as exam])les of what he thought were
laudable liberal writers who should not be condemned through their
failure to be members of the Communist Party.
After the publication of that article all hell broke loose. The Com-
miunist papers were filled with articles against Maltz. He was de-
120 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
iiounced as a cleviator from tlie party line. He was called a corrupter
of party discipline. The best writers, the best literary hatchetmen in
the party, were called upon to work him over. They worked him over
so thoroughly that he wrote an article, subsequently wrote an article,
for the Daily Worker, in w^hich he completely denied. He beat his
breast. He said he was wrong to have voiced the idea that an artist
should have any independence of thought. He begged
Mr. Stripmxo. Pardon me. AVould you say that Avould be a classic
example of the discipline which the party exacts from its members?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I most certainly would. It is the type of discipline
that we are all too familiar with in Russia. But here it occurred
on American soil, to a man, a very sensitive man, and a very able
writer and one who, as far as I know, follows the party line as closely
as he can. But he did have a liberal deviation in his thinking. He
was condemned for it. When he published his retraction, he not only
retracted his former principles, but he attacked those who had lauded
him for his stand. That is a classic example to my mind of the dis-
cipline that the Communist Party applies to its artists.
The next name that has been brought up is that of Robert Rossen —
R-o-s-s-e-n. I am not sure that a number was asked on him.
The next was Dalton Trumbo, to whom I referred this morning.
He was asked if he w'as a Communist and if his party number was
No, 36805. As far as I know, he made no reply.
The next name was that of Gordon Kahn — K-a-h-n. He was asked
if he was a party member and if his number was No. 48294. So far
as I know, in spite of the fact that many months have elapsed, he
has never made a reply to that inquiry.
The next name is that of Ring Lardner, Jr. He was asked if he
was a Communist and if his party number was No. 25109, The same
was true in his case.
The next vras Richard J. Collins — C-o-l-l-i-n-s. He was asked if
he was a Communist and if his number was No, 11148, with the same
results.
The next was Harold Buchman — B-u-c-h-m-a-n. He was asked
if he was a Communist and if his number was No. 46802, As far as
I know, he never denied it.
The next was Lester Cole — C-o-l-e, He was asked if he was a Com-
munist and if his number was No. 46805. So far as I know, he never
denied that.
The next was Henry Meyers, He was aked if he was a Communist
and if his number was No. 25065. As far as I know, he never denied
that.
The next was William Pomerance, I don't believe a number was
asked of him.
The next was Morris Harry Rapf — R-a-p-f. I believe that should
be "Junior." He was asked if he was a Communist and if his number
was No. 25113. As far as I know, he never denied that.
The next was Harold J. Salemson — S-a-1-e-m-s-o-n. No number
was asked of him.
Nor was ft of John Wexley — ^W-e-x-1-e-y,
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, are all of these writers whom you have
named rather prominent writers? ^
Mr. MoFFiTT. I think so, with the exception of Salemson. I think
Salemson was more in the position of an organizer, and he held a
COMMUNISM IJST MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 121
salaried position with the Screen Writers Guild. He also had been
editor of an Army newspaper, at one of the cantonments during the
war.
Mr. Stripling. The writers that are in the category of these men,
api)roximatelv what would their salaries be? AVonld it be in excess
of $500 a week?
Ml'. MoFFiTT. I would think so, in each case, though I have no knowl-
edge of their salary. I think the Treasury Department should supply
that.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, would you give the committee the vari-
ous techniques which writers employ to inject Communist scenes or
lines into motion pictures?
Mr. MoFFiTT. Well, the technique usually followed is that laid down
by Mr. Lawson. It is the "drop of water" technique the 5 minutes of
party-line technique, the gradual conditioning of iVmerican thought
along the leftist line. During the war the party line was to identify
the class war with the war against Nazi Germany. The technique in
that case was to show every quisling to- be a man with property or a
man of the managerial class. There were a number of instances in
Avhich that was done.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee those instances?
Mr. Morrri'T. Yes, sir, I could, but I beg you not to ask me to. I
think that the most infamous aspect of Lawson's technique is that of
involving innocent people. I think that many a time an actor plays
that 5 minutes without knowing the significance of what he is doing.
I think on many occasions — I think on practically every occasion that
I know of the producer, both the associate producer and the studio
heads, was in complete ignorance of what was done. I think very
often the director may not know.
Now, this is done occasionally in pictures involving budgets of one
and a half or two million dollars. That gets into the picture, and if
1 name that picture I will be working a hardship on innocent people.
I would very much prefer, with your permission, to name those pictures
in executive session.
Mr. Stripling. You have, however, as a critic for Esquire magazine,
reviewed pictures in which you pointed out various scenes and lines
which to your mind were a reflection of the party line ?
Mr. Moffitt. No, sir ; I have not done that in Esquire magazine. I
have named some pictures which I thought contained material that
was derogatory to the ministry, to the prieshood, giving an unfair
picture of American business and of the free-enterprise system, but
I have not specifically named them in Esquire as Communist.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think it would be possible to pin the direct
responsibility for these techniques down to certain individuals, by
t liorough investigation ?
Mr. AIoFFiTT. By thorough investigation by you or by the FBI, I
believe it could be done, but as an individual, acting with a reporter's
experience. and knowing the numeious people that are involved in the
making of a picture, I do not feel free to assume the responsibility of
pointing the finger at these various pictures and saying who was
responsible for a given 5 minutes.
Mr. Stripling. But is there any question in your mind, as a critic
and reviewer, that the 5 minutes was in the picture?
122 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. MoFFiTT. The 5 minutes has been in a number of pictures. As
I told you this morning, I think that tlie motion-picture industry has
done a remarkably fine job on keepinjj it out. I think that their record
is mucli better than that of the publishing houses or that of Broadway.
I don't agree with Mr. Mayer that it has been 100-percent successful^
but I think it lias been in the neighborhood of 98-percent successful.
I think that, if I name these pictures hei-e, it will smear them to the
public and it will work a hardship on many, many people of sound
American principles. I am very willing to name them in executive
session.
The Chairman. That is perfectly agreeable. I think you are
absolutely correct.
Mr. STRirmNG. Mr. Moffitt. tlien, without naming any specific pic-
ture, could you give us some example of the techniques that have been
employed ?
Mr, MoFFrrT. Well, I gave you one, of the confusion of the class
war w^ith the war against Xazi Germany. There is also the campaigii
against religion, w^here the minister will be shown as the tool of his
richest parishioner, where it will be inferred that the policies of an
entire diocese, let us say, of the Episcopal Church, are dictated by a
rich, reactionary woman, where it will be inferred that an honest
clergyman is interfered wdth in his duties to the poorer members of
his diocese by rich and reactionary women.
Tliere has also been the party line of making the returned soldier
fear that the world is against liim, that the American principle is
against him, that business is against him, that the free-enterprise
system is against him. You will see picture after picture in which
the banker is presented as an unsympathetic man. who hates to give
a GI a loan. In connection with that I haA'e a note here, based on
my own inquiry, that I would like to read.
A number of pictures have slioAvn the banker as the villain, pictures
dealing with returned veterans. I saw this on the screen so frequently
that I decided that, if I was to act in any sense as a conscientious
reviewer, I should make some inquiries about the true conditions. 1
contacted the Bank of America in Los Angeles and also contacted the
editors of Veterans magazine. I made this inquiry last May. At the
time of my investigation I found that the Bank of America in Cali-
fornia aloiie has made 36,000 real-estate loans to veterans, for a total
amount of $280,000,000. These figures do not include business loans.
Of those loans, according to the Bank of America, there were only two
at that time threatened with foreclosure. At tliat time veterans' loans
were being processed at the rate of 80 to DO a day by this one bank.
I think that is an aspect of the banking incUistry"s attitude toward
returning veterans that refutes a great deal that has been infiltrated
into scripts about their hard-hearted attitude toward veterans.
Mr. Stripling. The term "heavy" has been used here as a designation
of the part in which the person is a villain. Would you say that the
banker has been often cast as a heavy, or consistently cast as a heavy,
in pictures in Hollywood ?
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir. I think that due to Communist pressure he
is overfrequently cast as a heavy. By that I do not mean that I think
no picture should ever show a villainous banker. In fact, I would
right now like to defend one picture that I think has been unjustly
accused of communism. That picture is Frank Capra's It's a AVonder-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 123
fill Life. The banker in that picture, played by Lionel Barry more,
Avas most certainly what we call a "clog heavy" in the business. He
was a snarling, unsympathetic character. But the hero and his father,
played by James Stewart and Samuel S. Hines, were businessmen, in
the building and loan business, and they were shown as using money
as a benevolent influence.
The Chairman, I must insist that we have order. People in the
audience are the guests of this committee. Those people include the
witnesses who are going to be called before the committee. We just
must have order all the time. Go ahead.
Mr. Crumm. All we ask, Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. I said we want order.
]Mr. Crumm. All we ask is the same right accorded to Howard
Hughes,
The Chairman. Just a minute. Come away. Everybody sit down.
Will all you people who are standing up please sit down? And the
photographers.
]\Ir. MuFFiTT. All right.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. MoFFiTT. Well, to summarize, I think that Mr. Capra's picture,
though it had a banker as villain, could not be properly called a Com-
munist picture. It showed that the power of money can be used
oppressively and it can be used benevolently. I think that picture was
unjustly accused of communism.
Mr. Stripling. Have there also beeii cases in which the legislative
branch of our Government has been put up for ridicule or for scorn
through certain scenes or themes in pictures?
]Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes, sir ; there have. There has been more of that on
Broadway, but there has been some of it in Hollywood.
I would like to repeat the opinion of previous witnesses that I think
the studios are showing much more vigilance in suppressing these party
lines and that in recent months there has been very, very little of that,
^Ir. Stripling. Do you know of any particular story or picture which
is in production which has as its theme the belittling of the Congress
of the United States?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I know of some in production where that could be
possible, but since I have not read the scripts — their adaptations of
Inlays — I would not like to speak on that because
Mr. Stripling. There has been some mention of a play by Emmett
Lavery.
Mr. MoFFiTT. Yes, sir. Emmett Lavery is the president of the
Screen Writers Guild. His opinions upon the Congress I think are
set forth in a play which is now the subject of a $:2,000,000 libel suit.
The play is called The Gentleman From Athens, In the character
of Cousin Vincent, the banker, Mr. Lavery follows the line of making
him a very unsympathetic character, just because he is a banker. We
are never told that he has done any specific thing that is villainous,
but in relation to him there are such lines as, "You have to know him
before you begin to despise him.'' The mere sight of him scares the
heroine into the jitters. That attitude toward him is maintained
throughout the play, though no specific act is charged against him.
Mr. Lavery follows the Communist tactic of scaring Americans to
death with their own atom bomb. Ever since the armistice it seems
124 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
to me that the people of the United States have been engaged in one
of the great moral ex]5eriments in the history of mankind. For the
first time, a peoi)le have had in their hands an invincible weapon and
their sole concern has been how not to use it. In exchange for that,
the leftists have called us warmongers. They have insisted that we
are imperialists, though we have taken no territory and the Russians
have. And they have persistently insisted that if we didn't behave
ourselves, if we didn't cease to be warmongers, if we didn't cease to be
imperialists who get nothing, that we would be blown to death by our
own atom bomb.
Now, Mr. La very promotes that same idea in this play. One line
says :
I met a Russian tlie other day. He wanted to bet me the Russians could
smash just as many atoms as we could. But I was smart. I wouldn't bet him.
There is another line. The heroine's brother remonstrating with
her for having spent her last thousand dollars to go to Europe to
escape from the air of Washington, which she found very oppressive,
says:
Sure, but I'm a pretty smart fellow, getting smarter all the time. I didn't
have to take my last thousand dollars and throw it away on one last look at the
vanishing continent of Eui'ope. No, sir. I save my money. I got all the dis-
illusionment I wanted riglit here at home. I just stood up night after night in
the best Washington bars with the best Senators and the best Congressmen and
the best everybody, and you know wliat, I feel just as awful as you do and I
never left home at all.
A character is introduced by the name of Big Ed, who is presented
as having great influence as a fixer with Congress. He says this :
Every time there is trouble, there is someone who survives. The only trick is
to make sure you're among the survivors.
The central character
Mr. Striplixg. Pardon me. Was Mr. Lavery an unsuccessful can-
didate for the House of Representatives in the last election?
Mr. MoFFiTT. I think he was.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
Mr. MoFFiTT. The hero of this play is a racketeer and a crook who
files on both tickets in California to become a Member of the House
of Representatives, buys votes, and wins in both primaries. Of him
it is said :
He is no worse than half tlie Congressmen you meet and a lot better than most.
He is just a bit more open about things.
In the second scene, he is presented as a hero because he socked a
member of the House Un-American Activities Committee for calling
him a Communist, though no evidence is offered to show that he wasn't
a Communist. He says, in the course of this scene :
Democrats or Republicans, what's the difference. Sure, a few guys on each
side of the aisle may be <^>n the up and up, but a few aren't enough. The people
who built this country had a wonderful idea, but some t)f these buzzards in the
House, they don't take it serious. Hell, they run it like it was some kind of game.
Yes; and not a very straight one, either. Hell, if I wanted to play that kind
of play, I could have stayed home and gone down to Tia .Tuana or Agua Calieute.
I don't have to come to Washington. Oli, wliat the hell. Maybe democracy
isn't such a hot idea after all.
That is one of his speeches.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY ' 125
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Moffitt, INIr. La very is the president of
the Screen Writers Gnild?
Mr. MoFrrrr. That is correct.
Mr. Sthh'lin(;. There has been considerable testimony taken here
regarding the Connmniist domination of the Screen Writers Guild.
Do yon share the opinion given by other witnesses that it is under
the control of the Connnunist Party?
Mr. MoFi-TTT. Yes, sir; I do. It was founded by John Howard Law-
son. It has an electoral system that I think makes for an organiza-
tional dictatorshij). Nominations are not made from the floor. There
is a nominating conunittee api)ointed by the officers — a good piece of
machinei-y to keep themselves in power for as long as they please.
I think the record of the Screen Writers, their official ]niblication,
is one of being filled with leftist propaganda and no other propaganda.
No one dares raise his voice. The meetings that I have attended have
been c(mducted so that the Connnunists howl down anyone who
attempts to raise a non-Connnunist voice and
Mr. Stkh'lino. Pardon me. Do all writers employed in the motion-
picture industry have to belong to the Screen Writers Guild?
.Mr. JNIoFFrrr. Eighty i)ercent of them have to because of a ruling
by the National Labor Relations Board recognizing them as the bar-
gaining agent. Very few writers are permitted to remain in that
outside 20 percent. The studios like to have that 20 percent always
open in case some very eminent novelist or playwright from abroad
is brought over here. They don't wish to make him go through that
red tape. So the tendency is to ask all writers under contract and prac-
ticing and living in Plollywood to belong to the guild.
Mr. Stripling. In other words, if you are employed in the motion-
picture industry as a writer, it is necessary almost to join an organi-
zation which is under the domination of the Communist clique within
it; is that correct?
Mr. Moffitt. I believe it is. I think on two occasions it was at-
tempted to run a ticket of candidates for officers in the guild on the
very platfoi'in that they were opposed to, both fascism and communism,
but that never came off.
Mr. STRiPLiN(i. Do you know who is the editor of the Screen Writ-
ers magazine ?
Mr. Moffitt. Gordon Kahn at the moment, I believe.
Mr. Stripling. Was Dalton Trumbo at one time the editor — in 1946,
in fact, was he the editor?
Mr. Moffitt. I think Dalton Trumbo served two terms as editor.
I think he was the editor when the magazine was first incepted.
Mr. Stripling. Does the magazine reflect the party line in its edi-
torial policy?
Mr. Moffitt. It reflects an extremely leftist line. I believe that
there is to be another witness who is better qualified to go into that. I
have not made a ])ainst-aking survey of it.
I might also add that Mr. Lavery — I don't want to bore you with
these lengthy quotations, unless you wish to hear them, but he also
strongly advocates that the United States abandon its sovereignty to
become part of a world state. In the course of the play he admits that
the Russians don't want to do that, either, but his excuse is that the
67683 — 47 9
126 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Russians have had their sovereignty just a little while and we shouldn't
be impatient if they wish to enjoy it for some time — but that we have
had it long enough that we should be willing to give it up.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Moffitt, do you have any evidence to the effect
that the Communist members of the Screen Writers Guild actively
participate in Communist Party activities in Los Angeles, or whether
they have engaged in any espionage work for the Communist Party ?
Mr. MorriTT. Of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Stripling. That is right.
Mr. MoFFiTT. No, sir; I don't have any evidence — well, that is a
double question. There has been ample evidence in the press, in the
Hollywood Citizen-News, that numbers of them have been engaged
in Communist activities. I don't have those records with me. I can
get them from Los Angeles.
The second part of your question was : Have they engaged in espio-
nage ? I know of no members of the Screen Writers Guild who have
engaged in espionage.
Mr. Stripling, 'i'he reference was made here yesterday by Mr.
Wood to the effect that he considered these people to be the agents of
a foreign government. I wondered if you are familiar with any
activities on the jxirt of anyone in Hollywood who is a Communist
that you consider to be engaged in activity which would me detri-
mental to the best interests of the United States.
Mr. Moffitt. Yes, sir; I know of the nctivity of Mr. John Weber,
who is head of the literary department of the William Morris Agency.
Mr. Weber
Mr. Stripling. Will you explain what the William Morris Agency
is, please?
Mr. Moffitt. The William Morris Agency is one of the many talent
agencies that are in the business of selling literary material, writers or
actors — any artists useful to the screen — and of obtaining contracts
for them. For that service, as is legal, they get 10 percent of that
artist's income. Agencies operate under a State law which fixes their
legal commission at 10 percent.
Mr. Stripling. You were speaking of Mr. Weber.
Mr. Moffitt. Yes. Mr. Weber is head of the literary department
of the William Morris Agency. He is assisted by Mr. Dave Ware —
W-a-r-e.
You may remember that early this year Life magazine and other
publications ran the picture of a young Army test pilot by the name
of Slick Goodlin — G-o-o-d-l-i-n. Goodlin was assigned to test the
supersonic plane which this Government had invested a number of
millions of dollars in. Early in the spring Goodlin came to Hollywood
on a visit. Mr, Weber and a number of people of strong left-wing
tendencies got to the boy. They told him that one engaged in his
activity should most certainly have a wonderful story to sell to the
magazines. I understood that he replied that anything he wrote
would have to be passed through military intelligence. The reply was,
"Oh, of course, that will be done, but let us see a sample of what you can
write, and we will see whether it is admissible," whether it is practical
to be prepared for magazine publication.
The boy was foolish enough to do this and his story, his draft of a
magazine article containing, as I understand it, much confidential in-
formation on the supersonic plane came into the hands of Mr. Weber,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 127
the literary agent who was sent to Hollywood by Communist head-
quarters in New York. I understand that that has been taken up
by the FBI.
■ At any rate, Goodlin was assigned to the supersonic plane.
Weber was also present at a meeting in Hollywood reported by the
Hollywood Citizen-News as follows:
"Contemporary Writers" described by an advertisement in the Communist
newspaper Peoples Daily Woi-Id, has "a counti-ywide organization of Marxist and
anti-Fascist writers," proceeded witli the development of a Hollywood chapter.
In response to the notice in the Communist newspaper, about 80 Hollywood
writers met over the Greyhound bus depot on Chuenga Boulevard last night to
launch the program.
They heard Charles Glenn, acting chairman of the chapter, explain that it is
now possible to get anti-Fascist views published in popular magazines if writers
and agents go about it in the right way.
Glenn indicated that Contemporary Writers is not satisfied with getting ma-
terial published in magazines like the New Republic, the New Masses, and
Main Stream. It proposes to get its anti-Fascist material into magazines like
Collier's.
This, he promised, is not as difficult as the writers might suppose. ' Within
the past few months, he said. Collier's has published six stories which conform
to the views of the new organization.
The writers were cautioned later by John Weber, a writers' agent with the
William Morris Agency, not to draw unwarranted conclusions from the accept-
ance of these stories by Collier's.
"Publishers," he said, "will take anything which they believe will be profitable
to them."
The same, he said, is true of the motion-picture industry. As an example
of the inclinations of publishers and producers, Weber said that Daryl Zanuck
who produced the Grapes of Wrath was now fiddling with a thing called
The Iron Curtain.
The principal talk was given by Alvah Bessie, veteran screen writer who
was introduced as a hero of the Spanish Civil War in which he served with
the International Brigade.
Bessie assured the writers that "There are never two sides to any question."
Is there anything further^
Mr. Striplixg. Not on that point.^^
Mr. Chairman, I have some other matters which I would like to
question Mr. MofRtt about but which I desire to dispose of in executive
session. Those are all the questions I have at this time.
The CHAnaiAN. With regard to that we would like to take up some
of those pictures that you mentioned before and I suggest we take
those up in executive session. Without objection we will take those
matters up in executive session.
Mr. Stripling. If you are going to have an executive session I have
no further questions at this time. I would like Mr. MofRtt to stand by.
The Chairman. Any questions, Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDow^ell?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. Then will you stand by and we will get in- touch
with you just as soon as we recess toda3^
Call the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, is Mr. Ruppert
Hughes.
" See appendix, pp. 526-528, for e.xhibits 30-32.
128 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Mr. Hughes.
Mr. Hughes, do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to
give will be the truth, the w^iole truth, and nothing lout the truth, so
help me God?
Mr. Hughes. I do.
TESTIMONY OF RUPPERT HUGHES
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Hughes, will you i)lease state your fidl name?
j\Ir. Hughes, liuppert Hughes.
Mr. Stripling. AVhat is your present address?
Mr. Hughes, 4751 Los Feliz Boulevard, Los Angeles.
Mr. Stripling. Wlien and where were you born, Mr. Hughes?
Mr. Hughes. Lancaster, Mo.
Mr. Stripling. In what year?
Mr. Hughes. 1872.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Hughes. A writer.
]\Ir. Stripling. Have you ever been a writer in the motion-picture
industry ?
Mr. Hughes. Yes; in many w^ays.
Mr. Stripling. You are here inVesponse to a subpena served on you
September 29 ? -^
Mr. Hughes. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Would you briefly outline to the committee the var-
ious positions you have held as a writer in Hollywood ?
Mr. Hughes. Would you repeat that, please ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir. Would you outline for the committee some
of the various writing positions you have held in Hollywood?
Mr. Hughes. Well, a great many of my stories were put in films. I
was made, by Samuel (loldwyn, one of the so-called eminent authors;
was taken to Hollywood ; became a scenario writer, and was there for
some years as a director.
After that I wrote treatments for pictures. I was with the Goldwyn
studios and the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer studios for many years until
I resigned. After that, as I say, I wrote a few treatments for pictures
but never had an association with the studios.
I believe I was one of the four founders of the Authors' League and
one of the few founders of the Screen Writers Guild.
That went along very well for a few years until John Howard Law-
son and some of his people revived it in order to make it an instrument
of Comnmnist power. About 100 of us got tired of this, the way they
were going at things and blocking everything off so we founded the
Screen Playwrights.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell us in what year that was, ^Ir. Hughes?
Mr. Hughes. I should think that Avould be around 1925 or 1926. I
am very vague as to the dates.
We were so violently attacked by the Screen Writers Guild people
as Fascists and enemies of freedom that they were finally forced to
disband. We were called a company union, of course. It was my
theory if I worked for a man I owed him a certain loyalty; if I didn't
like him T could resign, and I did just that.
1
=■■' See appendix, p. 529, for exhibit 33.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 129
I stayed with the Screen Phiywrights and the Authors' League,
which had also turned to be Communist — it is recovering now — de-
manded that I resign either from the Authors' League or the Screen
Playwrights. I refused to do either.
Then Dudley Nichols, a writer — I don't know if he is a Communist
hut he is certainly very leftist — went to New York and demanded that
the xVuthors' League expel me.
Mr. Stripling. On what grounds, Mr. Hughes?
Mr. Hughes. That was around 1932 or 1933.
Air. Stripling. On what grounds ?
Mr. Hughes. On the ground that I disobeyed the orders of the
council ; my conduct was unbecoming a member of the Authors' League.
Connnunists are notable for two things, one is slavish obedience to
their orders and demands of slavish obedience from others.
The American Autliors' Authority, which is an attempt by the
Screen Writers Guild to take all American authors under authority —
I claim nobody has any authority over American writers, particularly
not American writers. We have laws on the books for that, of course.
The Screen Writers Guild tried to get me forced out of the Authors'
League. As I say, they did not succeed. Then I was subjected to a
great deal of violent attack and slander. 1 tried to answer it in kind.
I don't know who is a Communist because I have never seen a Com-
munist card and most of them are either discreet or cowardly enough
to refuse to admit they are Connnunists.
Mr. Stripling. M'r. Hughes, at that point, however, by observing
their activities and the line which they followed weren't you able to
discern which ones were closely associated with the Conmiuiiists, even
though you do not have their Communist Party cards 'i
Mr. Hughes. Yes. You can't help smelling them, in a way. Their
ideas are all one way. I have had furious debates with Emmett Lavery
in forums and privately in the Authors' Guild, where they tried to force
their authority on the Authors' Guild, the Dramatists' Guild.
Lavery is a good Catholic, he says, but I say a man whose views
are Communist, whose friends are Communists, and whose work is
comnuinistic is a Communist. 1 would say if a wolf wear's sheep's
clothing that man is a wolf.
I think those 19 gentlemen have labeled themselves as Communists,
but 1 don't know that any one of them is one.
One thing that I feel tests a Connnunist is this: Before we entered
the Second W^orld War Hitler and Stalin were buddies connnitted to
great ideals, destroying Eugland and then the United States. I was
asked to take part in a forum at the University of California at Los
Angeles.
Til is might have a bearing, sir, on one writer who is quite prominent.
Herbert liiberman, a very ])rominent writer, attacked at this Uni-
versity of California forum, England, lend-lease, Roosevelt, conscrip-
tion, every prepared measure we attemi)ted. I was hissed and booed
on that same program where he was loudly applauded because 1 at-
tacked Hitler, who was then in partnership with Stalin. I was
charged by Communists in resolutions as being a bloody-minded de-
generate trying to get the blood of American boys spilletl on foreign
soil. Biberman took ])art in that.
Then when Hitler attacked Stalin. Biberman and his brethren came
down and joined a regiment of which I was a colonel. Charlie Chap-
130 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
lin came to New York and demanded an accounting for it. They
were all fighting for Russia, not for us.
That is the way I tell a Communist, a man who never says a word
against the bloodiest butcher in history, Stalin, and who says violent
words against the most modest American. That is my test.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Hughes, do you consider the Screen Writers
Guild to be under Communist domination at the present time?
Mr. Hughes. Weakeningly so. It was absolutely under Communist
domination when the authority was put to use. It was voted for
something like 310 to 7 and the poor 7 were hissed and booed. It was
revived, then the last vote was something like 225 to 125. The anti-
Communists are trying to take it back and I have some hopes they
will succeed. It has been, up to the present, strongly dominated by
Communists.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the Communists in Hollywood at the
present time are on the defensive or on the offensive ?
Mr. Hughes. I think they are on the defensive now because they
are losing a great many of those fashion followers who thought it was
smart to be Communists and who now find it is unpopular and are
deserting them.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the attacks which they are
now leveling against anyone who is opposed to their party line, shall
we say? For example, the committee and this investigation. They
have issued numerous statements and documents to the effect that the
committee is attempting to bring about thought control. What is
your opinion as to the thought-control theme which they are now
following ?
Mr. Hughes. I nearly died laughing when a large meeting was held
in Hollywood by a great many leftists who oppose thought control. In
Russia, which they defend, thought control or free thought is as im-
possible as free speech, free press, and free assembly.
I think Mr. Kenny and his group are very comical in challenging a
congressional committee for investigating things when, if they opened
their mouths in Russia, they w^ould be shot before they could open them
a second time.
I think it is infamous for any American to keep quiet about Russia.
Russia may be fighting us any minute — in fact is fighting us now. I
think any Communist is an enemy spy or agent. I don't think we ought
to speak to them. We ought to treat them the way we treated Benedict
Arnold. They are worse than Benedict Arnold. They are fighting
every effort anyone has ever made.
Tiiey tried to force me out of the Authors' League, as well as others.
I know anti-Communist writers in Hollywood who have been forced
practically to starvation by the refusal of the Communist writers to
work for them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Hughes, who are the people in Hollywood that
you feel could do most to thwart the activities of the Communists ?
Mr. Hughes. I think tlieir names have been mentioned here numer-
ous times. I would subscribe to all of them. I have a poor memory.
You read them to me and I can give you my opinion of them.
Mr. Stripling. I am afraid you misunderstood my question. I will
reframe it.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 131
Who would the responsibility rest with for cleaning the Communists
out of tlie motion-picture industry?
Mr. HuGiiKS. Well, I think the producers in general should do it
because they are the people who liire and fire. I think they have been
unjustifiably lax. They have paid from $2,000 to $5,000 a week to
men whom they know to be brilliant. Many Communists are very, very
brilliant. They permit them to as little poison in.
They say no Communist pictures have been put forth. Of course
they haven't. Mission to Moscow was a Communist picture. That
rather discouraged Communist propaganda, but where you see a little
drop of cyanide in the picture, a small grain of arsenic, something that
makes every Senator, ever^; businessman, every employer a crook and
which destroys our beliefs in American free enterprise and free insti-
tutions, that is communistic. The producer should stop it.
We have many Communist directoi's who not only permit but en-
courage it. We have a flood of Communist writers. Some of them are
openly Communists and some secretly.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned Communist directors. Are there
aijy directors you consider to be Communists?
Mr. Hughes. The directors I consider to be Communists, I have no
information from personal interviews and personal talks with them,
but they were mentioned here by Sam Wood, who knows them all.
He had a terrific fight in the Directors' Guild. The Communists tried
to take that over. They tried to take over the Actors' Guild and they
have tried to take over everything in America.
Mr. Stripling. You have no personal knowledge yourself of any
Communist directors ?
Mr. Hughes. Not from personal contact.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have any personal knowledge of any Com-
munist writers ?
Mr. Hughes. I know a great many writers whom I consider very
communistic, though I haven't seen their cards. There are dozens of
them.
Mr. Stripling. Who would you say is the key figure in the Com-
munist set-up in the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Hughes. You mean as distinguished between writers, directors,
and producers ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; all of them. Who is the most important, to
your mind?
Mr. Huqhes. I think they are all equally important because there
has to be team play. Everything stems from the writer. The director
works with the writer and of course the producer works with them
both, then the head of the studio works with them all. I think every-
body shares the responsibility.
The Chairman. May I interrupt there? As I understand the ques-
tion, 3^ou meant who is the leader, what individual is the Communist
leader out in Hollywood ?
Mr. Hughes. I couldn't say that any one man is.
The Chairman. Who has the most influence ?
Mr. Hughes. Some individual, you mean ?
The Chairman. Yes ; put it that way.
Mr. Hughes. I should hesitate to say any one man has more than
anyone else. It is a group of them.
132 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. xVre yon faniiliiir with any anti-C'omnmnist films
or scripts wliich liave been submitted or films which have been protlnced
in Holl3'W()0(l ?
Mr. HuGHKs. I can tell yon of two experiences. One of them hap-
pened to me.
A man came to me and wanted to do an anti-Commnnist film bnt was
afraid to do one directly attackin<): them, for fear they wonld wreck
the theaters, so he asked me to do a picture ridicnling Communists
and said AVarner Bros, would be interested in it if I could fui'uish
a story.
I went over it at luncheon where Jack Warnei- was present, Al Jol-
son, who was then a stockholder, and otliers. They were vei-y enthu-
siastic and paid me $15,000 to write about a r),000-word plot attackin<»;
American Communists.
In the meantime Hal Wallace, who was their business manager, had
been on a vacation and he returned. He said, "You are insane to
attempt even a comic picture about American Communists because
they will put stinkpots in every theater that tries to show it." ♦
They were scared off and never did the picture. I had my $15,000
and I still have my story.
This is hearsay but one writer, Galvin Wells, now an American
citizen who was an Englishman, went to Russia, took motion pic-
tures and came back and wrote a book called Caput, because everything
in Russia was broken to pieces, all the taxicabs, all the automobiles,
all the machines. Everything was caput.
He got his jiicture through with some difficulty and some cleverness.
He told me — this is only hearsay — that he sold the picture to Sol Lesser.
Sol Lesser was making a big motion picture of it when the wife of
one of the leading Communist writers — herself being a very prominent
Communist — went to Sol Lesser — this so I am told by Galvin Wells —
and said, "If you show that picture we will cut up the upholstery and
destroy every theater where it is shown." Sol Lesser dropped it.
I saw the picture about 4 weeks ago. That atmosphere Avas there,
and any producer who had the faintest idea of attacking the Com-
munists was scared out, frightened by a conspiracy to wreck the
theaters, put stinkpots in the theaters, parade in front, picket them, and
everything else.
There has been that tyrannical domination. Hollywood writers,
producers, and directors who are anti-Connnunist have been scared
into silence.
The Chairman. May I interrupt you there?
Mr. Hughes. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Hughes, you may have brought in a new point
that we have not had given to us before, and that is the main reason why
the producers do not show anti-Communist films, because of the fear
they would have that the Communists would go in there and disrupt
the audience in the theater and in that way they would not make any
money as a result of showing these pictures. That is a new idea you
have given to us.
Mr. HucJHES. I think you could find a thousand instances of it. You
know what stiidcpots did at restaurants where they had labor trouble
and picketed them.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 133
The writers are clever. It has been abnost impossible for years to
get a word said a to 1035.
Under that reorganization John Howard Lawson was the first presi-
dent of the Screen Writers Guild.
Sometime in 1935 a new constitution was proposed for the Authors
League of America and the Screen Writers Guild as a component
part of that organization. We discovered — a group of us discovered —
that for CO days there had been an intensive campaign of small meet-
ings educating selected groups of the members of the Screen Writers
Guild of this new constitution. It had been kept away from those
members who might have been critical, or who might conceivably
have opposed it.
On analysis of that constitution we found that it would' result in
centering within the board of directors of the Screen Writers Guild
such a control over the economic existence of all writers that it pro-
vided for disciplinary measures to be applied to writers guilty of
conduct prejudicial to the good order of the guild — without specify-
ing what that conduct was — that a man could be destro^'ed economi-
cally under that authority. ,
So we fought ratification of that proposed constitution and bylaws.
FVominent in that fight to ratify the constitution were John Howard
Lawson, Donald Ogden Stewart, Tess Schlessinger, now deceased, and
her then husband, Frank Davis.
Mr. Smith. How many members were there in the Screen Writers
Guild in 1935?
Mr. JNlcGuiNNESs. I would say somewhere between 300 and 400
members.
Mr. Smith. What proportion of the screen writers were membeis of
the guild?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 137
Mr. McGuiNNESS. At that time I would say perhaps 60 jjercent.
Mr. Smith. Diirinfj the period of the Hitler-Stalin pact, what oc-
curred at a convention oi the Lea<>ue of American Writers held in New
York?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. At that time there had been a strike at the North
American aircraft factory in In<>;hnvood, Calif. President Roosevelt
denounced the strike as Connuunist-inspired and a conspiracy. He
sent troops to reopen the plant.
There was a convention of the League of American Writers held in
New York simultaneously with this occurrence, which was attended
by members, either officers or members, of the board of directors of
the Screen Writers Guild. A teletiram was dispatched to the Presi-
dent from the convention of the Leai2:ue of American Writers, and
sifjned by four members of the executive board, or the board of di-
rectors, of tlie Screen Writers Guild. Two of the names I recall.
They were Donald Ogden Stewart and John Howard Lawson.
In Hollywood there was immediate resentment to this telegi-am
signed by officers and members of the board of the Screen AVriters
Guikl, and agitation of pi'otest ensued. Presently those four members
were forced to resign their official positions in the guild.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, can you tell us any other Comnumist-
front organizations that were formed during the Stalin-Hitler })act?
Mr. McGuinness. I think during the Stalin-Hitler })act, during
that period front organizations were not particularly popular. They
were formed before and after the Hitler-Stalin pact.
Mr. Smith. What, if anything, could you tell us about the Holly-
wood Anti-Nazi League?
Mr. McGuinness. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi League was formed
with a very sympathetic title which enlisted the support of very many
excellent and patriotic Americans in the motion-picture community.
Shortly after its organization Mr. Edward Chodorov, a screen
writer and playwright, approached Col. Law^rence Stallings, the author
of AAHiat Price Glory, and asked him if he and I w^ould serve as co-
chairmen of the publicity committee of that organization. Colonel
Stallings had discussed this with me, and having had some experience
with Communist-controlled groups due to my activity in the Screen
Writers Guild. I said I would be only too happy to serve if somewhere,
either in a statement of j)rinciples, or in the title of the organization,
they would specify they were equally opposed to communism.
Coloned Stallings carried that message back and was told that was
impossible, so neither Colonel Stallings or I served.
Mr. Smith. The American Peace Mobilization was formed during
the time you referred to, I believe. Have you any comments regarding
that ?
Mr. McGuinness. The American Peace Mobilization was first
formed in Hollywood under the name, I think, of the Emergency
Peace Conference. Among the founder members was Herbert Biber-
man, a motion-pictui-e director.
After its fcjrmation in Hollywood it took on national scope, became
the American Peace Mobilization, and during the period of the Hitler-
Stalin pact representatives of that organization picketed the White
House, denouncing the war as imperialist, and denouncing the Presi-
dent as a warmonger.
138 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, in your opinion were any pictures
made during the period June 1941 through 1945 which you would
consider pro-Communist pictures?
Mr. McGuinness. During the period of the war, when I would pre-
fer to call them pro-Soviets more so than pro-Communist, there were
three pictures made which have been discussed before this Committee:
Mission to Moscow, which, in my opinion, distorted history; North
Star, and Song of Russia, which represented Russia as a never-never
land, flowing with milk and honey. I never regarded them too seri-
ously since they were made during the war. In fact, I looked on them
as a form of intellectual lend-lease.
I might say that we profited by reverse lend-lease because during
the same period the Communist and Communist-inclined writers in
the motion-picture industry were given leave of absence to become
patriotic.
During that time under my general supervision Dalton Trumbo
wrote two magnificently patriotic scripts, A Guy Named Joe, and
Thirty Seconds Over Tokyo, which made excellent pictures, I think.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer have you
ever observed any efforts on behalf of the Communist Party to suppress
a picture?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes.
Mr. Smith. Will you relate that to the committee?
Mr. McGuinness. In 1941, prior to our entrance into the war, therfe
was written and produced at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer the picture called
Tennessee Johnson. The picture was based on the life of Andrew
Johnson. It was basically an American success story in that it showed
a backwoodsman from Tennessee who was illiterate in adulthood,
taught to read and write by the woman who later became his wife,
eventually succeeding to the office of President of the United States.
It showed a man so devoted to the ideals of Abraham Lincoln that
although he lacked the power of Lincoln he put his own career in
jeopardy to carry out the ideals laid down by his predecessor.
The producer of this picture, J. Walter Reuben, died during the
actual making of the picture, and I took it over as 'part of my executive
functions.
Before the shooting of the picture was finished, much to my surprise,
there was circulated in the studio a protest against the content of this
picture, signed by five men who, in my opinion, had consistently fol-
lowed the Communist Party line in every twist and turn. Those men
were Donald Ogden Stewart; Hy Kraft, a writer; Richard Collins,
a writer ; Jules Dassin ; and Ring Lardner, Jr.
The Chairman. May I interrupt right there?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes, sir. '
The Chairman. The Chair would like to say, ]\Ir. McGuinness, this
committee has made a very thorough investigation of Communist
personnel in Hollywood. We have a very complete record on at least
79 persons active out in Hollywood. The time will come in these
hearings when this documented evidence will be presented, so I just
want to let you know now you cannot make the kind of investigation
we can, but we have made a very thorough investigation, and that
material will be presented at this public hearing, either some time
this week or some time next week.
Mr. McDowell. May I just ask this question?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 139
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
• Mr. McDowell. Mr. McGuiiiness, you said a protest was circulated
in the studio. In what fashion was tliat — to whom did it go ?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. Perhaps the word "circulated" is wrong. The
protest was signed by these men and sent to Mr. Al Lickman, the
executive vice president who had over-all control of the production
of this picture.
The CiiAiRMAisr. The record will show Mr. Wood is present, and a
quorum of the full committee is present.
Mr. Smith. ]Mr. McGuinness, will you give those names again and
spell them, please?
Mr. MuGuiNNESS. Hy Kraft — K-r-a-f -t ; Donald Ogden Stewart.
Mr. Smith. Is that S-t-e-w-a-r-t ?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes. Ring Lardner, Jr. ; Richard Collins.
Mr. Smith. And Jules Dassin ?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes. I think it is spelled D-a-s-s-i-n.
]\Ir. S^iiTH. AVas there any more information or further statements
made at that time as to what this group or their associates intended
to do if the picture was not suppressed?
Mr. McGuinness. A campaign developed immediately afterward.
The picture, which had not been finished and which nobody had seen
except a few people intimately working on it, was attacked as misrep-
resenting history and as being a reflection on the Negro race.
]\Ir. Smith, Was the picture ever finished ?
Mr. McGuinness. The picture was finished. I could not at first
determine the reason for this attack. There were only two people of
the colored race in the picture, both represented as dignified, intelli-
gent, and fine liuman beings.
I discovered later through investigation that since we had made a
picture concerning the life of Andrew Johnson, Thaddeus Stephens
had appeared as a manager for the House in the proceedings in the
Senate against the President; that Thaddeus Stephens had been used
extensively throughout the South by the Communist Party as the first
patron saint of communism in the United States — as a very heroic
figure. In fact, I discovered that there was on Central Avenue in
Los Angeles a Communist-front club called the Thaddeus Stephens
Club. So, in representing Mr. Stephens in his true light we had
apparently done the Communists a disservice, and that was the reason
for the attempt to suppress the picture.
Mr. Smith. Is it your opinion their attempts were somewhat
successful in suppressing that picture?
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Smith, I want to say something right here.
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Mr. McDow^ELL. Just to keep the record straight, Thaddeus Stephens
was a gieat American patriot and citizen. Pennsylvania is very proud
of Thaddeus Stephens and the role he played in American history.
The Chairman. Wliat were you going to say, Mr. McGuinness?
Mr. McGuinness. I don't want to get into a political debate.
Mr. S311TH. ]Mr. jSIcGuinness, do you think their efforts were some-
what successful in suppressing this picture?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes. I believe they hurt the picture to some
extent largely because of agitation against it, which coincided with the
attack on Pearl Harbor, which preceded the release of the picture.
140 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Metro-Goldwvn-Mayer decided that aiiytliiii<>; which might create
any kind of disturbance within our covnitry at that time was inad-
visable, and not a contribution to the war effort, so they made no
exploitation campaign based on this agitation and mei'ely released the
picture in a routine form.
Mr. Smith. When did the Conununists start penetrating the motion-
I)icture industry, to your knowledge?
Mr. Mc'Cjuinnkss. I would say the Conununists began to penetrate
the motion-picture industry in the early thirties; that with the growth
of the threat of Hitler and nazism they rose and were able to enlist the
support of many fine people who naturally wanted to fight fascism.
During the Si)anish civil war there was great sympathy in many
quarters in Hollywood for the cause of the Loyalists. This influence
waned during the Hitler-Stalin pact, which revolted against many
fair-minded people, and it rose to its greatest height under tlie very
favorable climate provided when Russia and ourselves were allies
during the war.
The CiiAiKMAX. Mr. McGuinness, in regard to that penetration, the
Communists have not only penetrated the motion-picture industry,
they have penetrated labor, education, and Government; so when we
investigate communism in the motion-picture industry we are not
taking any rights away from the industry; we are not in any way
trying to censor the movies. What we are doing is just investigating
communism in another field.
Therefore, 1 think it is a mistake for anyone to think that the mo-
tion-picture industry has a special privilege of innnunity.
Isn't that also your belief?
Mr. McGuinness. Mr. Chairman, I am very happy to hear the Chair
state that. I would like to state my own personal and deep conviction
that the very vast majority of the men and women who work in the
motion-picture industry are as fine and patriotic Americans as will be
found anywhere else oh earth.
But I think with an ideological conflict tearing the world to pieces
there is no reason why Hollywood should be the one white spot that
escaped this plague.
T,he Chairman. That is right. These 79 j^ersons that I named
before are not just the run-of-the-mill; they are very prominent per-
sons, i^rominent in the industry, and those are the people that we
have the records on; those are people whose records are going to be
brought out before this hearing is over. Do you not think they
should be ?
Mr. McGuinness. I think that the greatest fight that can be made
against comnninism is to identify the Communists and to force them
to take the responsibility that every other American takes, to a])pear
publicly, state, advocate, and siii)port his own beliefs, and be judged
by the American jjeople as to whether those beliefs are worth while,
or not.
The Chairman. Go ahead.
Mr. Smith. Mr. McGuinness, has there been any concerted effort
on the p'dvt of any studio to eliminate this group of people ?
INIr. McGuinness. Well, as Mr. Jack Wai'uer testified, he made
an effort — I think a successful one. I think great caution has been
exercised bv the management of the Paramount Studios. I think a
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 141
varyin;ht be acceptable —
I don't know whether all will be acceptable — to the Soviet Union.
Mr. Wood. Do yon know of any instance in which any of them who
advocate that political philosopliy have ever had any difficulty in
obtaining entrance into any country that is dominated by that school
of thought?
Mr. Mc"Guixxi<:ss. No; I do not.
Mr. Wood. Well, have yon read this morning's editorial in the
AVasliin<>ton Post ?
Mr. McCjuinxess. No. I think there was a cartoon in it that I saw.
Mr. Wood. It had, to me. a very interestinjj editorial, somewhat
taking to task certain members of the industry who have appeared
here as witnesses because of their pi-onounced unwillingness to assume
the legal implications that might be involved by concerted action on
the part of the responsible heads of the industry to eliminate this class
of people from their employment, and in view of the recent decisions
of the Supreme Court and a court of one of our States, particularly
New Yoik, to the effect that the term "communism" is such an odious
term that it formed tlie fouiulation for an action in damages and in
libel against a person who might apply it to another. Don't you think
that the responsible studio heads of this country have at least some
justification in their unwillingness by their concerted action to under-
take to eliminate men from their employment for that reason?
Mr. McGuiNXESs. I am not a lawyer, but I believe that legally con-
certed action might be deemed conspiracy.
Mr. Wood. It is difficult in this country to prove that a man is a
Conmumist ; isn't it?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. It is. My own observation of what constitutes a
Communist has been based somewhat on this principle, that if a man
goes into a saloon every night for 10 years I have to presume that he
didn't go there to get a lemonade. I also follow the pattern of be-
havior established by Attorney General Biddle of the various twists
and turns of the Communist Party in relation to the Hitler-Stalin
pact period when it was an imperialist war. the change of front and
attitude when Hitler attacked Stalin, the demand then that we go all
out to aid the Allies, and the su})sequent demand for a second front.
I might add that since the Attorney General has left office there
is the additional return to the revolutionary technique, on the basis
of the Jacques Duclos letter which ordered the American party to
get rid of its boss.
The CHAimr.vN. May we have more order, please.
Mr. Wood. In view, then, of the legal implications that are in-
volved, and that might at least be put in force, do you think a charge
against the responsible heads of the moving-picture industry in Amer-
ica that they had been derelict in their duty for not conspiring to-
gether to eliminate ])eo])le from their industry because of their political
beliefs is a little bit unfair?
Mr. McGuixNEss. I think that that charge is unfair. I advocate
no conspiracy by any group of men, including the Communists. I
think that each producer or head of a studio nuist decide for himself
what his attitude is.
150 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Wood. Wouldn't it be very simple, in your opinion, ]\Ir. Mc-
Guinness, if the Congress would simply by amendatory legislation
provide that the controlling heads of any industry may, if they have
reasonable grounds to conclude that a man is engaged in activities
detrimental to this Government, and aiding a philosophy that is de-
signed to overthrow it, would have the right to eliminate them and
that other people in that industry would have the right to decline
to employ them for that reason, without fear of future legal
implications?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. I agree with that in principle, Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. Thank you.
That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. Mr. McGuinness, in attempting to influence the motion
pictures one way or another, either in keeping out the facts about
communism or in keeping out the facts about the American way of
life or distorting those facts, what would you say was the more impor-
tant : The writer or the actor ?
Mr. McGuiNNESs. The writer.
Mr. Nixon. The actor has probably very little control on that par-
ticular score and could do very little?
Mr. McGuinness. It depends on his importance. Most stars are
listened to and their opinions carry weight
Mv. Nixon. Well _ .
Mr. McGuinness (continuing). About a script, but very few of
them, if any, have a veto power on what pictures they appear in.
Mr. Nixon. But in the making of the actual picture itself, the
writer is by far the more important of the two ?
Mr. McGuinness. Oh, yes.
Mr. Nixon. And the same would be true in relationship to the di-
rector and the actor?
Mr. McGuinness. Yes ; I think the director is more important in
forming and framing the picture than the actor.
Mr. Nixon.. That is right. So, as far as the Communists are con-
cerned, their primary aim in Hollywood, if they are attempting to in-
fluence the motion pictures in one way or another, is to attempt to en-
list the support first of writers and, second, of directors and probably
a very poor third of actors.
Mr. McGuinness. I don't think that they have neglected the actors,
but I think for their purposes-
Mr. Nixon. For their purposes
Mr. IVIcGuiNNESs (continuing). The order you establish is correct.
Mr. Nixon. Yes; and if they have been extremely successful, or
relatively successful, in obtaining the support of writers and direc-
tors, they have accomplished their purpose to an extent, at least?
Mr. AIcGuiNNESS. They have to an extent. Not completely.
Mr. Nixon. Now, during the war you said that the Communist
writers wei'e given a leave of absence, as you put it, to write pictures
which showed America in a favorable light. Do you mean by that
that before that time, and since that time, they did not have a leave
of absence to tell the true facts about America ?
Mr. McGuinness. Since the Duclos letter — we had described in
quite some detail yesterday. the series of discussions or articles in the
Communist press, in which as a final result Mr. Albert Maltz was
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 151
forced to eat his own words, disciplined, and had to confess error and
return to what he termed the Marxist basis for all writers. That is
what I mean by the terminology "leave of absence."
Mr. Nixon. I see. So at the present time the Communist writers
in Hollywood, or those who are following the Communist line, do
not have, as you put it, a so-called leave of absence to either, one, tell
the true facts about America, and, two, tell the true facts about totali-
tarian communism.
Mr. McGuiNNESs. I believe that to be the condition.
Mr. Nixon. In other words, the situation at the present time is that
those who are following the Communist line as writers in Hollywood
are under direction to distort the facts about America and to suppress
the facts about totalitarian communism?
Mr. McGuiNNEss. I believe that to be true.
Mr. Nixon. Well, in view of that fact, if you had, as a studio execu-
tive, in your employ writers who you knew were, (1) either members
of the Communist Party — which might be unlikely, I admit, from
the standpoint of proof — or, (2) who had consistently followed the
Communist line, would you feel that if they were to remain in your
employ they would have to be watched very carefully from the
standpoint of the type of pictures that they produced and their
activities in attempting to control the pictures in some way?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. Yes; I believe they should be watched with
vigilance continually.
Mr. NixoN. And the reason you feel that they would have to be
watched is that because they do follow the line which you have ex-
plained these writers, and directors as well, assuming that some of
those would be involved, constitute a potential danger to the industry
and to the country as well in that what they advocate and what they
are working for would destroy the principles which you believe in
and which most of us in America believe in ?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. I believe that the only group in the United States
organized for the purpose of exercising thought control is the Com-
munist group and if they ever got control of the industry nothing
would ever appear on the screen but their own conception of what was
best for all of us.
Mr. NixoN. So, if a motion picture does not, as far as the Com-
munist writer or sympathizer is concerned, as we have put it before,
distort the facts about America, or suppress the facts about commu-
nistic Russia, then is it not true that those people in Hollywood pro-
ceed to call such pictures or people who attempt to promote such
pictures Fascists, un-American, and enemies of free speech — anti-
liberals?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. They call us all that, and I could elaborate the
list.
Mr. Nixon. You mean you don't want to say anything that can't
go over the air ?
Mr. McGuiNNESS. That is right.
Mr. Nixon. And so, in your opinion, the most violent opponents
of a free screen in Hollywood, and of free speech, are the Communists
and the Communist Party liners, because as far as they are concerned
they oppose unequivocably telling the truth and the facts about Com-
munist Russia, or anything that would in any way criticize com-
munism in Russia, or any other totalitarian Communist country and
152 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
because tliey deliberately attempt 1o distort the facts about America?
Mr. McGuixxESs. I a earnestly desirous of
a rich. exi»anding literature in America have the obligation of charting the
course. This common effort must not languish while we search for unassailable
definitions.
It has been my conclusion for some time that much of left-wing artistic
activity — both creative and critical — has been restricted, narrowed, turned away
from life, sometimes made sterile — because the atmosphere and thinking of the
literary left wing has been based, upon a shallow approach. Let me add that the
^^ See appendix, p. .'")29. for oxliibits .34-36.
COMMUNISM IN JNIOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 153
left wing has also offered a iiuiuber of vital liitelleetual assets to the writer —
such as its insistence that important writing cannot he socially idle — that it
must he humane in content, etc. Schneidei- enumerated these assets and I take
them here for granted. But right uow it is essential to iliscuss where things
have gone wrong — why and how.
I believe that the effects of the shallow approach I have mentioned — like a
poison in tiie blood stream — largely cause the problems Schneider mentioned.
Indeed, these problems are merely the pustules upon the body, the sign of ill
health.
Let me underscore that I am referring only to artistic activity, not to .iournal-
ism. Schneider differentiates generally between writing for the. moment and
writing enduring works. There are other ways of phrasing this distinction, but
his is a useful one — provided it is not taken with mechanical literalness. For
instance, certain works have been written for the moment which nevertheless
prove to contain enduring values. Such examples do not alter the true meaning
of Schneider's categories.
Schneider went on to state, correctly, that: "* * * to report inunediate
events or to pi'opagandize for inunediate objectives * * * jg an honorable
as well as a useful function. (John Keed * * * Ehrenburg. ) The harm,"
he added, "is in confusing the two. Some writers have sought to solve a conflict
of conscience by trying to do the two in one" ( i. e., journalism and art). "They
have written books in such a way as also to serve immediate political expediencies.
The results showed either in weakened and schematic writing — or wasted writ-
ing."
In these remarks, Schneider recognizes the problem, describes it accurately- — but
does not go on to uncover the deep source of it. Left-wing writers have been
confused ; yes. But why?
The answer, 1 believe, is tliis : Most writers on the left have been confused.
"The conHict of conscience," resulting in wasted writing or bad art, has been in-
duced in the writer by the intellectual atmosphere of the left wing. The errors
of individual writers or critics largely liow from a central source, I believe. That
source is the vulgarization of the theory of art which lies behind left-wing think-
ing, namely, "art is a weapon."
Let me emphasize that, properly and broadly interpreted, I accept this doctrine
to be true. The ideas, ethical concepts, credos upon which a writer dra\\"s con-
sciously or unconsciously are those of his period. In turn, the accepted beliefs
of any period reflect those values which are satisfactory to the class holding
dominant social power. To the degree that works of art reflect or attack these
values, it is broadly — not always specifically — true to say that works of art have
been, and can be. weapons in men's thinking, and therefore in the struggle of
social classes, either on the side of humanity's progress, or on the side of reaction.
But as interpreted in practice for the last !."> years of the left wing in America,
it has become a hard rock of narrow thinking. The total concept, "art is a
weapon," has been viewed as though it consisted of only one word: "weapon."
The nature of art — how art may best be a w^eapon, and how it may not be — has
been slurred over. I have come to believe that the accepted understanding of art as
a weapon is not a useful guide, hut a strait-jacket. I have felt this in my own
works and viewed it in the works of others. In order to write at all, it has long
since become necessary for me to i-epudiate it and abandon it.
Whatever its original stimulating utility in the late twenties or the early
thirties, this doctrine, "art is a weapon," over the years in day-to-day wear and
tear was convei-ted from a profound analytic, historical insight into a vulgar
slogan : "Art should be a weapon." This, in turn, was even m(n-e narrowly inter-
preted into the following: "Art should be a weapon as a leaflet is a weapon."
Finally, in practice, it lias been understood to mean that unless art is a weapon
like a leaflet, .serving immediate political ends, necessities, and programs, it is
worthless or escapist or vicious.
The result of this abuse and misuse of a concept upon the critic's apparatus of
approach has been, and must be. disastrous. From it tlow all of the constrictions
and — we nuist be honest — stupidities too often found in the earnest but narrow
thinking and practice of the literary left wing in these past years. And this has
been inevitable.
First of all. luider the domination of this vulgarized approach, creative works
are judged primai-ily by their formal ideology. What el.se can happen if art is a
weapon as a leaflet is a weapon? If a work, however thin or inept as a piece of
literary fabric, expresses ideas that .seem to fit the correct political tactics of the
time, it is a foregone conclusion that it will be reviewed warmly, if not enthusi-
154 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
astically. But if the work, no matter how hich in human insight, character por-
trayal, and imagination, seems to imply "wrong" political conclusions, then it
will be indicted, severally mauled, or beheaded, as the case may be.
Let me give a recent example of this unhappy pattern: When Lillian Hellman's
magnificent play. Watch on the Rhine, was produced in 1940, the New Masses*
critic attacked it. When it appeared, unaltered, as a film in 1942, the New Masses'
critic hailed it. The changed attitude came not from the fact that two different
critics were involved, but from the fact that events had transpired in the 2 years
calling for a different political program. This work of art was not viewed on
either occasion as to its real quality, its deep revelation of life, character, and the
social scene, but primarily as to whether or not it was the proper "leaflet" for the
moment.
There is an opposite error, corollary to this: New Masses' critics have again
and again praised works as art that no one — themselves included — would bother
to read now, 10 years later. In fact, it once even gave a prize to such a book.
This is not due to the fact that those who have written criticism for the magazine
have personally been without taste or intelligence or integrity. The evil lies in
the abandonment of taste because a shallow approach- does not permit it. Literary
taste can only operate in a crippled manner when canons of immediate political
utility are the primary values of judgment to be applied indiscriminately to all
books.
Again, from this type of thinking comes that approach which demands of
each written work that it contain "the whole truth." An author writes a novel,
let us say, about an unemployed Negro during the depression. The central
character, after many harsh vicissitudes, ends by stealing and is sent to the
penitentiary. If a book with this content were to be richly rendered, it might
be highly illuminating in its portrayal of an aspect of Negro life in America.
But, again and again I have seen such works, justifiably confined to only one
sector of experience, severely criticized because they do not contain "the whole
truth." Upon examination this "whole truth" reveals itself to be purely political.
The narrow critic is demanding that the novelist also show that some unemployed
Negroes join the unemployed councils, etc. This demand, which I have seen
repeated in varied ways in the pages of the New Masses, rests upon the psy-
chological assumption that readers come to each book with an empty head. They
know nothing, understand nothing. Therefore, all they will ever know of
Negro life in America must be contained in this book. Therefore, if the author
has omitted to say that some unemployed Negroes join organizations, it is a
deficient book because it doesn't contain "the whole truth," and it doesn't properly
fill the total vacuum of the reader's mind.
The creative writer, respecting this type of criticism, is faced with insuperable
diflficulties. He is confronted with thie apparent obligation of writing both a
novel and an editorial that will embrace all current political propositions re-
motely touching his material. Whether or not his character would join the
unemplo.ved council is of not matter ; whether or not the material and artistic
concept of the book forbid the exa^irnaticn of otner clinracters — that, too, is of
no matter. By hook oi' crook the ni;iterial must he so rendered that the whole
polit.cal "truth" of tiic scene is made visible, and the empty-handed reader is
thereby won to new horizons — Q. E. D.
This is not a method by which art can be made rich, or the artist freed to do
his most useful work. Let those who deny this ask working writers.
From this narrow approach to art another error also follows rather auto-
matically. If, in actual practice — no matter how we revere art — we assume
that a writer making a speech is performing the same act as writing a novel,
then we are helpless to judge works written by those who make the "wrong" sort
of speeches. Engels was never bothered by this problem. For instance, he said
of Balzac — I paraphrase— that Balzac taught him more about the social structure
of France than all of the economists, sociologists, etc., of the period. But who
was Balzac? He was a Royalist, consistently and virulently antidemocratic,
anti-Socialist, anti-Communist in his thinking as a citizen.
In his appreciation of Balzac, Engels understood two facts about art: First,
as I have already stated, the writer, qua citizen, making an election speech, and
the writer, qua artist, writing a novel, is performing two very different acts.
Second, Engels understood that a writer may be confused, or even stupid and reac-
tionary in thinking — and yet it is possible for him to do good, even great, work as
an artist — work that even serves ends he despises. This point is critical for an
understanding of art and artists. An artist can be a great artist without being
an integrated or a logical or a progressive thinker on all matters. This is so
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 155
because he presents not a systematized philosophy but the nnaginative reconstrue-
tion of a sector of human experience. Indeed, most people do not think with thor-
ouKhguing hjgic. We are all acquainted with Jews who understand the necessity
of fighting fascism, but who do not see the relationship between fascism and their
own discrimination toward Negroes. We l. It is apparent from
the statements of committee members, investigators, and witnesses that the im-
mediate target of these hearings will be the democratic guilds and unions of the
picture industry. In the subcommittee hearings this spring, the Screen Writers'
Guild was slanderously attacked as the center of subversive activity in Holly-
wood and afforded no opportunity to answer tlie charge. We are now sufficiently
acquainted with the record and methods of this committee to know positively
that there is no way to obtain a fair hearing under its auspices for our side of
the case. For these reasons, and because every intelligent American knows that
the eventual target of the committee is tlie freedom of the screen and American
democratic rights in general, it is fitting that tlie Screen Writers' Guild should
issue the following call to tlie other employee and employer organizations in the
industry :
"That the various guilds, unions, and producer organizations in Hollywood
unite in opposition to the conspiracy against the motion-picture industry between
a few individuals within the industry and tlie controlling faction of the House
Committee on Un-American Activities; that these groups, representing the over-
whelming majority sentiment of the industry, use every means at their disposal
to expose in advance the nature and purpose of the so-called hearings now
scheduled for September 23 ; and that these groups combine their talents and
existing channels for appearing to public opinion in order to present our side of
tlie story to the American people during and after the committee sessions in
Washington."
Mr. Smith. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDow^ELL. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Mr. NiBLo. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. The next witness, Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Richard Macaulay.
The Chairman. Mr. Macaulay.
Raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony
you are about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Macaulay. I do.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 197
TESTIMONY OF KICHARD MACATJLAY
Mr. Smith. Will you state your name, please, Mr. Macaulay?
Mr. Macaulay. Richard Macaulay.
Mr. Smith. Will you spell your name, please ?
Mr. Macaulay. M-a-c-a-u-1-a-y.
Mr. Smitit. Richard Macaulay?
;Mr. Macaulay. That is rif^ht.
Mr. Smith. AVhere do you live, Mr. Macaulay ?
Mr. Macaulay. 9909 Robbins Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Smith. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Macaulay. Chicago, 111., August 18, 1909.
Mr. Smith. You are here in response to a subpena heretofore
served upon j^ou? ^-
Mr. ]\1acaulay. I am.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, what is your occupation?
Mr. Macaulay. I am a writer.
Mr. Smith. For w^hom?
Mr. Macaulay. At the present moment Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer.
Mr. Smith. How long have you been a writer?
!Mr. Macaulay. About 20 years.
Mr. Smith. A screen writer ?
Mr. Macaulay. No. Before that I was a magazine writer and a
radio writer previous to that.
Mr. Smith. For whom have you written? Will you name some
of the people or organizations for whom you have written in the past
20 years, and your experience?
Mr. Macaulay. Both of the broadcasting companies, the Saturday
Evening Post, the magazines, Warner Bros., Columbia, RKO, Metro-
Goldwyn-Mayer. Universal.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, how long have you been associated
with the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Macaulay. For the last 12 years Avith the exception of 3 years
when I was in the service.
Mr. Smith. Are j^ou a member of the Screen Writers' Guild ?
Mr. Macaulay. I am.
Mr. Smith. Do you actively participate in that organization?
Mr. Macaulay. Yes ; I do."
Mr. Smith. And for what period of time?
Mr. Macaulay. Ever since I have been in Hollywood, ever since the
reactivation of the guild in 1936.
Mr. Smith. In your opinion have there been any Communists in
control or attempts to control the policies of the Screen Writers'
Guild?
Mr. Macaulay. Yes. There always had been, I understood, before
I came in but after we reorganized in 1936 such control became more
and more evident.
Mr. Smith. Can you explain some of the things that this group of
people do that you feel are communistically inclined ?
Mr. Macaulay. To begin with, they have a constant program of
intimidation. As time went on, only a very few would get up on the
^ ."^pe appendix, p. 531, for exhibit 43.
198 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
floor of the guild and attempt to oppose the controlling faction. There
are some members of the guild who are booed and hissed the moment
they arise before they open their mouths, on many occasions. This
frequently seems to be the result of a well-organized clique. Even if
they let you get up without bothering you, before you have proceeded
five sentences into your remarks someone is certainly liable to start
hissing you.
Mr. Smith. You say "this group." Wliom do you mean by "they"
or "this group"?
Mr. Macaulay. The Communists, and the boys who play along
with them.
Mr. Smith. Are you able to identify some of these individuals, in
your opinion?
Mr. Macaulay. Oh, yes.
Mr. Smith. Will you do so ?
Mr. Macaulay. A lot of these people — a few of them may not be
Communists. I might possibly be doing an injustice to some of them.
Mr. Smith. We would prefer you name only those in the guild
whom you feel are Communists.
Mr. Macaulay. I am morally certain of all of them. I merely say
if they habitually consort with bank robbers and the bank on the next
street is knocked off they can't holler if someone blows the whistle.
They are : Alvah Bessie, Lester Cole, Gordon Kahn, Howard Koch,
Ring Lardner, Jr., John Howard Lawson, Albert Maltz, Samuel
Ornitz, Waldo Salt, Robert Rossen, Dalton Trumbo. Guy Endore,
Richard Collins, Marian Spitzer, Hugo Butler, Donald Ogden Stewart,
Paul Trivers, Maurice Rapf, Henry Meyers, John Wexley, Ronald
MacDougall, John Collier, Abraham Polensky, William Pomerance,
Harold Buchman, Melvvn Lew, Clifford Odets, and Michael Blank-
fort.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, have you had any experience writing
any articles for the Screen Writers magazine?
ikr. Macaulay. Yes ; I had such an experience. Alvah Bessie had
written an article for the magazine sometime previous to my attempt.
I attempted to answer this article. Mr. Bessie in his article com-
plained about the things he could not write about because of capital-
istic oppression both in the movies and in the general press and the
magazine groups.
I answered this article, the basis of my article being this fact, that
I was prevented from writing many things about which I would like
to write because of the active interference of Mr. Bessie and his friends.
This article was turned down by Mr. Dalton Trumbo, the editor of
the magazine.
Mr. Smith. How do you feel it was turned down ?
Mr. Macaulay. Mr. Trumbo gave several remarkable reasons, one
of them beinn; that I had attacked minority groups, I had attacked
the Roman Catholic Church. This was remarkable coming from
Dalton Trumbo, doubly so, and the fact that I am a Roman Catholic.
The reasons were completely specious, and obviously so.
Mr. Smith. What action, if any, did you then take?
Mr. Macaulay. Later on to one of the editors of the magazine T
said, "It is obvious that there is no likelihood that anything I would
write could be printed in the Screen Writer," and he said, "I think you
are absolutely right."
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 199
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I have these letters and I think they
should be offered only as exhibits.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.^^
(The letters referred to are as follows:)
March 9, 1946.
Mr. Richard Macatjlay.
Beverly Hills, Calif.
Dear Mr. Macatilay : Thanks for your letter to Mv. Eugene Dooley, of which I
just received the carbon copy. I will submit it to the editorial committee, which,
I feel sure, will want to run it in the April Screen Writer (out about April 10).
Your int(>resting article on censorship will come up for final disposal at the
editorial committee meeting next Thursday night and. from talks I have had
with several members of the committee, I feel I can virtually assure you that it
will be accepted for the April issue, as well.
Incidentally, if you receive a publishable answer from Mr. Dooley, I think our
readers will be interested in what he has to say.
Thanks for your continued interest in the magazine.
Sincerely,
Harold J. Salem son,
Director of Publications.
March 22, 1946.
Mr. Richard Macaulay.
Los Angeles, Calif.
Dear Mr. Macaut..\y : The editorial board has decided against publishing your
article Who Censors What? and your letter to Mr. Eugene Dooley of St. Elizabeth's
Church.
The material slanders four million Americans of Italian descent; it attacks
organized labor; it takes the Government to task on issues which have nothing
to do with screen writers ; it contains statements which might be construed as
Incitement to attack upon various religious faiths, especially the Roman Catholic.
We do not question the courage of the Warsaw Poles who participated in
General Bor's "magnificent, doomed uprising," just as we do not question the
courage of the men and women who arose in that earlier and more surely doomed
effort which came to be known as the battle of the Warsaw ghetto. The Alexander
Hamilton film you proposed was done by Warner Bros, in 1932, starring the late
George Arliss. It is, however, improbable that the picture fulfilled your require-
ments of portraying .Jefferson as "our prime villain in history."
It is ditficult to support your belief in "the inalienable right of man's mind
to be exposed to any thought whatsoever, however intolerable that thought might
be to anyone else." Frequently such a right encroaches upon the right of others
to their lives. It was this "inalienable right" in Fascist countries which directly
resulted in the slaughter of five million Jews.
Very truly,
Dalton Trumbo,
(For the Editorial Committee of the Screen Writer.)
[From Variety, published October 14, 1946]
Who Censors What?
(By Richard ^Macaulay)
In a recent issue of the Screen Writer, Mr. Alvah Bessie consumed eight
pages of print in the i»roving of what every writer knows — namely, that there
are certain forces which, all too often, successfully prevent a writer from present-
ing the truth, or his conception thereof. The only unique thing about Mr.
Bessie's piece was his apparent a.ssumptinn that writers seeking to interpret
honestly the Spanish Civil War have been the only sufferers in this respect,
although there was also the implication that any cause dear to the Writers'
'* See appentlix, p. 531, for exhibits 44-46.
200 COMMUXISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Congress would have similar dlfllcultios in reaching the motion picture screen.
It is not difficult to understand Mr. Bessie's preoccupation with the Spanish
war. To the soldier, the biggest battle is the one in which he was hurt, or
most frightened. The man who liit Iwo Jima on D-day will believe forevermore
that this was the concentrated hell-hole of the war, although he cannot be ex-
pected to argue this successfully with a man who measures his beachheads by
the standards of Salerno. And so, the war to Mr. Bessie is contained prin-
cipally in Spain, although it is difficult for the average American soldier who
served in north Africa and Sicily to tliinlv of the Italian soldier as a formidable
opponent.
HERE COMES THE CENSOR
It is, in fact, this latter conception which has resulted in my own most re-
cent contact with the subterranean forces of uncodified censorship. I wrote
a story called Trouble Near Bataglia. It was a simple story, and in it my
American soldiers had a definite attitude toward the Italian people. This
attitude, as lield by my soldiers, was undoubtedly shared by Da percent of all
American soldiers who served in Sicily or Italy. My story represented an
accurate poi'trayal of an attitude that does exist, and widely.
The letter to my agent from the first magazine to which the story was presented
began as follows: "Trouble Near Bataglia is a magnificent story, and naturally
neither this magazine nor any other publication that we know of is going to
print it."
AFRAID OF STINK
Now, of whom was this editor afraid? And the other editors, for whom he
assumed to speak .so authoritatively? (And accurately!) Well, I'll tell you.
First of all, they are afraid of that segment of the Italian-American population
which, correctly enough, still places the "Italian" first in the hyphenation of
their citizenship. And second.arily, these editors are afraid of Mr. Bessie and
his friends, knowing well their talent for creating an organized, well-publicized
stink.
Let's start considering various things which yoti can't put on the screen.
Let's take labor leaders. I think the life of .Tames Caesar Petrillo would make
a fascinating screen play. As a writer who thinks he knows dramatic material,
I would like to have a few months to fool around with the life of Dan Tobin. I
think that a motion picture honestly investigating the modus operandi of the
building trade unions would have unlimited possibilities for entertainment,
di'ama, and public enlightenment. But if I have to take time out and prepare
a treatment, or a screen play, on any one of these three fertile subjects, what do
you think my chances would be of selling? Negligible, naturally. And if any
producer, new in town, were so stupid as to buy it, the project would still never
reach the screen.
SAME OLD OPPOSITION
Aside from my obvious difficulties with the Messrs. Tobin and Petrillo anu
their families and the loyal members of their organizations, I greatly fear that
I would encounter again determined opposition fi'om IMr. Bessie and his friends,
and unsavory words might be applied to me, such as "fink" and many other less
printable.
On the other hand, I have seen a great many motion pictures where captains
of finance and management have been depicted as cruel, avaricious men, devotedly
concentrated on their own agrandizement, and callously oblivious to the public
weal. Also, the real American Faceless I\Ian, the typical bourgeois, is portrayed
consistently as a silly little fellow, devoid of any real decency or intelligence, and
yet capable of almost any crime in the book, ranging from inept cupidity to
grotesque murder.
BUSY BUSINESSMAN
However, nothing in the way of concerted protest happens in either of these
cases. The national Association of Manufacturers and the United States Cham-
ber of Commerce have, by their very nature, limited memberships. These men
ordinarily are too busy to organize boisterous minorities into effective weapons
of suppression.
As for the Faceless Man, he is eternally unorganized, squeezed hard between
management and labor, with his screams of anguish unpitied and unheard. This
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 201
group, unable effectively to protest its own assassination, certainly will never
organize in protest against a motion picture.
In more general concepts of life, a picture which presented the thesis that
unwedded bliss can be a pretty good thing, or that a woman who hates her husband
should divorce him, would run into a blizzard of blows. Even granting the
preposterous premise that the script of such a picture got by the Johnston office,
what would happen to it after it reached the screen? The Legion of Decency,
the Knights of Columbus, the Watch and "Ward Society, and a thousand other
organizations who watch broodingly over public morals would descend on the film
with drooling jowl and bared fang.
STORY OF WARSAW
I freely admit that Mr. Bessie and his friends would raise no outcry against
any of the proposed scenarios outlined in the above two paragraphs. Neither,
I also admit, should anyone else in a society which even pretends to believe in
the inalienable right of man's mind to be exposed to any thought whatsoever,
however intolerable that thought might be to anyone else.
But I fear that Mr. Bessie might take a jaundiced view of any effort to bring
to the screen General Bor's magnificent, doomed uprising in Warsaw, which
perished for lack of aid even as Russian troops sat on the eastern bank of the
Vistula. I use the word "magnificent" advisedly, speaking in terms of human
courage. I am not prepared to pass on the politics tliat went into the situation.
All I know is that the attempted liberation of War.saw was a brave effort, of a
people arising against a conqueror, only to have their high hope wither to
bleak despair and ultimate starvation and defeat.
Yet I am afraid that if Mr. Bessie and friends did not tr.v to stop the making
of this picture, ibey would certainly speak very sternly ;igaiiist it, and perhaps,
attempt to invoke sanctions.
"CO.NFESSIONS" AGAIX
Many honest citizens of this country regard communism with a fear and a
horror equal to that which they bestow on fascism, nazism, or any other form
of state authoritarianism. Some time before the war Warner Bros, produced
a motion picture entitled "Confessions of Nazi Spy." This was a very good
picture, timely, and, as proved by subsequent events, quite accurate in its
premise. But what would happen now if some honest citizen attempted to
make a picture with his fears and suspicions of the Soviet as his subject?
I don't think yiv. Bessie would permit it, and of the many protest committees
which would form immediatel.v I think that a substantial percentage of the
names could also be found on the membership list of the Screen Writers' Guild.
I think it amusing for Mr. Bessie to complain of something he can't write
about, and here's why : There are so many things I wouldn't be able to write
about because of Mr. Bessie.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, do you think communism is a threat in
the motion-picture industry in Hollywood?
Mr. JMacaulay. Yes: 1 do; very definitely. The AA'ay these men
used to operate in the guild
Mr. Smith. The Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. JMacaulay, Yes. They made a man's name a byword and a
hissing if he so much as dared "mention the name of comminiism or
say the word "Communist." By this indoctrination and inculcation
that they gave to the vast middle mass of the guild they nvade it n
terrible thing. A man was a moron or imbecile if he said the word
"communism."
They have so successfully indoctrinated even well-meaning mem-
bers of the guild with this idea that recently at a caucus of a bunch
of moderates who dedicated themselves to trying to throw the Com-
munists out at the forthcoming guild election in November, it was
decided there not to use the word "Communist." Instead we referred
to the opposition as the "Lester Cole faction."
202 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDo^VEIX. As the what?
]Mr. Macaulay. The "Lester Cole faction."
The Chalrman. The record will show Mr. Wood is present. A
quorum is present.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Macaulay, what do you feel could be done to oppose
this threat?
Mr. Macaui^^y. The obvious thing is to throw them out at the next
election, if we can, within my own guild — and I have been speaking
most specifically of the problem within my own guild. If we can vote
them out of oflice we will certainly clip their wings.
In general, as far as the country goes, I definitely feel the Commu-
nist Party should be outlawed. I think it is not a political party at
all ; it is a seditious conspiracy and should be treated as such.
Mr. Smith. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood ?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. ]\Ir. Nixon ?
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Macaulay, you said in naming a considerable list
of people that you felt were Communists, that is, in your opinion,
you did not want to do any of them an injustice. I think it might be
well if you would indicate what specific actions these people generally
indulged in which led you to form that opinion.
Mr. Macaulay. Mr. Nixon, they have all followed the tortuous
twists of the Communist Party line through Russia's various jumps,
j)receding and during the war. A man can accidentally join one or
two Communist-front organizations, but when you find them in five,
six, or seven I think the supposition is reasonable that he knows what
he is doing.
Primarily these men have followed, no matter how ridiculous it
got, the party line of the Communist Party. They have always voted
as a group. You will never find any of these men I mentioned voting
differently on a given question.
Mr. Nixon, In other words, you would summarize it in this way:
They have consistently followed the Communist line in foreign policy ?
Mr. Macaulay. Yes.
Mr. Nixon. They have consistently belonged to Communist-front
organizations ?
Mr. Macaulay. That is right.
Mr. Nixon. They have voted as a group with the Communists in
every case ?
Mr. Macaulay. That is right.
Mr. IN^ixoN. And they have indulged in this campaign of abuse
against those who have indicated they might have some opposition to
Comnuuiists?
Mr. Macaulay. That is correct.
Mr. Nixon. And the fact that these people, all of whom you have
named, have consistently participated in those activities; that is the
basis for your opinion that they are Communists or that they are
consistent Communist sympathizers 2
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 203
Mr. Macaulav. That is correct.
Mr. Nixon. Thank yon.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith, do you have any more questions?
Mr. SMrrn. That is all, sir.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Macaulay.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Your next witness.
Mr. Stripling, The next witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Robert
Montgomery.
The Chairman. Mr. Montgomery, will you raise your right hand,
please ?
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Montgomery. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF ROBERT MONTGOMERY
Mr. STRirLixG. Mr. IMontgomer}-, will ycu state your full name
and present address, please?
Ml'. MoNTG03[ERY. liobei't Montgomery, 10430 Bellagio Road, Belair,
Los Angeles 24, Calif.
Mr. Strh'ling. When and where were you born, Mr. Montgomery?
Mr. JSIoNTGOMERY. I was born in Beacon, N. Y.
Mr. Stkh'eing. In what year?
Mr. M()nt(;()meky. li)()4.'
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation?
Mr. Montgomery. I am a director.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a director ?
Mr, Montgomery. I have been a director for the past 2 years and
an actor for the last 20,
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Montgomery. I have been in Hollywood since 1929.
Mr. Stripling. Did 3- ou serve in World War II ?
Mr. Montgomery, Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. In what branch of the service?
Mr. Montgomery. United States Navy.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of any guild at the present time ?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir; I am a member of the Screen Actors
Guild.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a member of the Screen
Actoi-s Guild?
Mr, Montgomery. I have been a member and officer of the Screen
Actors Guild since 1933,
Mr. Stripling. What positions have you held within the guild?
Mr. jNIontgomery. I have held the position, Hrst, of vice president
of the guild; I have been either a member of the board or the presi-
dent of the guild since 1933. I have held the position of president
of the guild in the years 1935. 1<)36. and 1937 and was reelected again
in 1946, resigning about 3 months after my election.
Mr. Stripling. During your tenure as president of the guild and
as a member of tlie guild have you ever at any time noted any Com-
munist influences operating within the guild?
^04 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Montgomery. We liave had in the Screen Actors Guild, as have
other labor unions, a very militant, a very small minority, well or-
ganized, well disciplined. Those people have been active since as
far back as 1933.
Mr. Stripling. Could you tell the committee whether or not that
group has ever been successful in dominating the policy of the guild
at any given time?
Mr. Montgomery. . Never under any circumstances.
Mr, Stripling. What has been the policy of the guild regarding
communism and fascism ?
Mr. Montgomery. I think the answer to that question can be given
best, Mr. Chairman, if you will permit me to read the resolution in
that regard issued by the guild in 1946.
The Chairman. Without objection so ordered.
Mr. Montgomery. I have your permission, sir 'i
The Chairman. Yes.
Mr. Montgomery. Thank you. [Reading:]
The Screen Actors Guild feels that its primary function is the honest repre-
sentation of its membership in a legal and orderly manner by duly elected
representatives in bringing about for its members the best possible working
conditions, hours, and wage scales.
The Screen Actors Guild feels that once these working conditions, wage
scales, and hours have been established, it is its duty, through its adminis-
trative staff, to see to it that the parties to the contract iinder which these
conditions liave been agreed to adhere strictly to the conditions as set forth
in that contract.
In the past the talent groups of Hollywood in particular and the industry in
general have been sub.iected to attacks via the press, radio, and governmental
agencies which have been instrumental in leading the public at largo to believe
that this organization has otiier aims than those set down above. The accusa-
tions have been made publicly against the talent groups that they do not
honestly function as they should in representing their members and have
become sounding boards for ideologies inimical to the American way of life.
Recognizing that the words "Communist" and "Fascist" have been employed
with recklessness and iri'esponsibility as terms of opprobrium, the Screen Actors
Guild desires to make a public statement and to set forth the above points. The
guild in addition states that it has in the past, does in the present, and will in
he fnture rigorously oppose by every power which is within its legal rights, any
real Fascist or Communist influence in the motion-picture industry or in the
ranks of labor.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Montgomery, you introiluced that reso-
lution yourself ?
Mr. iVfoNTOOMERY. Yes. sir; I did.
INIr. Stiitpltng. Did the introduction of it create any controversy
within the Guild?
Mr. Montgomery. The resolution was introduced in, as I remember
it, February 194G. The resolution was not made public until May, I
l)elieve, 194G. I would have to check those dates but I believe they are
approximately correct — May or June of 1946.
In that period of time, between those two dates, the first two articles
of the resolution pertaining to the duties of the guild appeared to
cause no discussion whasoever.
The third article in the resolution which came out flatfootedly
against any real Communist or Fascist influence in the ranks of labor
or in the motion-picture industry seemed to cause — again from a very
small minority — a tremendous opposition. Whether that opposition
Avas Communist or not, I am not qualified to state. I onh' know that
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 205
the}'- behaved exactly as left-win^ fjroups in various labor unions have
behaved in the past and do behave at present.
They attempted in every possible way to cloud the issue of that last
clause in the resolution.
Mr. Stripling. Was the resolution adopted ?
Mr. Montgomery. The resolution was adopted and was issued pub-
licly by the deleg:ates of the Screen Actors Guild at the California
State Labor Convention in 194G.
IVIr. Stripling. AVere any compromise or substitute resolutions
offered duriuf^ this controversy?
Mr. Montgomery. Compromise resolutions were offered, naturally,
because that appeared to be one of the tactics of the opposition to that
i-esolution. In all the compromise resolutions that were offered the flat
statement that we opposed Communism or Fascism was strangely
absent.
JNIr. Striplinc;. Mr. Montgomery, as a veteran of the Hollywood
scene are you aware of any Communist influences in other guilds in the
motion-picture industry?
Mr. JNIoNTGOMERY. I have heard a great deal of discussion about it.
I am not a member of those other guilds and I assume that just as
in the Screen Actors Guild there are again small active minorities
within those other guilds.
Let me make this point perfectly clear, with your permission. The
fact that these minorities are tiny does not, to me, cliange the picture
as far as their danger is concerned. They are Avell organized, they
are well disciplined. They appear at public meetings tremendously
well organized and with a (•om})lete program for the evening.
The Chairman. Mr. M()ntgomer3% they even appear at congres-
sional hearings, [Laughter.]
Mr. Stripling, Mr. Montgomery, can you tell the committee
whether or not in any picture in wliicli you were an actor, or in any
picture which you have produced, you have ever been aware of any
effort to inject Communist pro])aganda or scenes Avhich were unfriendly
to the American way into such films or scripts?
Mr. Montgomery. I have heard these people referred to as the luna-
tic fringe, and I quite agree with that definition. However, I do
not think any of them would be crazy enough to try to inject Com-
munist propaganda into a picture I had anything to do with.
Mr. Stripling. What is your opinion regarding communism?
Mr. ]\Iontgomery. Mr. Chairman, in common with millions of other
men in this country in 19))$) and 1940 I gave up my job to fight against
a totalitarianism which was called fascism. I am quite willing to
give it up again to fight against a totalitarianism called communism.
[Applause.]
The Chairman. The audience is the guest of this committee. This
is a congressional committee seeking the facts. We do not care for
any applause.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Montgomery, there are pending before this com-
mittee at the present time tAvo bills which seek to outlaw the Com-
munist Party. The committee has asked a number of i:)eople who are
prominent in the motion-picture industry and Avho have appeared
here their opinion as to whether the outlawing of the Communist
67683—47 14
206 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Paj'ty Avoiild serve to rid Iloll^ywood. shall we say, of Communist
influence. Naturally the Communists are entrenched in labor and
many other fields, but as far as Hollywood is concerned do you think
the Communist Party should be outlawed'^
Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Stripling, I do not think I am qualified to
answer that question in this respect: There are governmental agen-
cies who, I am sure, have a tremendous amount of evidence regarding
the Communist Party and its activities in this country. Those govern-
mental agencies, I feel, and the Congress of the IJnitefl States, are
a great deal more qualified to decide as to whether the Communist
Party should be outlawed as a political party in this country, or not.
If you are asking my personal opinion I do not believe it is a
political party.
Mr. Striplixg. What do you consider it to be, Mr. Montgomery?
Mr. Montgomery. I consider it a subversive group just as I con-
sidered the German-American Bund a subversive group.
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider it to be in fact the agent of a foreign
government ?
Mr. Montgomery. That again is a question of one's qualifications
to make that decision. I assume from their behavior that they are
and it has been testified to before this committee that they are.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood?
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon?
Mr. Nixon. Mr. Montgomery, you indicated that at the time this
resolution was introduced there was great opposition from this small
minority. The point I am interested in is this : You said they behaved
as all left-wing groups behaved. Would you indicate very briefly to
the committee some of the elements of behavior which in your opinion
follow that line?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir. The confusion of the issue by long and
protracted discussion is one of the maneuvers used by these people. I
am afraid this sounds a little melodramatic, but character assassins
of the proponents of the issue was another one.
Mr. Nixon. Long and protracted discussion and character assassins
were tw^o of them ?
Mr. Montgomery. Long and protracted discussion, let me say, with
the aim in view of simpl.y clouding the original issue of the reso-
lution.
]\Ir. Nixon. And not for the purpose of reaching a decision on the
matter at hand ?
Mr. Montgomery. No, sir; definitely not.
Mr. Nixon. But for the purpose of avoiding.a decision on the matter
on which they wanted no decision made?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir; exactly.
Mr. Nixon. I might say, Mr. Montgomery, des]nte the fact that
during the course of this hearing, as the chairman has indicated, no
applause can be allowed from the audience, I think I speak for the
members of the committee and for the members of the audience in say-
ing (hat although we may not openly express our approval we certainly
wish to indicate to you it is very encouraging to find a nuin in your
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 207
position who has, throughout the United States, a great deal of re-
spect among a great number of people for what you have done on the
screen, so well able to express yourself articulately, intelligently, and
fairly on a matter whicli is of great interest to this country at the
present time.
Mr. Montgomery. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Montgomery, have you been smeared as every
other person has who has attacked communism?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir ; I have.
Mr. McDowell. They have called you, I presume, a Fascist, a
stooge of your producer, and all that sort of thing?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, sir; that is true. It does not bother me
very much, quite frankly.
Mr. McDowell. That is very obvious. It is good to have you here.
You are as good a citizen as you are an actor, and that is tops.
Mr. JNIontgomery. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank j^ou very much. Do you have any more
questions, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. No, sir, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Montgomery. Mr. Chairman, may I have your permission to
make one statement?
The Chairman. Yes; proceed.
Mr. Montgomery. I have been watching and hearing via the press
and radio the procedure here in this committee. I would like to ask
the chairman's permission to correct one impression which I am sure
is being unintentionally given by virtue of the reporting of these
hearings.
I am sure, as I say, this impression is unintentional.
The general impression as we came across the country to these hear-
ings was that there was a small minority within Hollywood fighting
communism and fascism. This is exactly the reverse of the true pic-
ture. There is a small minority in Hollywood wdio might be inter-
ested in fascism or communism and I do not think that we who have
worked in this industry for a period of almost 20 years, some of us,
have any right to testify before this committee without saying that we
are proud to be members of this industry.
Thank you very nuich.
Tlie Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Montgomery, for com-
ing here today .^*
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, is Mr. George
Murphy.
The Chairman. Mr. George Murphy.
Mr. Muri)hy. do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about
to give is tlie tVuth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. Murphy. I do, so help me God.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
^ See appendix, p. n?,!, for exhibit 47.
208 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
TESTIMONY OF GEORGE L. MURPHY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Murphy, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address, please?
Mr. Murphy. George L. Murphy, 911 North Bedford Drive, Bev-
erly Hills, Calif.
Mv. Stripling. When and where were vou born, Mr. Murphy?
Mr. Murphy. New Haven, Conn., July 4, 1902.
Mr. Stripling. AVhat is your present occupation?
Mr. Murphy. Actor-dancer.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the questions of Mr. Murphy will
be asked by Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. That is agreeable. Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Murph}^, how long have you been connected with
the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Murphy. I have been employed in the motion-picture industry
a little over 12 years.
Mr. Smith. Are you a member of the Screen Actors Guild?
Mr. JMuRPHY. I am and have been a member for about 10 years.
Mr. Smith. What offices have you held in the guild and do you
presently hold an office ?
Mr. Murphy. At present I am a third vice president. Previous to
that I was president of the Screen Actors Guild for two terms and for
the last 6 years I have served as a member of the board of directors of
the Screen Actors Guild.
Mr, Smith. Mr. INIurphy, have you ever been a member of any group
or organization that you would consider subversive?
Mr. JNIuRPHY. No ; I have not.
Mr. Smith. Were any attempts ever made to get you to join any
subversive group?
Mr. Murphy. Well, when I was first made a member of the Screen
Actors Guild board I strangely received the Daily Worker every day
for a year, for which I did not pay, because I had not ordered it.
I have been invited to attend many meetings. I have been asked to
donate funds to many causes. Possibly being of a suspicious nature
1 like to make sure where my charity funds go and I like to make sure
of what is actually the purpose of the meeting I attend, so that I have
not attended any of those meetings, to my knowledge, nor have I
donated money to any of those funds.
Mr. Smith. Have you ever joined any anti-Communist groups?
Mr. MuRPiiY. No ; I have not as such. I am a member of the Screen
Actors Guild and as you have just heard ]Mr. IMontgomery read into
the record we have a resolution that is anti-Communist and anti- Fascist
so you might call us an anti-Communist, anti-Fascist group.
I am also chairman of a political group lately formed in Hollywood.
Among the things it hopes to do is fight against communism and
fascism.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Murphy, were you president of the Screen Actors
Guild when the strike started?
Mr. Murphy. Yes ; I was.
Mr. Smith. What action did you take?
Mr. Murphy. Well, immediately when the strike started the Screen
Actors Guild foi-med a committee that met with the committee of the
Screen Writers Guild and the Screen Directors Guild in the hope that
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 209
we could, as disinterested parties, find some means whereby the men
could remain at work while the argument went on or until the strike
was settled. We met once. There was a suggestion made as to how
to proceed. I suggested we get the three parties to agree to abide by
the decision of a proper governmental agency, which at that time
would be the NLE.B, since it was a jurisdictional strike.
This was agreed upon. We first called Mr. Edward Mannix, who
was then an officer with the Producers Association, He said he would
agree to sign or would say publicly that they would abide by the
decision of such a proper governmental agency.
The second party called was one of the members of the striking
unions. He told us in no uncertain terms his boys were out on strike
and they would stay there for 7 years if necessary until a lot of things
he was dissatisfied wath in Hollyw^ood got straightened out.
It was quite obvious we were going to accomplish nothing. Here
was a man who had his neck bowed, who was mad, and w^as not in-
terested in settling the strike.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Muprhy, did this plan meet wdth any success?
Mr. Murphy. No success whatever. As I say, the committee met
this once and it was quite obvious that we were not going to accomplish
anything. When you are not accomplishing anything I think it is a
little silly to continue to hold meetings.
Mr. Smith. Did you take any further action ?
Mr. ]\IuRPHY. Yes. With respect to the Screen Actors Guild I
wanted to make sure of the feelings and the views of our membership.
1 think this will be of interest to the committee because it will pretty
well show the actual number of Communists or Communist sympa-
thizers or people who have been misled by the Communists.
I hope the committee realizes that in Hollywood as in every other
part of the country there are an awful lot of good, honest, liberal
people who are being used by the Communists and wdio are sometimes
sucked into these things.
We called a mass meeting of the membership. We invited Mr. Her-
bert Sorrell, who is the head of the Conference of Studio Unions,
and Mr. Richard Maltz, who is the president of the lATSC, We gave
them each a half hour to state their case before our membership and
then sent out a secret ballot to the membership to find out their exact
wishes in the matter.
The important fact, I think, is that the ballots came back 97.3 per-
cent not to join the strike. Based on that figure I w^ould say we could
safely put the figure of active Communists at below 1 percent in the
Screen Actors Guild, because I assume, as is generally the case with
those people, all of their people voted and some of ours ma}?^ not have.
Mr. Smith. Did the other guilds or unions take such a vote, to your
knowledge?
Mr. IVIuRPHY. As far as I know there was only one other union that
took a secret ballot on the strike. I think that was the Screen Office
Employees Guild. A strange thing happened with regard to it.
The ballot w\as taken and T believe the tabulation was some 900 to 600
not to join the strike, but they were ordered to join the strike in spite
of that under the threat they would lose their charter. Their charter
was from the painters' union.
Mr. Smith. Were there any attempts from within the Screen Actors
Guild to change the guild's policy?
210 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Murphy. Yes; there was some disagreement, not very much.
It did not amount to very much. Some people thought, and there
was a great campaign put on, to the effect that we were crossing picket
lines where brother unionists were out on strike. There Avere tlirow-
awa^ys which called Mr. Arnold, Mr. Reagan, and myself scabs. Ac-
tually we felt we were not going to work to take another man's job,
which is Avhat a "scab" is, I believe.
As to the people who took that position, I think some of them did
it sincerely. I believe, however, there may have been a few who were
taking advantage of the situation, if possible, to create greater turmoil
within the industry.
Mr. Smith. Was there any direct action taken by this minority
group ?
Mr. MunpHT. Well, one thing that happened at one of the later mass
meetings. Late in the meeting there Avas a proposal from the floor,.
a resolution, and as I heard it' read from the floor it occurred to me
that, although it was very wordy and seemed a little ambiguous, that
it could be construed to put us right in the middle of the strike, a
position that had been directly opposed by the vote of our membership.
On that basis I declared the resolution out of order. This was quite
late in the meeting. As I remember, directly that I declared it out of
order, this meeting was adjourned.
I think at this time possibly 40 percent of the members who had
attended the meeting had gone home. It is a little difficult in Holly-
wood to hold meetings. The actors who are Avorking, as most of you
know, and the ladies, particularly, have to get up at 5 : 30 or 6 o'clock
in the morning, and even a lazy fellow like myself, I haA^e to be up
at 7 o'clock. So they are inclinecl to leaAC meetings early. And, in fact,
they are a little hard to get to meetings — I guess like most Americans.
Mr. Smith. Do you know who proposed this resolution?
Mr. Mup.PHT. I do not. As I say, it was late in the meeting, it came
from the back of the floor, and the proponent did not announce her
name. It was a lady. I know that.
Mr. Smith. As an officer and a member of the Screen Actors Guild
for a number of years, to what extent has communism infiltrated into
the Screen Actors Guild, in your opinion ?
Mr. Murphy. Well, in mj^ opinion, there has been a constant irrita-
tion from a very small group. The group is constantly changing. I
think that some of the members of the group haA^e been led to believe
that certain things are true that are not true. We haA^e had experi-
ence with some of them that come up to the guild office, and after
asking a few questions and seeing the records and documents haA^e
decided that they have been misled, that they have taken an erroneous
position on certain things. I don't think actually, numerically, as I
said before, I don't think that they amount to 1 percent of the guild
membership.
Mr. Smith. Noav, you heard Mr. Montgomery's testimony regarding
the resolution that was adopted, did you not ?
Mr. Murphy. I did.
Mr. Smith. As to fascism and communism. You were there. I
believe you were chairman of that particular meeting; is that correct?
Mr. Murphy. Yes, I was ; I was present.
Mr. Smith. To the best of your recollection, was his testimony cor-
rect regarding this resolution ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 211
Mr. Murphy. Absolutely correct.
Mr. Smith. Do you recall any other instances where the guild has
taken action to combat communism?
Mr. MuRPPiY. Well, one thing occurred to me. While I was presi-
dent of the Screen Actors Guild the bylaws provided that 15 percent
of the membership present at any meeting would constitute a quorum;
a quorum making it possible for 15 percent to conduct business and
to decide on policy of the Screen Actors Guild. I am a very bad
mathematician, but it occurred to me that a half of 15 percent was
71/^ percent; 71/2 percent plus one vote could decide the future policy
of the guild. It seemed to me that this was a very undemocratic proc-
ess. There was some argument made that if people didn't have the
interest enough in their organization to attend meetings that they
shouldn't have a right to decide policy. I, along with many others
on the board, took the position that as long as they were members
in good standing, whether they attended meetings or not, for what-
ever meeting, that they had the same rights in the organization in
deciding policy.
From this discussion the bylaws of the Screen Actors Guild were
changed so that at the present time any matter of importance or any
matter that pertains to the policy of the Screen Actors Guild and the
affairs of the general membership there is sent by mail a ballot on it
to every member in good standing of the Screen Actors Guild.
Mr. Smith. Leaving aside for the moment the Screen Actors Guild,
do you feel there is any communism in the motion-picture industry?
Mr, Murphy. Yes; I think there is communism in the motion-pic-
ture industry — as there is in practically every other industry in our
Nation today. I think that the screen has been very successful in
keeping any attempts to propagandize off the screen. As I say, I
am an actor. I am not as conversant as some others who have testiiEied,
with regard to the problems of the writers and producers and directors.
I am handed a script. Once in a while I try to change a line or two
or a word or two, and maybe add a dance step, but that is about the
extent of my business.
However, I think there has been definite evidence that there are
Communists at work in the picture industry and it seems to me that
it would be absolutely consistent with the policy, that being such a
means of communication, I think that they probably would be very
anxious to be at work in the picture industry.
Mr. Smith. Have you ever been called upon to give lines in a picture
which you felt were communistic ?
Mr. Murphy. No ; I have not.
Mr. Smith. Supposing you were called upon to give such lines, what
would be your position?
Mr. Murphy. I am afraid, as they sav in the theater, T would dry
up, I wouldn't read the lines, nor would T play the part if I considered
the part to be one that spread Communist propaganda.
Mr. Smith. Do you feel that if things continue as they are the Com-
munists might gain enough strength to control the industi-y?
Mr. Murphy. There is much discussion about Communist propa-
ganda. - T think all who read the newspapers and the columns realize
that the Communist Partv in the past has appeared to be in no par-
ticular hurry about achieving its ends. I think to look for direct Com-
munist propaganda in pictures at this particular moment might be a
212 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTKY
mistake. I think we should be well on our guard that the infiltration
maybe is taking place at this time so that after the infiltration has
reached a saturation point later on the screen may be used in a man-
ner inimical to the best mterests of our country.
Mr, Smith. Do you believe the Communist Party is an agency of a
foreign enemy?
Mr. Murphy. I have no way of proving this, but from the reading
that I have done, and listening to the radio, I believe that the Com-
munist Party members are agents of a foreign country.
Mr. Smith. As stated to Mr. Montgomery by Mr. Stripling, there
are two bills presently pending before this committee in regard to the
Communist Party. What is your thought as to what action should be
taken on those bills?
Mr. Murphy. I think if the Government of the United States de-
cides that the Communist Party is taking orders from a foreign gov-
ernment, and its members are acting as agents of a foreign gov-
ernment, I think they should be so labeled, and I don't think that an
agent of a foreign government should be allowed to hide under the
guise that he is a member of a legal American political party. I think
the differentiation between the political party and the actual condi-
tion should be brought home to the American public.
No. 2, I think there are agencies of the United States Government
which have much more proof, a great many more facts than we have.
I think if the information obtained by those agencies were made pub-
lic to the people, I think that the great American public would tell
the Congress of the United States very quickly and without question
what action they think should be taken.
With regard to the motion-picture industry, I would wish that
there would be some attempt, and I know in the past there have been
attempts, to maybe tell the American story truly in foreign countries,
and I think that there is no better way to tell this story than through
the motion picture. I am certain from conversations that I have had
with the leaders of the industry that they would be terribly anxious
to cooperate in any way. For instance, with a program that might
possibly be set up with the State Department in telling the actual
American story and combating such un-American propaganda as
greeted me this morning wdien I found in the newspaper under my
door at the hotel something to the effect that the Russian Government
orders that all Communists should immediately go to work on the
Marshall plan and see if they can't break that up.
The Chairman. Along that same line, don't you think it also
advisable that the moving-picture industry produce some pictures
to be shown in the United States showing the dangers of com-
m-unism here?
Mr. Murphy. I think that might be very helpful ; yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. Have you been smeared too, Mr. Murphy?
Mr. Murphy. Well, during the strike there was a routine of hand-
ing out throw-aways around the studios and around town every day
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUEE INDUSTRY 213
and they made up three characters that were known as Ronnie, Eddie,
and George— Ronald Reagan, Eddie Arnold, and George Murphy.
We were on the committee that had gone back to Chicago during the
strike, you see, and we were smeared, we were called "producers' men."
Mr. McDowell. Stooges?
Mr. Murphy. Stooges, yes. And I think the proof of whether we
were stooges or not is evidenced by the contract that the Screen Actors
(iuild concluded, which is the best ever concluded with the pro-
ducers, and I think one of the best labor contracts ever written.
Mr. McDowell. You have been called a Fascist, no doubt?
Mr. Murphy. Yes; I have been called a Fascist, but I don't pay
an awful lot of attention to that. I think maybe the time has come
when anybody who disagrees with a Communist is a Fascist — and I
certainly disagree with a Communist.
Mr. McDowell. Well, you have been a good witness. It is very
fortunate for the American film industry, producers, actors, workers,
painters, everybody else, that there has been a group of you fellows
out there, men and women, who have had the courage of your con-
victions, and have stood up and fought. Yon have done a fine job.
Mr. Murphy. If I may say so, Mr. Chairman, we had more than
the courage of our convictions. We had what we knew to be the
backing of the great majority of our membership, and when you are
carrying out what you know to be the will of the people which you are
representing you clon't have much hesitancy ancl your way is pretty
clear.
The Chairman. Mr. Nixon.
Mr. Nixon. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. No questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much. It was very fine of you to
come here today.'^
The next witness.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Ronald Reagan.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to give is the truth, the whole truth, anc( nothing but the truth ?
Mr. Reagan. I do.
The Chairman. So help you God ?
Mr. Reagan. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF RONALD REAGAN
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, will you please state your full name
and present address?
Mr. Reagan. Ronald Reagan, 9137 Cordell Drive, Los Angeles 46,
Calif. ^ ^ y
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Reagan?
Mr. Reagan. Tampico, 111., February 6, 1911.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
Mr. Reagan. Motion-picture actor.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been engaged in that profession?
Mr. Reagan. Since June 1937 with a brief interlude of 31/2 years —
that at the time didn't seem very brief.
•^ See appendix, p. S.il. for exhibit 48.
214 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Striplixo. What period was tluit?
Mr. Reagan. That was duriiijij tlie late war.
Mr. Stripling. What branch of the service were you in ?
Mr. Keagan. Well, sir, I had been for several years in the Reserve
as an ofiicer in the United States Cavalry, but I was assigned to the
Air Corps.
Mr. Stripling. That is kind of typical of the Army, isn't it?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir. The first thing the Air Corps did was loan
me to the Signal Corps.
Mr. McDowell. You didn't wear spurs?
Mr. Reagan. I did for a short while.
The Chairman. I think this has little to do with the facts we are
seeking ; proceed.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Reagan, are you a member of any gTiild?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir; the Screen Actors Guild.
Mr. Stripling. How long liave you been a member ?
Mr. Reagan. Since June 1937.
Mr. Stripling. Are you the president of the guild at the present
time ?
Mr. Reagan. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. When were you elected ?
Mr. Reagan. That was several months ago. I was elected to replace
Mr. Montgomery when he resigned.
Mr. Stripling. When does your term expire ?
Mr. Reagan. The elections come up next month.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever held any other position in the Screen
Actors Guild?
Mr. ReaGx\n. Yes, sir. Just prior to the war I was a member of
the board of directors, and just after the war, prior to my being elected
president, I was a member of the board of directors,
Mr. Stripling. As a member of the board of directors, as president
of the Screen Actors Guild, and as an active member, have you at any
time observed or noted within the organization a clique of either Com-
munists or Fascists who were attempting to exert influence or pressure
on the guild?
Mr. Reagan. Well, sir, my testimony must be very similar to that
of Mr. Murphy and Mr. Montgomery. There has been a small group
within the Screen Actors Guild which has consistently opposed the
policy of the guild board and officers of the guild, as evidenced by the
vote on various issues. That small clique referred to has been suspected
of more or less following the tactics that w^e associate with the Com-
munist Part3^
Mr. Stripling. Woidd v'.\2, for exliibit 49.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 219
Mr. Cooper. I do.
Tlie Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF GARY COOPER
Mr. Stkiplixg. Mr. Cooper, will you state your full name and
present address, please ?
Mr. Cooper. M}^ name is Gary Cooper; I live in Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. I was born in Helena, Mont., in 19(J1.
Mr. Stripling. What is your present occupation ?
Mr. Cooper. An actor.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cooper, you are here in response to a subpena
which was served upon you on September 2G; are you not? ^^
Mr. Cooper. Yes; I am.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the interrogation of Mr. Cooper will
be done by JNIr. Smith.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith. We will have more order, please.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Cooper, how long have you been an actor?
Mr. Cooper. I huve been an actor since 1925.
Mr. S-MiTH. And how long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Cooper. Since 1924.
^Ir. Smith. I believe you made many pictures, some of which pic-
tures are Unconquered, Pride of the Yankees, Saratoga Trunk, Mr.
Deeds Goes to Town, and you are presently making Good Sam; is that
correct ?
Mr. Cooper. Yes.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith and Mr. Cooper, will you please speak
up?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Mr. Cooper. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. Are you a member of the Screen Actors Guild?
Mr. Cooper. Yes; I have been a member since the guild was or-
ganized.
Mr. Smith. During the time that you have been in Hollywood, have
you ever observed any conmiunistic influence in Hollywood or in the
motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Cooper. I believe I have noticed some.
Mr. Smith. What do you believe the principal medium is that they
use Hollywood or the industry to inject propaganda?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I believe it is done through word of mouth
The Chairman. Will you speak louder, please, Mr, Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. I believe it is done through word of mouth and through
the medium of pami)hleting — and writers, I suppose.
Mr. Smith. By word of mouth, what do you mean, Mr. Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I mean sort of social gatherings.
Mr. S-AiiTii. That has been your observation?
Mr. Cooper. That has been my only observation; yes.
Mr. Smith. Can you tell us some of the statements that you may
have heard at these gatherings that you believe are communistic?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I have heard quite a few, I think, from time to
time over the years. Well, I have heard tossed around such state-
s' See appendix, p. 5:^2. for exhibit ~>0.
220 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
meiits as, "Don't you think the Constitution of the United States is
about 150 years out of date?" and — oh, I don't know — I have heard
people mention that, well, "Perhaps this would be a more efficient
Government without a Congress" — which statements I think are very
un-American.
Mr. Smith. Have you ever observed any communistic information
in any scripts ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I have turned down (|uite a few scripts because
I thought they were tinged with communistic ideas.
Mr. Smith. Can you name any of those scripts?
Mr. Cooper. No; I can't recall any of those scripts to mind.
Mr. Smith. Can you tell us
Mr. Cooper. The titles.
The Chairman. Just a minute. Mr. Cooper, you haven't got that
bad a memoiy.
Mr. Cooper. I beg your pardon, sir?
The Chairman. I say, you haven't got that bad a memory, have
you ? You must be able to remember some of those scripts you turned
down because you thought they were Communist scripts.
Mr. Cooper. Well, I can't actually give you a title to any of them;
no.
The Chairman. Will you think it over, then, and supply the com-
mittee with a list of those scripts?
Mr. Cooper. I don't think I could, because most of the scripts I read
at night, and if they don't look good to me I don't finish them or if I
do finish them I send them back as soon as possible to their author.
The Chairman. I understand. I didn't understand you before.
Go ahead.
Mr. McDowell,. That is the custom of most actors, most stars, Mr.
Cooper ?
Mr. Cooper. Yes, I believe so; yes sir. As to the material, which is
more important than the name of the script, I did turn back one script
because the leading character in the play was a man whose life's am-
bition was to organize an army in the United States, an army of sol-
diers who would never fight to defend their country. I don't remem-
ber any more details of the play, but that was enough of a basic idea
for me to send it back quickly to its author.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Cooj^er, have you ever had any personal experi-
ence where you feel the Communist Party may have attempted to
use 3^ou?
Mr. Cooper. They haven't attempted to use me, I don't think, be-
cause, ai^parently, they know that I am not very sympathetic to com-
munism. Several years ago, when communism was more of a social
chit-chatter in parties for offices, and so on, when communism didn't
have the implications that it has now, discussion of communism was
more open and I remember hearing statements from some folks to
the effect that the comnnmistic system had a great many features
that were desirable, (me of which would be desirable to us in the mo-
tion-picture business in that it offered the actors and artists — in other
words, the creative people — a special place in Government where we
would be souiewhat immune from the ordinary leveling of income.
And as I remember, some actor's name was mentioned to me who had
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 221
a house in Moscow which was very large — he had three cars, and
stutf, with his house being quite a bit larger than my house in Beverly
Hills at the time — and it k)oked to me like a pretty phony come-on
to us in the picture business. From that time on, I could never take
any of this pinko mouthing very seriously, because I didn't feel it was
on the level.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, we have several official documents that
we have obtained through the State Department, which I believe
clearly shows that the Communist Party attempts to use actors in-
dividually througliout the world to further their cause. With your
permission, I would like to show one of these documents to Mr. Cooper
and have him read it to the committee.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Smith. I would like to have you glance at this document, Mr.
Cooper, and read to the committee from this document.
Mr. CoorER. Ahem
Mr. Smith. Just one moment, please, Mr. Cooper. This document
from which Mr. Cooper is going to read was distributed in pamphlets
in Italy during May of 19-i7.-^«
Mr. Cooper. Shall I read it?
Mr. Smith. By the Communist Party. Yes, sir; go ahead.
Mr. Cooper (reading) :
Gary Cooper, who took part in the fights for the independence of Spain, held
a speech liefore a cro\^(l of 90,000 in Phihidelphia on the occasion of the con-
secration of the hanner of tlie Phihidelphia Communist Federation.
Between other things, he said: "In our days it is the greatest lionor to be a
Communist. I wish the wliole world to understand what we Communists really
are. There could be nobody then who might say that we are enemies of man-
kind and peace. Those who want to discuss Communist ideas should first get
to know them. Americans learn this with great difficulty. Millions of people
from other continents regard America as a center of modern civilization, but
only we Americans can see how false this opinion is. Let us be frank. Our
country is a country of gold, silver, petrol, and great railways. But at the
same time it is a country where Rockefeller, Ford, and Rothschild use tear gas
against striking workers fighting for their legitimate rights. Our country is
the fatherland of Lincoln and Roosevelt, but at the same time it is a country
of men like Senator Bilbo and many of his type. It is a country where redskins
were exterminated by arms and brandy."
Mr. Smith. Have you any comment on that, Mr. Cooper ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, sir
The Chairman. Excuse me a minute. Mr. Smith, you say this
letter was distributed by the Communist Party in Italy ?
Mr. S:mith. In May of 1947, Mr. Chairman ; yes, sir.
The Chairman. And we got tlie letter from the State Department?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Proceed, Mr. Cooper.
Mr. Smith. Were you ever in Philadelphia, Mr. Cooper?
Mr. Cooper. No, sir; I was never in Philadelphia.
Mr. Smith. Do you have any comment to make regarding this letter ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, a 90,000 audience is a little tough to disregard,
but it is not true.
Tlie Chairman. I want to help you along, Mr. Cooper — ■ —
Mr. Cooper. No part of it is true, sir.
^ See appendix, p. 532, for exhibit 51.
67G83 — 47 15
222 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. I happen to know it is just a plain, ordinary, ruth-
less lie. We know that for a fact. So you don't have to worry any
more about that.
Mr. McDowell. And also, Mr. Cooper, in order to get it into the
record, don't you think there wouldn't be 90,000 people in Philadelphia
who were Communists ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I believe it was Mr. Smith here that said you
would have a hard time getting 90,000 people out in Philadelphia for
anything. I don't know about that.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I have in my possession another similar
document which I believe should be read, some portions of it should be
read into the record. It was distributed on Saturday, July 19, 1947,
by the Communist Party in Yugoslavia, in various cities therein, and
with your permission I would like to read a few paragraphs there-
from.^^
The Chairman. AVithout objection, so ordered.
Mr. Smith (reading) :
In the usual column on the sixth page entitled "Fascist Shooting on Broadway,"
appeared the following :
"In the middle of June, in Hollywood, Gary Cooper, Tyrone Powei", and Alan
Ladd, well-known fihn stars, were imprisoned because they were marked as
leftists and denounced un-Americans, but before that happened, something else
was going on, about whicli the American newspaper agencies did not speak, and
that is very characteristic of conditions today in tlie United States.
"The film actor. Buster Crabbe, lost his life in a mysterious way. The back-
ground of this tragic and mysterious death of Buster Crabbe was set forth by
the New York paper, Red Star. From tlie articles of Immy Stendaph, we can
see that Buster Crabbe was very popular in the United States. He organized a
movement in the Army to protest against the investigation of un-American activi-
ties against Coopei-, Chaplin, and other film stars.
" The beginning of Buster Crabbe's tragedy was when he found valuable
documents, through which documents he could give light and prove the criminal
and aggressive plans of reactionary circles in America.
"* * * On May 31, Buster Crabbe came to the apartment of the well-
known film actor, Spencer Tracy, also well-known as a leftist and they had a
long talk in the presence of Tyrone Power.
"* * * On .Tune S, on Broadway, on the corner of Seventh Avenue, Crabbe
was riddled with bullets from a machine gun from a closed car. This tragic
death of Crabbe, provoked terrific unrest in Hollywood. At the funeral of Buster
Crabbe, 150,000 men were present, and the coffin was carried by Comrades Gary
Cooper, Tyrone Power"
The Chairman. I don't think we will have to have any more of that
letter. But what I would like to have you do, Mr. Smith, is to iden-
tify, clearly identify the source.
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; there is just one more paragraph.
The Chairman. All right, read on, if you want to.
Mr. Smith (reading) :
This case is very characteristic of the conditions which are now prevailing in
the United States. This is the method of Fascist liquidation which this country
of freedom and democracy is dealing with a political opponent. It is quite possible
that tliis crime was counnitted by the KKK and Inspired by the elements who
were interested in Crabbe's disappearance — that he stop talking.
My point, Mr. Chairman, is to show not only in Hollywood, but
throughout the world the extent to which the Communist Party can
go to use an actor to further their cause. This particular document
was distributed by the Communist Party in July 1947 in Yugoslavia.
*• See appendix, p. 532, for exhibit 52.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 223
We have the official copy from the State Department for introduction
into the record.
The Chairman. Well, you see from that, Mr. Cooper, to what extent
they will go.
Mr. Cooper. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. So when they used your name in that regard you
can almost consider it a compliment.
Mr. Cooper. Thank you.
Mr. McDowell. May I ask, Mr. Chairman, if Crabbe is living? Is
Mr. Crabbe living ?
Mr. Smith. So far as I know, he is living.
Mr. Cooper. Mr. Crabbe is a very healthy specimen of American
manhood.
Mr. Smith. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chaieman. Mr. Wood.
Mr. Wood. I have no further questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cooper, witnesses who have preceded you from
Hollywood have said that they consider members of the Communist
Party to be agents of a foreign government. Do you consider the
members of the Communist Party to be that ?
Mr. Cooper. I am not in nearly as good a position to know as some of
the witnesses that have been ahead of me, because I am not a very
active member in our guild. They, therefore, know much more about
the politics and the workings of what Communists there are in the
guild than I. From the general, over-all things that you hear in Holly-
wood, I would assume that there is such a close parallel and I think
this document whicli Mr. Smith gave me is a pretty good indication
that there is a direct connection in the material that comes from abroad
and the material that is given to them here.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think that the Communist group or clique m
Hollywood, wliether it is in the Screen Actors Guild or the Screen
Writers Guild, is a good influence or bad influence for the motion
pictures generally ?
Mr. Cooper. Well, to go back to one or two examples that I quoted
before, I think it is a very bad influence because it is ver>- un-Ameri-
can, i mean, it is very shocking to hear someone with a lot of money
say such a thing as, "The Constitution of the United States is 150 years
out of date."
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever been solicited to join the Communist
Party or any of its fronts, Mr. Cooper 'i
Mr. Cooper. No, I have not.
jVlr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Cooper, during the wartime, the moving-pic-
ture industry made anti-Nazi films. Don't you think it would be a
good idea if now the moving-picture industry produced anti-Commu-
nist films showing the dangers from communism in the United States?
Mr. Cooper. A\'ell, I don't think it is a bad idea, that the public
should be informed of what activity there is in the motion-picture busi-
224 coMMUisrisM in motion picture industry
ness toward communism. As little or as great as it may be, I don't
think it is a good thing. It is not good for those people that even
believe in it. I think some very sound — as I suggested before — and
real fine pictures, more of them, should be made on selling what is
really Americanism. A great many good pictures have been made, and
I have tried to do some of them, but I think there is great room for
reselling people the idea of what we have got m this country, whi''h is
the finest thii'g thei-e is in the world. I know that the great majority
of people m Hollywood and certainly the great majority of people m
this country would not exchange our country or government for any
other.
The Chairman. Let me ask you one more question. Do you think
that communism is on the increase or on the decrease out in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Cooper. It is very difficult to say right now, within these last lew
months, because it has become unpopular and a little risky to say too
nuich. You notice the difference. People who were quite easy to ex-
press their thoughts before begni to clam up more than they used to.
The Chairman. In other words, some of them are "getting re-
ligion"?
Mr. Cooper. Well, I don't know, but they do their discussions in
corners, I guess, in huddles of their own where they are surrounded
with their own.
The Chairman. Now, you heard about these bills that are before
the Un-American Activities Committee, bills to outlaw the Communist
Party in the United States, just as the Communist Party is outlawed
in Canada and the Communist Party is outlawed in some South Amer-
ican countries.
Mr. CooPKR. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you believe as a prominent person in your field
that it would be wise for us, the Congress, to pass legislation to outlaw
the Co)umunist Party in the United States'^
Mr. Cooper. I think it would be a good idea, although I have never
read Karl Marx and I don't know the basis of communism, beyond
what I have picked up from hearsay. From what I hear, I don't like
it because it isn't on the level. So I couldn't possibly answer that
question.
The Chairman. Does any other member have any questions?
(No response.)
The Chairm \n. Mr. Smith, do you have any more questions ?
INIr. Smith. No.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling?
Mr. StriplinCx. No more questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Cooper, thanks very much for coming here
today. We hope we didn't put you out too much.
Mr. Cooper. Not at all.
The Chatrman. Thank you.
Mr. Cooper. Thank you.
The Chairman. And, Mr. Cooper, if you will just stay over there,
or if you want to leave. It is up to you.
Mr. Cooper. I would like to wait.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chnirman, the next witness is Mr. Leo McCarey.
The Chairman. Mr. McCarey. Eaise your right hand, Mr. McCarey.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 225
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. McCarey. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down. May we have order.
TESTIMONY OP LEO McCAEEY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McCarey, will you state your full name and
present address, please?
Mr. McCarey. Leo McCarey, 1018 Ocean Front, Santa Monica,
Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born ?
Mr. McCarey. I was born in Los Angeles in 1896.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation, Mr. McCarey ?
Mr. McCarey. Motion-picture director.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a director?
Mr. McCarey. Since 1923, I think.
Mr. Stripling. Have you held any other positions in Hollywood?
Have you been an actor or writer?
Mr. McCarey. I have written a bit, and at one time I was vice
president of the Hal Roach Studio.
Mr. Stripling. What are some of the pictures which you have
directed and produced?
Mr. McCarey. Ruggles of Red Gap, the Awful Truth, Love Affair,
Going My Way, and the Bells of St. Marys.
Mr. Stripling. Were Going My Way and the Bells of St. Marys
two of the most popular pictures which you have produced in recent
years, according to the box office?
Mr. McCarey. According to the box office, they were both very
successful.
Mr. Stripling. They did very well?
Mr. McCarey. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. How did they do in Russia?
Mr. McCarey. We haven't received one ruble from Russia on either
picture.
Mr. Stripling. What is the trouble?
Mr. McCarey. Well, I think I have a character in there that they
do not like.
Mr. Stripling. Bing Crosby?
Mr. McCarey. No; God.
Mr. Stripling. Wasn't Bing Crosby the star in both of those
pictures?
Mr. McCarey. He was the star in both pictures; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Since you have been in Hollywood, Mr. McCarey,
have you noticed the activities of the Communists in any particular
group there ?
Mr. McCarey. Yes. I have, particularly in the writers' group.
Mr. Stripling. Is that the principal medium through which the
Communists have sought to inject their propaganda or un-American
ideas?
Mr. McCarey. Well, naturally, it is the most efficient way to get
over what they want to say ; yes. There are several other angles, too,
in the suppression of ideas that are pro-American. Many a script
226 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
never sees the light of day because it is rejected before we ever get
to read it.
Also in the casting of pictures. The dialogue in the script could be
ostensibly quite innocuous but they can cast a character so repulsive
\A hen you take one look at him you don't like the man who is portrayed
as a capitalist, a banker, or whatever part he is portraying.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the Communists have been successful
in the past 10 years in injecting any propaganda into pictures?
Mr. McCarey. They have been successful in injecting propaganda
but fortunately very few pictures with Communist propaganda have
made any money. They have been quite unsuccessful, and I am very
happy that the American public just does not patronize them.
Mr. Stripling. As a director, Mr. McCarey, what do you think the
dangers are of permitting pictures to be made in which the institutions
in this country are portrayed in a disparaging light ? In other words,
if pictures are made which always have the banker as a heavy, as it
has been referred to in the testimony, and that picture is shown in
foreign countries, Europe, and so on, what do you think the ultimate
effect would be?
Mr. McCarey. Well, naturally, it would give a very unfavorable
opinion of people who are successful in the United States.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think that is a dangerous practice for the
motion pictures to pursue ?
Mr. McCarey. I think it is a very dangerous practice.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the Communist influence in Hollywood
has increased or decreased within the past 3 years?
Mr. McCarey. Well, I think it has been increasing until recently.
I think it is getting a bit unpopular now.
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever had any personal encounter with any
Communist writers who have sought to place propaganda in pictures
which you were directing?
Mr. McCarey. Yes, I have.
Mr. Stripling. Would you detail that instance to the committee?
Mr. McCarey. I have had many experiences where ideas were sug-
gested by myself and they would throw cold water on them if they
did not agree with their own policy. They were always submitting
books for me to read and I always had to be on the alert to find the
latent Communist propaganda in the stories they had me read.
Mr. Stripling. It is very subtle, in other words ?
Mr. McCarey. At times very subtle, yes. Some of them are very
clever.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have at this time, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail ?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McCarey, I would like to ask you one or two
questions.
Mr. McCarey. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. You heard the testimony of the preceding witness
concerning whether or not we should make anti-Communist films, just
as we made anti-Nazi films'during the war?
Mr. McCarey. Yes, sir.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUKE INDUSTRY 227
The Chairman. Do you believe the industry should produce anti-
Communist films in order to show the American people the dangers
and the intrigue of the Communist Party here in the United States?
Mr. IVIcCarey. Well, Mr. Thomas, that is quite a question. I think
basically the screen — I like to feel it is an art. I don't think pictures
should be made that have much more than what the medium stands
for. It is a great art. Pictures should be entertainment. I think
that because of the number of people in all lands who see our pictures.
I believe it only tends toward causing more enmity if we are partisan
and take any sides in our pictures.
For instance, Mr. Disney with his Donald Duck. Donald Duck is
a great hero. The Three Little Pigs was very successful and the
world is trying to tell us they w^ant entertainment on the screen.
The Chairman. In other words, you believe we would be doing the
same thing
Mr. McCarey. We would bring on more bitterness, I think.
The Chairman. We would be doing the same thing Soviet Russia
is doing ?
Mr. McCarey. That is right.
The Chairmax. The other question is with reference to outlawing
the Communist Party. We have two bills before our committee, either
one of which if passed would outlaw the Communist Party in the
United States just the same as it is outlawed in Canada and outlawed
in some South American countries.
As one of the leaders or spokesmen of your profession, spokesman
for a great many people, do you believe the Congress should outlaw
the Communist Party in the United States?
Mr. McCarey. I definitely do because I feel the party is not an
American party. I think that within the confines of the United States
we can have all the parties we want and have healthy debate on any
subject for the betterment of all peoples but I don't think we should
aline ourselves with any foreign party.
The Chairman. In other words, you think an American Communist
is the agent of a foreign government?
Mr. McCarey. I definitely do and I hope something is done about
it because at this time it is a very dangerous thing. It seems like in
a way some people accuse us of being afraid of mentioning names. I
would be very happy to mention names if we had a law with some
teeth in it so that under the heading of — call it what you will ; I am
not a legislator and I am not a law maker — but somewhere along the
line untler the subdivision of "Treason," subdivision "D," or some-
thing like that, should label these people as truly un-American.
The Chairman. So that if there was a law on the books making
the Communist Party illegal you would not hesitate to name the per-
sons whom you know and believe to be Communists?
Mr. ISIcCarey. That is right.
The Chairman. Do you have any more questions, Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. No more questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. McCarey.*°
We will adjourn until tomorrow at 10 : 30 a. m.
(Whereupon, at 2:35 p. m., an adjournment was taken until Fri-
day. October 24, 1947, at 10 : 30 a. m.)
*° See appendix, p. 233, for exhibit 53.
HEAEINGS EEGAEDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTM-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE-INDUSTKY
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1947
House of Representatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington, D. C.
The committee met at 10: 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Tliomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The record will show that a' subcommittee is sitting consisting of
Mr. McDowell and Mr. Thomas.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator,
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, Robert B. Gaston, H. A. Smith, investigators,
and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Mrs. Rogers, will you please stand and raise your right hand ?
Mrs. Rogers, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you shall
give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so
help you God?
Mrs. Rogers. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF MRS. LELA E. ROGERS
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, will you please state your full name
and your present address ?
Mrs. Rogers. Lela E. Rogers, 5930 Franklin Avenue, Hollywood,
Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Where were you born ?
Mrs. Rogers. In Council Bluffs, Iowa.
Mr. Stripling. Wliat is your occupation ?
Mrs. Rogers. I am the manager of my daughter's affairs and a
writer of sorts.
Mr. Stripling. Your daughter is Ginger Rogers ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you lived in Hollywood ?
Mrs. Rogers. I entered the motion-picture business in Hollywood
in 1916 as a writer. I went away from there for some time and then
came back again in 1930 with my daughter.
Mr. Stripling. Would you outline to the committee the various
positions that you have held in the motion-picture industry over the
years ?
Mr. Chairman, ISIrs. Rogers testified before the committee in May
in Los Angeles and she will refer to her previous testimony to refresh
her memory.
229
230 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Tlie Chairman. Yes, May I interrupt ? I want the record to show
that Mr. Vail is present.
Mr. Stripling. Go right ahead, please.
Mrs. Rogers. At times I have been a theatrical coach. At one time,
about 1933 to 1935, I had my own theater, the Hollytown, in Holly-
wood. Then from 1935 until 1938 I was dramatic coach at R-K-0
Studios with ni}' theater on the lot. Then I went to work at
R-K-O Studios as assistant to the vice president in charge of produc-
tion, the late Charles Kerner, in 1943. My duties were to help him with
the enormous amount of reading it was necessary for him to do per-
sonally and to report my opinion of the properties under considera-
tion for purchase and to bring other properties to his attention I
was also to suggest and recommend writers for script work.
Mr. Stripling. Would you identify Mr. Charles Kerner for the com-
mittee?
Mrs. Rogers. Mr. Charles Kerner was at that time the vice president
in charge of productions of R-K-O Studios.
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, are you a member of the Motion Pic-
ture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Are you one of the original members ?
Mrs, Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mj". Stripling. Can you tell the committee why this organization
was formed?
Mrs. Rogers. The organization was formed in an attempt to combat
the threat and the menace that we saw arising in Hollywood, the Com-
munist infiltration in Hollywood in our unions and the guilds, and in
our scripts and stories and direction and all avenues and all depart-
ments of the motion-picture industry. We felt that if we could bring
this to the attention of the men in power, who had the i^ight to hire and
fire these people, and try to show them what these people were doing
to their industry, that we could possibly save them from what we saw
ahead, it would have to come out into the open and be dealt with sum-
marily as is now being done,
Mr. Stripling. Do you think the alliance has done effective work
since its formation?
Mrs, Rogers, Yes, sir, I feel that the alliance has been right eflfec-
tive in that it has brought out the menace so that it could be looked at
by other members of the industry, so that they would recognize it and
feel it, and tlien learn what it was and how it worked.
Mr, Stripling. At the time of the formation of the alliance is it
your opinion that there was a definite need for it to combat the inroads
of communism within the motion-picture industry?
Mrs. Rogers. There was a definite need. That so many important
people in the industrv should come together for the one purpose
The Chairman. Will you speak louder, please?
Mrs. Rogers. That so many people of the industry should come
together for the one purpose, all of one mind, signifies to me that there
was a definite need for it felt by many important people.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Sam Wood, who was the first
president of the alliance, testified early in the week as to the aims and
purposes of the alliance and they were put into the record.
Mrs. Rogers, while you were employed as assistant to Mr. Kerner
at R-K-0 was it part of your duties to examine certain scripts or
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 231
Stories and to recommend to him whether or not they should be con-
sidered for the possible production of a picture ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes ; that was mostly my entire duty.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell this committee whether or not you ever
reviewed the book None but the Lonely Heart, which was written by
Richard Lewellyn ?
Mrs. 'Rogers. Yes, sir, I did. It was in the early part of 1944. Mr.
Kerner handed me a book entitled, "None but the Lonely Heart," by
Richard Lewellyn. He wanted me to read it and give an immediate
report on it. It seems that Gary Grant had called from Columbia
Studio to say that the book had been called to his attention by some-
one at Cohnnbiu who recommended it as a good story for him, Mr.
Grant. Mr. Grant had not read the book. He wanted R-K-0 to
read it and if they found it suitable to him he wanted R-K-0 to buy
it and he would make it there. I found I couldn't recommend the
book and said so. It was a story filled with despair and hopelessness
and in my opinion was not a Gary Grant vehicle. When I finished
stating my views to Mr. Kerner he told me he had bought it only a
half hour before. A few days later I was present at a meeting where
Mr. David Hempstead, who had been producer on the picture
The Chairman. What was that name, Mrs. Rogers ?
Mrs. Rogers. David Hempstead. He had been made producer on
the picture. He reported that he had just talked to Mr. Clifford Odets
in New York and that ISIr. Odets would come out to the studio and do
the screen play on the story. I protested this very vehemently.
My objection to Mr. Odets as a writer was that for years I had heard
that Mr. Odets was a Communist. I warned that the story lent itself
to propaganda, particularly in the hands of a Communist. During
the preparation for the production Mr. Odets was made director as
well as writer and as the picture progressed I heard that Hanns Eisler
had been employed to do the musical score for the picture.
Mr. Striblixg. If I may interrupt at this point, Mrs. Rogers.
Mr. Chairman, Hanns Eisler testified that he did do the background
music for the picture, None but the Lonely Heart.
Mrs. Rogers, you stated that you had heard that Clifford Odets
was a Communist. What do you base that upon?
Mrs. Rogers. I have here a column of Mr. O. O. Mclntyre, date
lined January 8, 1936, in which Mr. Mclntyre says Mr. Clifford Odets,
play writer, is a member of the Communist Party. I never saw that
denied.
Mr. Stripling. Are you aware of certain sworn testimony taken by
the State Committee of California on Subversive Activities?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. To the effect that Mr. Odets was a member of the
Communist Party ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I might state that the committee
has a voluminous record of Mr. Clifford Odets and his activities. As
you are well aware, he is one of the 79 that you referred to, and his
record will be taken up next week.
The Chairman. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You stated that Mr. Odets besides writing the
script for this picture was later chosen as the director for it?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
232 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Would you tell us whether or not the picture was a
success ?
Mrs. EoGERS. The picture was not a success at the box office, though I
think it returned its cost.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Mr. Odets was suc-
cessful in injecting any propaganda into the film ?
Mrs. Rogers. I have here under date line of October 2, 1944, a copy
of the Hollywood Reporter with a review of None But the Lonely
Heart. The Hollywood Reporter is a Hollywood trade paper. I
will read the criticism that I read at that time:
The story, pitched in a low key, is moody and somber throughout, in the Russian
manner and plods inexorably to its gloomy ending with only slight redemption in
the ray of hope expressed in one of the final speeches. For the most part it
moves slowly and takes time out for a bit of propaganda preachment whenever
Director Clifford Odets, who also wrote the script for the Richard Lewellyn novel,
felt the urge.
jVIr, Stripling. Would you say that was a typical example of how
a Communist would be successful in injecting propaganda? They
refer there — they use the language, I believe, "propaganda preach-
ment."
Mrs. Rogers. That is right. I think that this is a splendid example,
this picture, of what type of propaganda Communists like to inject in
motion pictures.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell us how long Mr. Odets remained with
R-K-0?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, not long after this picture was released Mr. Odets
was made a producer at R-K-0. How long he remained I do not know
because I severed my connections with R-K-O in 1945, September
sometime.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Mr, Odets went to
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer from R-K-0?
Mrs. Rogers. I think I heard he did, but as to that I would not
know myself.
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, there has been considerable testimony
here to the effect that it is through the script writers that the Com-
munists have been most successful in their attempts to inject Commu-
nist propaganda in films. Do you think that is a correct analysis of the
situation?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes; I think the Communist gets his best work in in
the field of writing.
Mr. Stripling. What responsibility do you think should rest with
the film executives of the producers regarding the Communist influ-
ence that we now find present in the motion-picture industry ? Do you
think the primary responsibility should rest with them for permitting
these people to be there, to infiltrate into the industry?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes: I think it must rest with them, the final decision
about it. Our producing executives are jzood Americans and by uti-
lizing the free-enterprise system of the United States they have built
the motion-picture industry up to where it is now, the fourth largest
industry in the world. They are businessmen ; they are not politicians.
Some of our executives have been received by the party liners they
hired. As a free people we had no experience with such intrigue and
conspiracy. Our executives were no more asleep than were our people
or our Government or the whole world, in fact. The Communist is a
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 233
trained propagandist, highly disciplined, as is revealed by the testi-
mony of former Soviet ollicials and ex-members of the Commmiist
Party. His ways are devious and not easy to follow. I think that
once our executives see this, and know it for what it is, they will be
most happy to clean it out of their pictures.
In the first place, there have beeli very few pictures ever made with
Connnunist propoganda in them that were successes at the box office.
1 feel it has a great deal to do with the dearth of good pictures today.
Mr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, Mr. Robert Taylor, and Mr. Robert
Montgomery, among others, have testified that they would not act in
a cast or })icture in wliich Communists were in the cast, or in which
Comnnmist lines were written into the script. As your daughter's
manager, so to speak, have you and your daughter ever objected to or
turned down scripts because you felt that there were lines in there
for her to speak which you felt were un-American or Communist
pro]^aganda ?
Mrs. Rogers. Many times.
. Mr. Stripling. You have turned down many scripts for these
reasons ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir. We turned down Sister Carrie, by Theodore
Dreiser, because it was just as open propaganda as None But the Lonely
Heart.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, Mr. Vail will act as chairman.
Mr. Stripling. Yes, sir.
Mrs. Rogers, that is a right or a privilege, however, which only top
stars can enjoy? The average actor, or person, in Hollywood, is not
permitted to say what he or she will say ? Is that true ?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, that is true, mostly — and also for economic
reasons. Most of the character players must have the work to keep
going. But most of the people of Hollywood would not know a line
of propaganda if they saw it. They will feel unhappy with it, just as
the audience feels unhappy when they hear it, but they are not ac-
quainted with the subject, they haven't made a study of it as some of
us have, and therefore they will say lines and then afterward say,
"What did I do? I didn't like that, but I did it," and are surprised to
learn that they have put out a propaganda. Communist propairanda
line. The star does not make a picture if he doesn't want to. -He can
turn it down with no explanation whatsoever. The character player
just can't do that.
INIr. Stripling. Mrs. Rogers, as one who has observed very carefully
the infiltration of the Communists and watched their activities, what
recommendations could you make to the committee as to how it could
best be cleaned up so far as the motion-picture industry is concerned?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, I would suggest that the Congress of the United
States immediately enact such legislation as will preserve the Bill of
Rights to the people for whom it was designed. That precious bill
was never intended to protect enemy agents, saboteurs, and spies,
whether they are American or foreign born.
Mr. Stripling. Would vou favor the outlawing of the Communist
Party?
Mrs. Rogers. I favor the outlawing of the Communist Party as an
agency of a foreign government.
Mr. Stripling. Do you consider them to be agents of a foreign
government ?
234 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mrs. Rogers. I do, sir ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, those are all the questions I have at
this time.
Mr. Vail. Mr. McDowell, any questions?
Mr. McDowEix,. Mrs. Rogers, you have devoted many years to the
readino; of manuscripts and the study of pictures in general. You
make the statement here that there was Communist propaganda, as
you detected it, in this film None But the Lonely Heart. I haven't
heard any description of Communist propaganda in these films yet
except that a banker was shown occasionally as being a no-good, and
so forth. Well, of course, I know many fine bankers, many patriotic
men. I also know some stinkers that should have been in jail 30 years
ago. That doesn't necessarily constitute the Communist propaganda.
What would describe in this film as being Communist propaganda?
Mrs. Rogers. In None But the Lonely Heart?
Mr. McDowell. Yes.
Mrs. Rogers. I can't quote the lines of the play exactly but I can
give you the sense of them. There is one place in which — it is unfair,
may I say, to take a scene from its context and try to make it sound
like Communist propaganda, because a Communist is very careful,
very clever, and very devious in the way he sets the film. If I were
to give you a line from that play straight out a^ou would say "What
is wrong with that line?" unless you knew that the Communist is
trying in every way to tear down our free-enterprise system, to make
the people lose faith in it, so that they will want to get something
else — and the Communists have it waiting for them.
I will tell you of one line. The mother in the story runs a second-
hand store. The son says to her, "You are not going to" — in essence,
I am not quoting this exactly because I can't remember it exactly — he
said to her, "You are not going to get me to work here and squeeze
pennies out of little people poorer than I am."
Now, laid upon the background of — that is the free-enterprise
system — trade, and we don't necessarily squeeze pennies from people
poorer than we are. Many people are poorer and many people are
richer.
As I say, you find yourself in an awful hole the moment you start
to remove one of the scenes from its context.
Mr. McDowell. Well, unfortunately for an intelligent discussion,
I didn't see the picture, so I am at a complete loss. In the matter
of the Hanns Eisler background music, I would judge after hearing
you, both here and in California, that you would conclude that would
contribute nothing to the Communist text of the film ?
Mrs. Rogers. No; I do not think that that would; no. It only
shows that when a Communist secures a firm footing in a picture he
surrounds himself with other Communists.
Mr. McDowell. Thank you, Mrs. Rogers.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mrs. Rogers, in your opinion what percentage of the
actors in the film industry are communistically inclined?
Mrs. Rogers. I wouldn't be able to tell you in exact percentages. It
is very small, I can assure you of that. But it is getting bigger.
The dommunist Party protects those people. They bring them out
and smack them right into stardom and keep them there — the Com-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 235
munists in key positions in Hollywood and those who have con-
fidence of the producers.
Mr. Vail. We had before us yesterday several prominent screen
actors who gave it as their opinion that less than 1 percent of the
actors were associated with communistic activities. Do you think
that is a fair estimate?
Mrs. Rogers. I think that is a fair estimate when you realize how
many actors there really are in Hollywood.
Mr. Vail. Would you be able to make an estimate of the percentage
of those communistically inclined among the screen writers?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes. That is a very small percentage too, but may
I, in explanation, say that Communists do not have anywhere and do
not want numerical superiority. They do not want you to become a
member of the Communist Party. They want a small and effective,
highly trained and highly disciplined cell, and they will take care oi
the rest of us in their own way. There are around 200,000,000 in
Russia but there are only about 2,000,000 Communists in Russia.
Mr. Vail. But, in other words, to be effective on the Hollywood
scene wouldn't you imagine that they would have to have greater
numerical strength, greater than 1 percent?
Mrs. Rogers. You are thinking like an American, sir.
Mr. Vail. That is the way I like to think.
Mrs. Rogers. That is right, and you should, and that is why it is so
hard for the American to understand. They want a highly trained
cell and they will influence you and everyone around you. They are
taught in their own schools to do it. They hold schools to do it. They
have the teachers to teach you to do it. Out of those they classify their
students into those that can be trusted with discipline and those that
are stooges, fellow travelers, and who can be trusted to carry out orders
up to a certain point.
No ; they do not want all of us to be Communists. You do not see
in a picture Mr. Stalin's picture, in a motion picture, or anything that
tries to make you a member of the Communist Party. If you did the
American public would throw eggs at it and laugh it off the screen.
It has to be a slow softening-up process at the present time and that
must be kept in the hands of a small and well-trained cell, sometimes
only three in a large union.
Mr. Vail. Well, I was impressed with the fact that there must have
been some numerical strength in the Screen Writers' Guild when it
became necessary for a number of the writers to resign from the organ-
ization and establish a, new organization.
Mrs. Rogers. No. I am not a member of the Screen Writers' Guild
but I believe there are around 900 memb^i's and I don't believe there
are over 80 or 90 Communists or even fellow travelers in it. I mean
people that agree with them and follow their dictation. I don't
believe there are more than that in it. It doesn't need more than that.
In fact, eight of them could run it if they get on the board.
Mr. Vail. In other W' ords, wdiat the}^ lack in numerical strength they
make up in the cleverness of their maneuvers ?
Mrs. Rogers. They do not want ever numerical strength. They
don't want it here in the United States. They don't want us to be
Communists. They want to just run us.
Mr. Vail. We have pending before the committee as you may be
aware, Mrs. Rogers, several bills providing for legislation to outlaw
236 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
communism. From what you have said tliis morning I take it that
you favor sucli legislation ?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
Mr. Vail. Thank you very much, Mrs. Rogers.
The Chairman, Mrs. Rogers, do you believe the Communist in-
fluence in Hollywood is increasing or decreasing?
Mrs. Rogers. I think their activities are increasing. I think it has
had a great check put on it by those of us who recognized it long ago.
I feel we have held it in check by exposing it. I know what it would
be like if we had not. I know what it would look like now with
the start that they had. But in exposing, you see, when the American
people find out you have got your battle about half won, or maybe
more than that. But the American people, they think that a Com-
munist is a man with bushy eyebrows and a great huge Russian beard.
They can't believe that they could be American citizens. I can't
believe it myself. I don't understand it. But they are — and pretty,
too.
The Chairman. Why are some of the persons in Hollywood who
have been very successful in their lives, w^riters, actors, businessmen ;
why would they follow the Communist line ?
Mrs. Rogers. I have often asked myself that. When a man sits
alone w'ith his soul and sees what we have in America, and if he is
an intelligent man he has looked around to the rest of the world
and has seen the condition that the rest of the world is in, under
their forms of government, I often wonder what in the world he
is thinking about. What have the Communists got that he wants?
The only thing I can think of is that he must want advantage of some
sort, that he must believe that he is especially appointed, and that the
world will make him a god — or a commissar, let us say, which is the
same thing in their language. I can't understand that quirk of mind
myself.
The Chairman. You believe then that by exposing communism, by
aiding to educate the American people as to the dangers of commu-
nism, that we will do more that way to destroy their influence than
any other way ?
Mrs. Rogers. Well, I have always said that if a banker was going
to break in a new teller he wouldn't take him down in the basement
and show him 99,000,000 kinds of counterfeits that have been offered
to the bank, but would show him the real thing and then anything
they devised is no good, is counterfeit, and I think that if we will re-
state American principles, and the application of those principles to
present-day life, we have got them nailed to the mast.
I think that that is the reason the}^ have been able to make the in-
roads that they have now, because it has been so long since our children
have had this instilled in their schools. Remember, Connnunists are
in control of many of the schools, your clubs, your study clubs, even
the little women's clubs, wdiere women come to read books to them
and explain plays to them. Communists have their cohorts that do
the reading and choosing of the books — and the leftist book always
got by beautifully. It has been a long time since we have had the
feeling that we have a clear school, that our children are being taught
about America. I think that when we show the ]3eople America, as
against the face of this thing, we have just about licked it.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 237
The CiiAiRMAN. Well, can't the moving-picture industry aid in
that to a great extent?
Mrs. RooERS. Oh, immeasurably, but it has been a long time since
you could get a good American story bought in the motion-picture
industry.
The CiiAiRMAx. Have you noticed any change in that regard in the
last (') months?
Mrs. RocERs. Yes; I think the feeling is beginning to change. I
think it is. 1 think it looks very hopeful. I think the lefty now has
been brought out in his true colors and I think the executive is going
to be afraid of him from now on.
The Chairman. Then these stories to the effect that the hearings
currently being held by the Un-American Activities Committee are
harming the industry or might harm the industry ; do you believe that
to be true?
Mrs. Rogers. I do not. I do not believe that to be true. I do not
believe that anything that could happen with our Government could
hurt our industry. I never want to see the motion-picture industry
controlled — no more than any other industry, except those basic laws
that control every industry. I want to see it free to make what it
wants to make, but I want to have it stay within the truth, instead of
these lies we have been told.
The Chairman. Mrs. Rogers, what can we do to wake up the in-
dustry to produce more really American pictures?
JNIrs. Rogers. I think you are doing it.
The Chairman. You think we are doing it?
Mrs. Rogers. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Mr. McDow-ell.
Mr. McDow^ell. Mr. Chairman, I think it should be said for the
record, and particularly for the benefit of the representatives of the
press here and the American people, that Mrs. Lela Rogers is not
merely a disturbed lady who in the course of her activities in Holl}^-
wood has stumbled across the fingers of this conspiracy against the
American Government, but that long ago she discovered it and that
she has become, in my opinion, one of the outstanding experts on com-
munism in the United States, and particularly in the amusement in-
dustry. Her opinions are those gathered over many years. I think
the American people should know that and know that she is lending
her great talents in the general fight against it.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. No more questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mrs. Rogers, and we cer-
tainly liope we didn't" put you out too much in coming all the way from
Hollywood."
Mrs. Rogers. Not at all.
(Witness excused.)
Mr. Stripling. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Oliver
Carlson. ^f|
The Chairman. Mr. Carlson, do you solemnly swear the testimony"
you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Carlson. I do.
" Seo apponrlix, p. 5^1.3, for exhibU 54.
67683 — 47 16
238 .COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
TESTIMONY OF OLIVER CARLSON
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Carlson, will you state your full name and
present address, please ?
Mr. Carlson. My name is Oliver Carlson. My address is 1728
Westerly Terrace, Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Carlson?
Mr. Carlson. I was born in Sweden, July 31, 1899.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Carlson. I am a writer and teacher and I specialize in the
field of political science, more particularly in the field of propaganda
techniques. I have worked in that field for about 20 years or more.
Mr. Stripling. Where are you presently employed ?
Mr. Carlson. I am employed as a teacher by the extension division
of the University of California.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the testimony of Mr. Carlson will
be developed by Mr. Gaston and Mr. Mandel of the committee's staff.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, how long have you been a student of the
Communist movement in the United States?
Mr. Carlson. Well, I should say all of my adult life and for the past
20 years in particular I have given it especial study. When I was with
the University of Chicago from 1930 through 1932 in the political
science department I made a special study of the propaganda tech-
niques of the Communist movement both abroad and in this country.
Mr. Gaston. Have you written any books or articles dealing with
certain phases of communism ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, I have written a great many articles over a period
of 20 years or so, appearing in many of the national magazines. Also
in several of my books I have made special reference to the problem
of communism. One of these books, titled "A Mirror for Califor-
nians," which I wrote in 1939 and the early part of 1940, and which
was published in the spring of 1941, has a good deal of information
about the Communist movement in California, and in one chapter
dealing with Hollywood I devote a i^art of that chapter to a discussion
of the Communist infiltration in Hollywood up to that time.
Mr. Gaston. Would you go into more detail with regard to the
Communist infiltration in Hollywood, please, sir?
Mr. Carlson. Well, if I may I would like to give you as a back-
ground a paragraph or two as to what I had to say about it in this book
of mine, and the material of which was written, as I say, 9 j^ears ago.
Mr. Gaston. Is that agreeable, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairman. Yes. May I interrupt? Mr. Gaston, would you
give your full name ?
Mr. Gaston. Yes, sir. Kobert B. Gaston, G-a-s-t-o-n.
The Chairman. Proceed.
Mr. Carlson. I am quoting now from pages 154, 5, and 6, and the
chapter is entitled "There Is No Town Called Hollywood."
I said :
Here is the third ring just getting under way.
I might say parenthetically that I had described Hollywood as a vast
three-ring circus. I continue :
It is a unique performance given by what we may designate as our Hollywood
newlyweds.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 239
It all began back in 1935, when social consciousness suddenly hit inovieland.
Like all new fads and fancies, it was embraced with rapturous enthusiasm.
Here was something great and good, something new and daring — but not too
daring. Stalin himself had just announced tliat Russia now had the only geiuiine
democracy ; the Communist Party was wrapping itself in the Stars and Stripes
and declaring that "Communism is twentieth century Americanism." President
Roosevelt, no less, had taken the national lead in denouncing economic royalists
and political re:ictionaries; while out in California, Upton Sinclair under the
slogan of "End poverty in California" had captured the Democratic gubernatorial
nomination in 1934 and amassed nearly a million votes.
In the favorable circumstances it is quite understandable how Hollywood
sopliisticates came to coin the slogan, "It's smart to be a Red." Astrologists,
spiritualists, graphologists, mystics, and fortune tellers of a hundred varieties,
who had long adorned tlie parties and gave aid and comfort to the great and near
great of cinemaland, were unceremoniously dumped. Their places were taken by
serious-minded young men and women who explained the inner workings of dia-
lectical matefialism, the theory of the class struggle, the insolvible contradiction
of our capitalism, and the inevitability of the rule of the proletariat. Drawing
room tables were now replaced with the works of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Browder,
and above all John Strachey.
I will not continue, Mr, Questioner, except to say that I follow
through here and indicate how the Hollywood pockethooks, which had
never been too tightly closed, were open wide to aid the cause and its
champions, writers, directors, and actors, and all of these others join-
ing in, and how when the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League became organ-
ized and staged a series of meetings the Communists were able to use
this, drawing into it vast numbers of good American citizens who were
definitely anti-Nazi, but the movement was, of course, controlled and
led by the Communist groups in Hollywood.
Mr. GAST0^r. Do you know of anyone being sent out from New York
to Hollywood to conduct the activities of the Communists m Holly-
wood?
Mr. Carlson. Yes; I do. I know there were a number of people
sent out at various times. V. J. Jerome was one of them, but the per-
son I think of in particular was a man whose name was Eli Jacobson.
Eli Jacobson was from New York, I had known him and his family
many, many years ago when we were boys. Eli Jacobson was a charter
member of the Communist Party in America. Back in the middle
twenties he had been director of the Workers School in New York City.
I have here, in order to identify that, a copy of the announcement
of courses of the Workers School for the year 1926-27, and in it in two
different places Mr. Eli Jacobson appears as a teacher of courses.
I might add that in this same school there were teaching such names
as have been mentioned here — Albert Trachtenberg, the man who was
said to be the head of the Cultural Commission of the Communist
Party, and who has been the head man of International Publishers,
the publication house of the Communist Party for many years,
Mr. Mandel. Mr. Carlson, how is that school designated on the
title of the catalog?
Mr. Carlson. On the title of the catalog it says "The Workers
School," and below it says in quotes "Training for the class struggle."
I might possibly read from its definition at the beginning.
It says :
Education in a class society cannot be indifferent to the struggle between classes
nor can it be impartial toward the contesting groups.
It goes on with the typical Communist Party line. This is and has
been for many years the Communist Party school. Earl Browder,
240 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
William Z. Foster, Jack Satachov, William Weinstone, almost every
important leader of the Communist l*arly, has at one time or another
conducted classes or seminars in that school.
Mr. Jacobson was, as I say, at one time director of this school and
also served as an instructor in it. He went to Russia and taught for
the University of Moscow for a time, I believe, and has always been
considered a high functionary and a particularly able propagandist
for the Communist movement.
Well, to get back to the case, I bumped into Mr. Jacobson in Los
Angeles some time in 1936 but his name was not conspicuous as a Com-
munist there. He was closely associated at that time with a lady
known as Mrs. Beryl La Cava, B-e-r-y-1 L-a C-a-v-a. Mrs. La Cava
was the divorced wife of Gregory La Cava, a very splendid motion-
picture director.
As I recall from the newspaper accounts of the divorce proceedings,
Mr. La Cava accused his wife of being a very ardent Communist.
Toward the fall of 1938 my phone rang a number of times and Mr.
Jacobson, who had not been on any friendly terms with me for 15
years, or more, was suddenly anxious to talk with me.
I finally saw him one evening. He was very much perturbed and
said he felt I was the only old friend he had to whom he could come
and talk because he had decided to break with the Communist Party.
Then he told me how he had been sent to Hollywood under specific
instructions from the Central Committee of the Communist Party,
and that his duties in Hollywood were to conduct classes and, in gen-
eral, eclucational propaganda for the Communist Party among film
folk — not among the rank-and-file workers, but, rather, among the
elite, so to speak. Those were the terms he used, and that for the past
2 or 21^ years that had been the main purpose of his work.
He told me he had prepared the ground work for several meetings
for V. J. Jerome, who was, according to ISIr. Rushmore's testimony, the
active man at the head of Communist activities insofar as Hollywood
and the film industry was concerned. He mentioned that he had also
helped prepare the ground work for several meetings for Mr. Kyle
Crichton. Mr. Crichton was at the time, and I believe still is, one of
the editors of Collier's Magazine.
At that time Mr. Crichton had been writing under the name of
Robert Forsythe, I believe it is, in the New Masses, a series of articles
on cultural problems. He was very much lionized in Hollywood and
spoke at a large number of small meetings.
Mr. Jacobson told me that he and Mrs. LaCava were largely instru-
mental in arranging these meetings.
Mr. Jacobson likewise informed me that part of his job at that time
was to see to it that many of these important film personalities were
softened up so that tliey would agree to join the various front organiza-
tions which the Connnunist Party was then sponsoring in the Holly-
wood region.
I do not recall all of the organizations he mentioned, but there were
some. There was the League Airainst War and Fascism. There was
the Committee to Boycott the Olympics in Berlin. There were the
various Connnunist front committees for the defense of Spain. There
were a whole host of other organizations which he referred to at that
time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 241
Mr. Mandel. Was the Western Writers Congress one of those organ-
izations?
Mr. Cari.son. Yes, very definitely, the Western Writers Congress,
which took phice in Sui Francisco in November of lO^B, was also one
of those for which INIr. Jacobson had done preliminary spade work
in helping to bring a nnmber of writers from Hollywood.
One other thing he told me was that his job was to prepare the
gronndwork for getting substantial contributions for the front organ-
izations after people had been sufficiently prepared for the various
party educational units, and possibly even for the party, itself.
Mi*. Jacobson, I might say, was terribly agitated. He Avas afraid he
was going to be killed. I saw him and Mrs. LaCava on a number of
occasions during the next 8 or 10 months, and then he left Los Angeles
altogether and I never heard of him since. I don't know whether he
is dead or alive.
IVfr. IMcDowELL. Do you believe he was sincere in helping to put the
party in power?
Mr. Carlson. Yes. Mr. Jacobson had been, as I said, one of the
foundation members of the Communist Party; he had been one of the
originators of it, and had enjoyed the trust of the leaders of the party.
He would not have had the position of Director of the Official Com-
munist Party School if he had not enjoyed that position.
He had been taken to Moscow, as I say, both to do some teaching and
I imagine to also be prepared for other work to be done in this country.
INIr. Jacobson did not appear openly as a Communist at any time
during this period he was in Hollywood. His job was to sort of
carry his work on under the other guises.
Mr. Gaston. He was the undercover man ?
Mr. Carlson. Well, in a sense; yes. He certainly never was a
speaker, to my knowledge, and he said he was instructed not to appear
as a speaker at Communist Party rallies because he had this other
important job assigned to him.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, are there any educational institutions
used by the Communists to develop their propaganda in Hollywood?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, indeed. After all. Communist indoctrination
has to proceed, among other ways, through the use of classes and
schools. There had been a Communist workers' school in Los Angeles
for a number of years, but it never amounted to very much. However,
along about 1940, I should say, the announcement was made that a
"new general progressive or radical educational center was to be
organized.
Mr. William Wolfe, W-o-l-f-e, I believe he spells it, who had been
an educational director for the International Ladies' Garment Workers'
Union, and who was not a Commimist, told me he had been approached
and offered the job of director of this new educational center. He
wanted to know if I was interested. I said I was interested only if he
knew Avho was going to be on the board of directors, and who was
behind it.
Within the matter of a few weeks there was a good deal of evidence
to show that this school was to be controlled by the Communists. Well-
known names of Communists began to appear and Mr. Wolfe, who,
up to that time, had been a very close friend of mine, and had called
on me frequently, suddenly became very distant. He was in the com-
242 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
pany of these other people and with them established the Peoples
Educational Center.
This organization, this school, has been functioning and is still func-
tioning to this date.
Mr. William Wolfe was removed as director after a relatively short
period, and two or three other people, I believe, served as directors,
but for the past 2 years the director has been Mr. Sidney Davison,
D-a-v-i-s-o-n.
Sidney Davison — and I think there is ample evidence on this — was
a member of the Communist Party in the New York area and was sent
out to Hollywood specifically to take over the job of director of this
school. He is the director at the present time.
I have in my possession here two of the official bulletins of the
Peoples Educational Center. I have the one published for the summer
session of 1945. I have a photostat of the one for the winter of 1947,
and I have copied out in longhand material from a similar bulletin for
the year 1944. Perhaps I can best explain what this Peoples Educa-
tional Center is
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, may I interrupt you right there ?
Mr. Carlson. Yes, sir.
Mr. Gaston. Is there anybody connected with the motion-picture
industry on the staff of that school ?
Mr. Caklson. Yes, indeed, most assuredly. In fact, they have al-
ways devoted a good deal of attention to courses in screen writing,
motion-picture production, and things like that.
Mr. Gaston. Could we have some of those names, please?
Mr. Carlson. Yes. On the board of directors for 1947 appears Mr.
John Howard Lawson, who has been mentipned here before. On the
advisory board appears the name of Helmer Bergman. Mr. Helmer
Bergman is a well-known pro-Communist in Los Angeles working
in the film industry. He has been very active with the Conference of
Studio Unions in its attempt to gain control over the trade unions.
On this board was the name of Mr. Herbert Sorrell, who is the head
of the Conference of Studio Unions, president, I believe, of the Holly-
wood Painters local, and who has been in long and close association
with all Communist and Communist-front organizations over a period
of years.
On this advisory board also appears the name of Frank Tuttle.
Likewise, the name of Sandra Gorney, G-o-r-n-e-y, whose husband,
I believe, is a song writer in the film industry. Sandra Gorney's name
has appeared rather frequently as a contril)utor of articles to the
Peoples Daily World or the Daily Peoples World, and I think I have
seen her name also on certain articles in Hollywood in the Daily
Worker.
Among the courses given were — this is from the 1947 pamphlet *- —
course on the history of the American labor movement given by Mr.
Milton Tyre, of the law firm of Gallagher, Margolis, and Katz, two
of whose members are here, I think, defending those charged with
being un-American and subversive in their activities.
The Chairman. I want to make it very plain the committee has not
made any charges yet.
Mr. Carlson. Yes ; I understand that. I say they have been charged
by people in Hollywood.
*^ See appendix, p. 533, for exhibit 55.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 243
I find a course entitled "Labor's Key Problems," and among the
teachers of this course which deals specifically Avith the problems of
the motion-picture industry, are Helmer Berfrman, whom I mentioned
a moment ago; William B. Esteman, E-s-t-e-m-a-n, an attorney in
the firm of Esteman and Pestana, P-e-s-t-a-n-a. The firm of Esteman
and Pestana are the official attorneys for the Conference of Studio
Unions, Mr, Herbert Sorrell's organization, which has been accused —
and I think justly — of being under Communist domination.
Also Mr. Victor Kaplan is listed here as one of the teachers in that
school. He is an attorney, or was, according to this, in the firm of
Gallagher, Margolis, and Katz.
But more specifically, we have the courses which I believe your com-
mittee is interested in. We have here a course called Motion Picture
Direction, Thursday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m. Coordinator Irving Pichel.
Under this it says there will be several lectures.
A section on story preparation by Herber Biberman, who has been
identified over a period of years with pro-Soviet organizations.
A lecture on production preparation by Vincent Sherman, S-h-e-r-
m-a-n, who is, I believe, a screen writer.
A lecture called On the Set, by Frank Tuttle; one on camera, by
Paul Ivano, I-v-a-n-o. I know nothing about Mr. Ivano.
One on cutting, by Mr. Edward Dmytryk, D-m-y-t-r-y-k, a well-
known Hollywood producer.
One on production, by Kenneth Macgowan, a well-known Holly-
wood producer.
Music, by Hugo Friedhofer, who is working in that field in the
movies, and the summary by Mr. Pichel.
There is likewise a course entitled "The Motion Picture's Illusion
and Reality." I find under the description of the course the things
that are to be discussed, and included are the following about the film
industry: Who owns the industry? Who controls it? How is content
determined ? What is the role of censorship ? Why the star system ?
The current status of the guilds and unions, and the role of motion
pictures in international politics.
The teachers of this course, according to this document, are Ben
Barzman, B-a-r-z-m-a-n, Karen Morley, M-o-r-l-e-y. a well known
screen star; Arnold Manoff, ]M-a-n-o-f-f, then it says "and others."
There are also three courses in screen writing given : Screen Writ-
ing 1 is conducted by Robert Lees. Screen Writing 2, by Val Burton.
Screen Writing 3 by Stanley Rubin. I will quote from their folder
here as to who these people are in just a moment.
There are a number of other courses, naturally. In the list of
biographies of instructors here I find it says, about Mr. Hehiier
Bergman :
Labor leader for many years ; member of IBEW No. 40, A. F. of L. ; chairman,
motion picture stewards council.
Under Herbert Biberman, it says :
B. S., University of Pennsylvania ; attended Baker's 47 Work Shop, Yale
University. Credits in tlie motion picture industry as writer of original stories,
director, and is now associate producer.
I find under "Val Burton" :
Writer-producer at Universal.
He is mentioned as one of the tetichers of screen writing.
244 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, Mandel. Mr. Carlson, under "Mr, Biberman," does it say that
he ever took courses abroad ?
Mr. Carlson. In the 1947 folder it does not say that, but I think it
does say that in the 1945 folder. Yes. They change the statements a
little bit from year to year,
I now quote from the folder of the Peoples Educational Center for
the winter of 1945, where it says, about Herbert Biberman : *^
Six months in the U. S. S. R. studying the Soviet Theater. Four years with
the Theater Guild in New York as actor and director.
They change the description a little bit from year to year.
There is Guy Endore, author of Babouk, and coauthor of screen
play, GI Joe, and other things. Mr. Endore has been identified with
Communist fronts in Los Angeles since I came out there in the spring
of 19;]5.
Mr. Robert Lees, it also says here, has been actively writing in the
motion-picture industry for 12 years; for the past 3 years "has been
under contract to Paramount."
Kenneth Macgowan, "Dramatic critic from 1910 to 1923 ; play pro-
ducer from 1923 to 1931 ; motion-picture producer since 1932."
I find liere also Charles B. Millholland teaching a couree at this
school. He is a screenwriter and playright. It says "Adapted his
brother's book to the screen as Submarine Patrol. Author of stage,
screen, and radio successes, Twentieth Century.
I find here Mr. Pichel listed as "Motion Picture Director. Has been
prominent for many years in the New York stage. Has been both an
actor and director in cinema."
I find the name Stanley Rubin, who was one of the men teaching
the screen writing course. It says here, "Has written for Columbia
Workshop, been writing for motion pictures since 1939. Produced at
Universal. Now under contract at Columbia." And there are many
others here.
Mr. Mandel. ]Mr. Carlson, would you state concisely what you think
is the object of training in the school you have mentioned ?
Mr. Caelson. Well, the Peoples Educational Center is an extremely
effective organization for the indoctrination of large numbers of
people particularly in the general Hollywood area, tliose concerned
and interested in films and radio, with the Communist ideology. It
also serves, as the courses indicate, to prepare these people for screen
writing, radio writing, screen acting, radio acting, play writing, and
the like.
In these courses not only are the general techniques of play writing,
screen writing, and radio writing developed, but from the information
I have had by word of mouth from many people who have gone to these
classes every course also has brought into it a good deal of the current
Communist Party line, whatever that may be at the particular
moment.
I have found no evidence of anyone who is actively anti-Communist
employed on the staff. There have been several innocent people drawn
into the staff at various times, specialists in many fields. Those who
got in, such as Mr. Dean McHenry, of the University of California
at Los Angeles, when he discovered he was being used by this move-
■^ See appendix, p. 533, for exhibit 56.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 245
ment, refused to teach any further and openly repudiated the school
and communism.
Mr, Gaston. Mr. Carlson, in your opinion how should a Communist
be defined?
Mr. Carlson. Well, I should think that looking at the situation
as it exists in the world today we have to think in terms first of the
Communist Party member who is directly and organizationally tied to
the Communist Party and who, of course, is under the very strict
discipline of that party which functions virtually as a military organi-
zation in terms of structure and discipline.
But over and beyond this group which, according to the testimony
of the representative of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party, was slightly more than 80,000 at the beginning of this year,
and which they hoped would reach 100,000 by the end of September
of this year — beyond that I should say are those who are pro-Commu-
nist, that is, those who are ready to give first loyalty to the Soviet
Union and any of its activities, whether they are done by the Com-
munist Party, the front organizations, or what have you.
Within this group, according to Communists whom I have spoken
with, they feel they represent on an average three to four times the
membership of the Communist Party itself.
Then beyond that we have those who go along, the fellow travelers
who follow Communist Party policy and dictation most of the time,
but not necessarily all of the time.
Mr. Gaston. To your knowledge, how does the Communist Party
function, Mr. Carlson ?
Mr. Carlson. I think the effectiveness of the Communist Party is
determined by its organizational structure which was developed orig-
inally by Lenin nearly 40 years ago. There is a basic difference be-
tween the two divisions. The Russian Social Democratic Party existed
from about 1903 to 1905 and centered around the concept of party
structure. It was Lenin who maintained at that time that for effec-
tive work the party must be a small, highly integrated, highly disci-
plined organization of professional revolutionaries — and he used the
term "professional revolutionaries."
The Menshevik faction felt they should have a broader organization,
they should not be as well disciplined, and should be more or less in
line with the social democratic parties.
Around this basic issue of organizational structure the party split
and Lenin's concept prevailed. That concept was carriecl through
successfully in Russia and when the Communist International was
established the provisos laid down, first in the famous 21 points of
the Communist International, and later in a whole series of special
directives and resolutions at various Congresses, and which were car-
ried over into the actions of the various Communist parties of the
.^vorld— these parties followed the pattern set down originally by
Lenin. That is, the party was a small, highly disciplined organiza-
tion functioning, in a sense, by what Robert Miner described at one
time as a "system of wheels within wheels." That is, they were the
inner wheel which in turn turned and moved larger wheels or masses
of people and organizations around them,
Mr. McDowell. The opposition to that inside the Communist
Party was Trotsky ?
246 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Carlson. Not at that time. I think Trotsky was in part op-
posed to it, but I think his differences were somewhat different, on a
different line. He came to accept the Lenin concept. No, they were
men like Mastov and Plekanov, and a group of other names which
escape me at the moment, which became what was known as the
Menshevik group.
This party, this group, was liquidated by the Communists. We
have, living in America, incidentally, one of the members of that old
executive committee when the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were still
united, Raphael Abramowitz, who was on the purge list for a long
time, and I believe still is.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Carlson, I have one more question. Not all
of them were liquidated. If I recall correctly, there was one rather
minor figure in those days named Andrei Vishinsky who made the
grade finally.
Mr. Carlson. Yes, that is true. There were some of them who
later repudiated by open concession the error of their ways and were
then allowed to come into the Communist Party. Not only was
Vishinsky one of those men but the nian who has been chief editorial
writer for Pravda; Soflovsky was one of those men who fought
bitterly against the Communists well up through the early years of
the Russian revolution, and was finally compelled to eat crow. There
were many of those.
Reading the proceedings of the Communist Party Congi-ess, you
notice how every once in a while these men still have their pasts
dragged out and held as a threat over them to keep them in line.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, referring again to the catalog of the
Peoples Educational Center, the one of 1947, in order to get some idea
of the complexion of the school publicizing these courses in direct-
ing, acting, and so on, it says :
Thursday, 8 : 30-10 p. m. : The Soviet Union, a new civilization. A seminar
type course which will discuss the social, economic, and political structure of
the U. S. S. R. Topics to he discussed will include: Man as a citizen of a
planned society — social security, health insurance, etc. — education — science in
Soviet society — trade unions under socialism — art and culture — national minority
relationships — the Soviet Union and the UNO.
The Chairman. What is the name of that school ?
Mr. Stripling. Peoples Educational Center.
Mr. Mandel. Mr, Carlson, do you have an additional list of persons
connected with the motion-picture industry who are connected with
the Peoples Educational Center?
Mr. Carlson. Well, as one goes through the various catalogs, which
is the only place where you can get the authoritative material, you
find many other names appearing. For instance, in the 1944 brochure,
I see these names as teachers ; which were not mentioned heretofore :
Morton Grant, a screen writer; Thomas Job. It said he was then a
screen writer at Warner Bros. Michael Uris, a screen writer;
Dorothy Tree, a film actress ; Leo Hurwitz, who had been, and I be-
lieve still is, connected with the film industry; Earl Robinson, well
known for his songs and ballads.
I find that in that year among the teachers was a Mr. Charles J.
Katz, attorney; Mr. Benjamin Margolis, attorney; Mr. Leo Gallagher,
attorney, and Mr. Milton Tyre, attorney. They were all of the firm
of Gallagher, Margolis, and Katz,
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 247
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, why do the Communists devote so much
time and attention to gaining control and influence in Hollywood, in
your opinion ?
Mr. Caklson. Well, as a non-Hollywood or a nonscreen person, it
seems to me the answer to that falls into several questions. First of
all, the evidence is overwhelming from the writings and statements
of leading Connnunists in Europe, Russia, and United States that the
iilm industry itself is one of the most ettective mass mediums of
information. Since it is necessary for Communists to try to use
influence, any mass medium of information, that per se would make
the film industry a very vital one.
Secondly, I should say the fact that screen personalities have at-
tained an amazing public following — and I think this has been well
demonstrated right here in these hearings duffing the past few, days
by the way in which large numbers of people are anxious to hear and
to see screen stars. That applies all over the country.
To the Communists who want to get as large a hearing as they can
for themselves, and to get their front organizations made as respectable
as possible, what could be more effective than to try to inveigle, in
some way or another, various screen personalities to serve on their
committees ?
When you have Katherine Hepburn speaking at a front organization
for the Conmuniists you can be sure tliere will be thousands of people
there, where there might only be hundreds if the regular Communist
Party functionaries appeared. Whenever any of the other screen
personalities lend their names or their signatures to any organization
or cause which the Communists are promoting, it automatically makes
this cause seem more fashionable in the eyes of unsophisticated people
all over. They say, "If this big star is for it I guess it must be all
right." That is very natural.
So, from that point of view they are able to influence opinion by
merely using the names of these people, or having them appeal*.
Then I should say there is a third very important point, and that is
the financial aspect. I do not have to tell this conunittee that the
motion-picture industry is not exactly a sweatshop industry. The
salaries, even in the trades, are probably the highest in the country,
so when you can win screen writers, screen actors, directors, producers,
■or their wives or sisters or children to support your cause, you are
helping to open the way for a great deal of financial aid.
I might say that Mr. Jacobson, as I testified earlier, told me that
untold tens of thousands of dollars were collected through the soften-
ing-up process of his various house meetings in Hollywood,
The Hollywood Citizen News, a daily paper in Hollywood, after
careful investigation, reported in an editorial a few years ago that
they thought at least $3,000,000 had been taken out of Hollywood up
to that time.
At a meeting held very recently in Hollywood on one of the large
front organizations, I believe, something like $87,000 was collected.
These sums are absolutely fabulous. Here is a treasure chest which
is important. "Wliy worry about Moscow's gold when you can get
Hollywood greenbacks.
Of course, there is still one other aspect, and I think this has been
neglected up to this point in the hearing. That is the fact that in
terms of the number of people employed in Hollywood, those who are
248 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
actors, writers, producers, and directors represent only a small mi-
nority of the total number employed in the motion-picture industry.
The tens of thousands of workers in the industry are those who are
the stage crews, and who do all the other technical jobs. There they
struggle for the conquest of these labor organizations, to win their
support, which is, of course, a typical and long-standing technique and
one of their most pertinent objectives — to win the labor movement.
This idea to win economic control over the trade unions in Holly-
wood would be a real feather in their cap and could be used, then, to
bring economic pressure to bear on the entire industry as occasion
would demand because the Communists consider the trade unions to
be organs for revolutionary purposes.
We need only see what has happened in France, Italy, and elsewhere
during the past few weeks to see that in action.
The Communists have not succeeded in doing this in Hollywood but
I must say that during the past 12 years where I have been watching
it at first-hand they have certainly put up a tremendous struggle to
achieve all these objectives.
Mr. Gaston. Do you believe there is any attempt at thought control
in the motion-picture industry, and, if so, how is it done and by whom ?
Mr. Carlson. I have been hearing a lot about that. In fact, the
pro-Communists arranged a conference in Hollywood only a matter of
weeks ago which was called a thought-control congress. They were
shouting very loudly that thought control was being put over on the
American people and on the film industry in particular.
It seems rather amusing to me— sadly amusing, in fact — that people
endorse and support the Communist Party line when we know that in
Soviet Russia the films, the radio, the press, and every other vehicle
of communication has been completely controlled by the State and the
Communist Party.
I say when we see that record then to have the Communists here
locally becoming the champions of freedom of thought, it is weird, to
say the least. But that is part of what I would call "Communist
semantics." They make words fit the definitions which they desire,
and, consequently, they take on various forms.
But insofar as actual thought control in Hollywood is concerned,
I have seen none, except perhaps from the point of view of the pressure
which has been brousfht bv these verv same pro-Communist elements
themselves upon the industry. During these last 8 years I have been
amazed to discover that outside of two minor films which were sort of
a sly take-off on communism — Ninotchka was one, and I have forgotten
the name of the other.
Mr. Gaston. Was that Comrade X ?
Mr. Carlson. Comrade X, that is right. Then there were three
definitely pro-Soviet films w^hich were made during the war, and I
can understand why they were made. Russia was then our ally, and
we certainly bent over backward to give them everything they wanted.
But over and above that, the important aspect of thought control is
this : During all these years when thousands of films have been made
from the point of view of sheer drama I haven't seen a single film
built around attempts of people to escape from the clutches of the
G. P. U., but we certainly have had them trying to escape from the
clutches of the Gestapo.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 249
We have had lots of fihns dealing? with British imperialism, French
imperialism, Dutch imperialism, and American imperialism of one
kind or another. I have seen nothing which deals with Soviet im-
perialism.
We have had a lot of films about farmers in this country. I have
seen no attempt by the motion-picture industry to tell the story of how
several million individual farmers in Russia were liquidated outright,
or sent to concentration camps, because they tried to resist the col-
lectivism program of the Soviet government.
I think the thought control has been all on the other side. I am
very sure as a student of propaganda that propaganda is effective not
merely from what you say but from what you do not say. By refus-
ing to permit the American people to see in films the true picture of
the various things that have been going on in the Soviet Union it
has been easy to keep that matter out of discussion.
Meanwhile, of course, there have been these many films and I think
there is a place for them, films of social conscience, which deals with
aspects of weaknesses in our own democratic society.
One other point : I believe that the place of the film is to deal with
all aspects of life, not as films of propaganda but as merely mirroring
what is happening. I think it is high time we call attention to the
fact that a large number of these writers who have been mentioned
here today, yesterday, and the day before, and who believe and ac-
tively support and espouse the cause of communism when they do
pictures pointing out the defects of the American system, the economic
and political system, I think they come before us with unclean hands.
I do not think they are honest in their criticism.
They have another objective, the purpose being not to try to remedy
these things wdthin the framework which our Constitution and our
various State laws provide, but, rather, to break the spirit of the
American people, to make them think the American way of life is
not good, that all politicians are opportunists, that businessmen in
general are corrupt, that labor leaders who do not follow the Com-
munist line are venal and stupid and agents of capitalism, as they
call it. These are all part of the general picture which these men have
been giving. I think that is control, very definitely. That I am op-
posed to, and I think every American is opposed to it.
Mr. Mandfx. Mr. Carlson, has there been any effort on the part of
the Communist group in Hollywood to control the public schools of
the community ?
Mr. Carlson. Well, yes; there has. We have had a very bad situ-
ation in Hollywood insofar as the American Federation oi Teachers
local is concerned. That has been dominated by the Communists for
a period of several years. I have spoken about this matter with na-
tional officers of the American Federation of Teachers at various times,
and I know they are very much worried about it. There are hun-
dreds, perhaps thousands, of teachers who probably would belong to
that organization, but many of them have told me, "I won't join the
American Federation of Teachers local in Los Angeles as long as it
spends its time merely supporting Russia and denouncing ever3''thing
that America is,'* and doesn't function as a trade union movement.
Mr. Mandel. Mr. Carlson
250 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Carlson. One other point. Miss LaRue McCormick, a well-
known local Communist, has been running for the board of educa-
tion at various times. In fact, she ran as a Communist in the elec-
tions in the spring of this year, this last April, to be exact. Running
as an avowed Communist, it may be of interest to this committee to
knoAv that she received a total of 24,543 votes for member of the board
of education in the Los Angeles school district.
In 1943, when she ran for the same position, she received only 15,000
votes. So she had picked up about 9,543 votes of people Avho were
definitely ready to support a Communist on the board of education.
Mr. Mandel. What is the source of your information
Mr. McDowell. Excuse me. Do you know how many votes were
cast?
Mr. Carlson. There were about 300,000 or 350,000; I don't remem-
ber that figure. It was a fairly heavy vote for a board of education
vote, which is usually light. But it, of course, was small compared
with the total vote that is normally cast in a national or even a mu-
nicipal election for mayor. This was a very large vote, I should say.
It represented perhaps 8 or 9 percent of the total vote cast in that
election — maybe more than that. I could supply the committee with
figures. These quotations I take, by the way, are from the People's
Daily World of April 5, 1947. I ani quoting^^
Mr. McDowell. That is a Communist paper ?
Mr. Carlson. That is a Communist paper on the west coast, which
circulates very widely in Hollywood.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Carlson, can you tell us a little bit about the
strength of comnmuism in the labor organizations and cultural organi-
zations, as briefly as possible?
Mr. Carlson. Well, they function in all of these organizations. So
far as the Los Angeles picture is concerned, I should say the greatest
strength in the labor movement lies within the CIO. Mr. Philip
Connelly, the secretary of the CIO council, has I think, at least to my
satisfaction, been proved to be a Communist, and works with them
and has for years. The whole host of officials in other unions, in the
CIO unions, do the same. The main strength of the Communists in
the A. F. of L. has been precisely in the group of unions called the
Conference of Studio Unions, headed by Mr. Herbert SorrelL But I
think that when Mr. Brewer comes on the stand he will probably
develop that at greater detail, in greater detail.
Mr. Gaston. In your opinion, Air. Carlson, what is the best method
available to combat communism in the various fields?
Mr. Carlson. Well, it seems to me that possibly it might be well if
we could devise a sort of law comparable to the Pure Food and Drug
Act, where we label poison so that people won't get it, or adulterated
foods — making them put the label on it. I would like to see some sort
of a label that had to be put on all types of Communist propaganda —
point one. I think if it were labeled for what it is, it would in itself
help a great deal. I don't know whether that can be done, but I think
that is a point to bear in mind.
I think if every issue of any Communist publication had to carry
a notice in a box in black type stating "This organ is printed in the
interest of communism," and which seeks to destroy the American
form of government and functions as an agent of the Soviet Govern-
ment, it probably would do a good deal to stop some of those things.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 251
But over and above that, I think that the strength of communism
lies in its oi-f^anizational structure. If we can destroy the structure,
this thing which Lenin set up long ago, I think then, while you don't
destroy Conmiunist agitation or propaganda in America — I don't
think you can do that — yoii can, I think, reduce it very, very severely.
From that point of view I believe that it would be certainly a good
thing if the Connnunist Party itself were outlawed. I know this will
mean that the Communist Party will function illegally, but it would
also mean that thousands and tens of thousands of people who now
sort of flutter along the edges would withdraw. It means that Com-
munist meetings could not take place openly, in public halls, schools,
and churches. It would mean that we would have destroyed a vital
social cancer. I know there is always danger that innocent people
would be destroyed along with it, but I think if you have got a cancer
in your system you have got to have an operation and while there may
be some good live tissue that goes out with it, I would rather take the
chance on the oj^eration so the person can recover than to have them
say afterward, "Well, what a handsome looking corpse he is."
Mr. Gaston. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions, Mr. Chairman, but I have
been an amateur student of communism and Communist activity and
its history for more than 20 years, and I doubt very seriously if any
witness that ever came before this committee — Mr. Chairman and
Mr, Vail — has expressed such a profound knowledge of this phenomena
as Mr. Carlson.
There is some great agitation in America to do something about
the immigration laws, to slow down immigration. Something should
be done to readjust those laws. But to slow down or stop immigra-
tion may stop future citizens like Mr. Carlson from coming to the
United States. I feel that you have made a great contribution to
your country. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Carlsox. Well, thank you. May I say I was brought to this
country as a baby. I didn't come here except my parents brought me
over when I was a child in arms.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Carlson, have you any knowledge of whether or not
the school to which you referred is an accredited school under the GI
training provisions?
Mr. Carlson. So far as I understand, a very serious attempt was
made to get the Peoples Educational Center accredited. I don't think
they were accredited. I know that the equivalent of this school in
San Francisco — the San Francisco Labor School — at least for a short
time did succeed in getting Government money. I can't honestly
state that I know whether the Peoples Educational Center is getting
it or not. But I think that was stopped. If they did get it for a
short time; I think it was stopped.
Mr. Vail. In your opinion, Mr. Carlson, is this congressional in-
vestigation into communistic activities in Hollywood justified?
Mr. Carlson. Xot only justified, but I should think long overdue.
I think a full-scale airing of the situation that we have had out there
is going to be a very healthy thing for the country and for the whole
of the Hollywood industry.
252 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr.^VAiL. Would you consider tlie communistic threut to America
today a dangerous threat?
Mr. Carlson. I think it is the most daner reporter, feature writer, magazine
editor. Now a screen writer, author of 2.5 feature films.
Viola Spolin : Taught dramatics, Hull House, Chicago, 4 years; organized an
experimental theater for children ; taught and supervised a teacher's training
course in dramatics for several years at Recreational Training School, Ciiicago.
Lory Titelman : Attended Columbia University in New York and Temple Uni-
versity, Philadelphia. Taught course for parents at Cooi^erative Nur.sery
School at Santa Monica. Former director of Child Care Nursery School, Santa
Monica.
Frank Tuttle : Noted motion-picture director and writer.
Micliael Uris : Author of such stories for the screen as Happy Go Lucky, I
Married a Soldier, Listening Post, and the Life of President Masaryk. Nine
years of writing experience in pictures.
Alvin Wilder: Noted radio commentator.
Ralph Winstead : National representative. Industrial Union of Marine and Ship-
building Workers of America, CIO; investigator. La Follette Senate Civil
Liberties Committee and for NLRB ; veteran labor organizer.
Leon Rene Yankwich, J. D. (Loyola University. Los Angeles), 1926: LL. D., 1929:
Judge, Superior Court of Los Angeles (^ounty, 1927-3,5 : .judge, United States
District Court of Southern District of California since 1935. Author of many
books and articles on legal subjects.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
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266 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Board of Directors
President Willis J. Hill
Vice President Ralph Winstead
Treasurer R. S. Avery
Members
Fay E. Allen Dorothy Healey
K. S. Avery Kenneth W. Howard
Mrs. Lowell Bigelow Maurice Howard
Harry Brown John Howard Lawson
Dr. Frank C. Davis Dr. Dean E. McHenry
Frances Eisenberg Bruce Minton
Rlrs. Gertrude Flatte C. T. Peterson
Tex Freeman Albee Slade
Dr. Sanford Goldner William WolfE
Frank Green
Staff
Administration Secretary Mildred Raskin
Activities Director Roberta Jones
Director of Education Dr. Frank C. Davis
Director of Extension Kenneth W. Howard
Director of Recreational Theater Viola Spolin
Pex)ples Educational Center
1717 N. Vine St., Hollywood 28— HE 7263
124 W. 4th St., Rm. 486, Los Angeles 13— MU 3108
Application for Enrollment
Please enroll me in the following classes :
Enclosed is my check (or money order) in payment of tuition and registration
fees.
Name : Zone :
Street : Telephone No. :
City:
PEOPLES EDUCATIONAL CENTER
Winter 1947
1717 N. Vine— Hollywood 2S— Phone HO. 6291
Board of DireJctors
Willis J. Hill, President
Fay E. Allen Dorothy Healey
Harry Brown Maurice Howard
Dr. Frank C. Davis John Howard Lawson
Sidney Davison C. T. Peterson
Mrs. Gertrude Flatte Albee Slade
Dr. Sanford Goldner William Wolfe
Frank Green
Sidney Davison, Director
Mildred Raskin, Executive Secretary
Martha Dones, Registrar
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 267
Advisory Board
Helmer Bergman Robert Lees
Dr. Leon Bigelman Frances Millington
Ed Gilbert Herbert Sorrell
Sandra Gorney Frank Tuttle
Table of Contents
Foreword.
Calendar.
Curriculum :
The World Today
Psychology
Film — Radio — Writing
Languages— Art
Special Courses
Biographies
Class Schedules
Registration
Foreword.
Education of the People :
Because labor and the Hollywood community desire scientific, factual
knowledge in the field of social sciences.
Because our democratic heritage of philosophy, literature, and the creative
arts must be preserved.
Because the organization and unity of labor and all progressive forces are
necessary for the achievement of a democratic nation and world based on
freedom and security.
Education by the People :
Because our instructors are working men and women of the Hollywood
community who are for the most part practicing professionals in their fields
and who have volunteered their services.
Because they believe with Thomas Jefferson that "to educate and inform the
whole mass of the people is the only sure reliance for the preservation of our
liberty."
Education for the People :
Because there are no formal entrance requirements. The school is open to
all regardless of race, creed, nationality, or political beliefs.
Because the Peoples Educational Center is a nonprofit school whose fees are
low, to meet the needs of the average man or woman who works for a living.
Becau.se the school's annual budget is met partly by student fees, partly by
public lectures and forums, and for the rest depends upon contributions from
people and organizations in the community who are in sympathy with its
purpose and program.
Winter Term
caxendar
Registration begins Monday, Jan. 6, 1947.
Classes begin Monday, Jan. 20, 1947.
Entrance requirements
There are no formal entrance requirements. The school is open to all regard-
less of race, creed, nationality, or political beliefs. All students are required to
<:omplete registration history cards.
Registratioyi
Registration will be accepted at the Center between 11 a. m. and S p. m. be-
ginning Monday, January 6, 1947, and will continue until the end of the first week
of school. Register early since most classes are limited in size. Mail registra-
tions accompanied by tuition fees are acceptable. Staff members will be in
-ittendance to advise prospective students.
268 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Auditing
All classes with the exception of art, music, and lectures at the Screen Car-
toonists Hall may be visited without cliarge the tirst session only.
School terms
Classes will meet weekly for ten l^^-hour sessions. They will be held at the
Center, 1717 North Vine Street, except where otherwise indicated. During 1947,
the terms will begin as follows :
Winter term, January 20, 1947.
Spring term, April 14, 1947.
Summer term, July 14, 1947.
Fall term, October 6, 1947.
Tuition fees
The regular fee for courses is $6 for the term except where otherwise indicated.
All fees are payable in full at time of registration. No fees are returnable unless
a course is discontinued by the Center. A list of courses open to individual ad-
mission may be obtained from the Center.
Scholarships
Scholarships offered to union members and members of the armed forces must
be applied for in writing to the registrar. College students, on presenting their
students cards, will be accorded tuition reductions. Group rates are available
to unions and organizations sending five or more students to the Center.
Transfers
A fee of $1 is charged for a transfer of class. Transfers may not be made
after the second session or to a class closed to registration.
The Student Council
The Student Council is an independent organization of student representa-
tives from each class in the school. Educational and social activities of interest
to the student body and to the general public are arranged and carried out
through the council. The council publishes a student paper.
Forums and lecture series
The Center will conduct forums and arrange lecture series from time to
time which will be open to students and the general public.
THE WORLD TODAY REVIEW OF THE WEEK
Economics — Labor Problems — History
Sidney Davison.
Wednesday afternoon, 2 : 30-4 p. m.
Wednesday evening, 7-8 : 30 p. m.
This review of current events will analyze the most significant items in each
week's news, tracing their historical background and discussing their meaning
for the future. Particular attention will be paid to developments on the inter-
national scene. Cliief emphasis then will be placed throughout on trends and
tasks in the labor and progressive movements.
History of American Labor Movement
Milton Tyre.
Tuesday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m.
The current American labor scene. Status of American trade-unions with
emphasis upon their historical development. Background material and current
status of unions and guilds in the motion-picture industry. An examination of
America. Evolution of craft and industrial unionism — forms and technics. The
position of trade-unions in the economy of the country from the beginnings of
the organized labor movement to the present day.
Labor's Key Problems
Helmer Bergman, William B. Esterman, Charles Gladstone, Victor Kaplan,
Frank Pestana, and others.
Wednesday, 8 : 30 to 10 p. m.
Organized labor, though a section of the working class and of the people, by
its actions and achievements sets a pattern which affects all the people. The
new problems labor is facing as -a result of the 1946 elections are of importance
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 269^
to all, whether they behwg to unions or not. There are openly proclaimed
plans to repeal or at least amend the Wagner Act, to prevent national agree-
ments, and to hamper labor's legitimate activities in a multitude of ways. The
role of the NLKIi. tiie imixirt of tlie Norris-LaGuardia Act, the renewed use of
injunctions in industi'ial disputes, the police attacks against picket lines necessi-
tate a reexamination of the economic-political scene from the workers' viewpoint.
This course will analyze these key trends in the labor scene today and will also
discuss the shop steward system, strikes and strike strategy, your rig] its as a
striker, what to do when under arrest, etc. The lecturers will be drawn from
among shop stewards, trade-union leaders, and labor attorneys.
Public Speaking and Parliamentary Laiv
Wallace Stark.
Wednesday, 7 to 8 : 30 p. m.
Every member of an organization or trade-union should be able to sjx^ak from
tlie floor, deliver a talk or report, and act as chaii'man of a discussion or meeting.
This course will help the student do a better job of siJeaking before groups of
people. It will be a practical course, based on the needs of the students. Indi-
vidual practice and criticism will be given. Main aspects of parliamentary
proceic of family and domestic relations.
Minna Agins: Born in the Ukraine, lived and received early education in the
Far East. Attended Columbia University ; B. A. from Cornell University.
Has lectured widely on the Soviet Union.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 277
Helen Alcalay: Advertising as'eiicy copy writer. Has written food, fashion,,
cosmetic, automotive, drug, soap, cleanseu, and used-car copy. liesponsible
for some of tlie most infuriating singing commercials on the air — but don't
admit which ones.
George Beller : Accountant, auditor, and business manager.
Helmer W. Bergman : Labor leader for many years ; member of IBEW-40
A. F. of L. ; chairman. Motion Picture Stewards Council.
Herbert Biberman: B. S., University of Pennsylvania. Attended Baker's 47
workshop, Yale University. Credits in the motion-picture industry as writer
of original stories, director, and is now associate producer.
Leo Bigelman, M. D. : Teacher and lecturer on social, economic, and political
questions. Formerly associated with the Workers School of Los Angeles and
numerous public forums.
Val Burton : Writer-producer at Universal. Among his screen credits are :
Lord JelT, On Their Own, the entire Henry Aldrich series. Glamor Boy, True
to the Army, Passport to Adventure.
Hugh Campbell : M. A., Berkeley. Has taught English for several years.
Joseph Chabot: Runner-up in the 1936 Chaloner prize competition in Paris and
has received numerous prizes in other contests. Worked for three years with
the Red Cross rehabilitation program.
Emma Lou Davis : Sculptor-painter. Made several large sculptures for Federal
Section of Fine Arts: resident artist at Reed College for three years. Repre-
sentee! in Whitney Museum in New York. Now designing and manufacturing
lamps, toys, and furniture.
Sidney Davison : Director of the Peoples Educational Center ; B. A., College
of the City of New York ; has taught and lectured on social subjects for a
period of years. Was in the United States Navy for four years.
Frank C. Davis : Ph. D., University of California 1931. Department of
psychology at University of California at Los Angeles 1931-45. Former di-
rector of education. Peoples Educational Center. Currently in private prac-
tice as a consulting psychologist.
Guy Endore: Author of Babouk, The Sword of God, The Known and Unknown
Lives of Cassanova ; translator of several foreign classics. Contributor of
articles and short stories to national publications. Coauthor of screen play
G. I. Joe. Author of best seller Methinks the Lady.
Neil Enochs: Director of /research, Chinese-American Bureau of Research.
Former editor of Los Angeles Chine.se Review. Authority on colonial affairs ;
former newspaperman, lecturer, and writer. Work in progress ; Indian
Policy — a History of United States Indian-White Relations.
William B. lilsterman : Labor attorney, member of law firm of Pestana & Ester-
man : attorney for Conference of Studio Unions.
Vocha Fiske: Has taught radio technics at University of California, Berkeley;
University of California nt Los Angeles summer sessions; and Los Angeles
City College; 1946 instructor for A. F. R. A.'s veteran refresher course.
Hugo Friedhofer ; Been composing and arranging for major studios since the
inception of sound. Has been orchestrator for Steiner and Korngold. Re-
ceived the 1945-46 best film score award from National Film Music Council
for score of Bandit of Sherwood Forest.
Ted Gilien : Formerly combat artist, United States Army, covering Southwest
Pacific, Philippines, and Japan ; painted Government murals : studied at Na-
tional Academy of Art and Art Students League, New York. Exhibiting at
American Contemporary Gallery.
Elliott Grennard : Has played piano professionally in bands, member of ASCAP ;
articles on jazz in Music 'ind Rhythm, PM, and New Masses; for three years
was music editor and critic of Billboard. Now writing fiction and is taking
time out for book on jazz — its main points will furnish basis of his lecture
series.
"Victor Kaplan : Labor attorney, member of law firm of Katz, Gallagher, and
Margolis.
Herbert Klynn : Cartoonist at present time. Commercial artists ; had own
advertising agency.
Robert T^es : Has been actively writing in motion picture industry for 12 years.
For the past 3 years has been luuler contract to Paramount. Latest credit:
Abbott and Costello, Buck Privates CV»me Home.
:278 COMMUNISM in motion picture industry
Marjorie Leonard : B. A. from U. C. L. A. ; graduate work at University of Berlin
and Stanford University ; studied psyclioanalysis at Institute of Psychoanalysis,
Berlin. Former director of tlie Child Study Center of Los Angeles. Psychol-
ogist and ijsychoanalyst .specializing in work with children.
Kenneth AlacGowan : Dramatic critic from 1910 to 1923 ; play producer from
1923 to 1931; motion-picture producer since 1932. Screen ci'edits include:
Easy Come Easy Go, Life Boat, Happy Lands, In Old Chicago, and Little
Woman. Head of theater arts department at U. C. L. A.
'Gladys xMagy : B. A., Oberlin College; M. A. in Spanish from N. Y. U. Worked
in OfHce of Inter-American Affairs.
Rose N. Marshall : University of Michigan ; M. S. W. from Smith College School
of Social Work. Twelve years' experience in New York and in military hos-
pitals as therapist with both children and adults. Currently in private prac-
tice as an adult and child therapist.
Alice Miles : Had own secretarial school in Santa Barbara. Has taught own
adaptation of Gregg shorthand in public schools and for the Army and Navy
during the war.
■Charles B. IMillholland : His play about Tolstoi, The Green Stick, won a prize;
acted lead in own play about Nijinsky, Faun, at Indianapolis Civic Theater.
Adapted his brother's book to the screen as Submarine Patrol. Author of
stage, screen, and radio success. Twentieth Century.
Freda Minowitz : Taught for Hillel Foundation in New York. Was on faculty
of Yiddish Scientific Institute and member of Jewish Education Committee of
New I'ork.
Laurence Morton : Has done orchestrating for major studios and radio net-
works. Music critic for Script magazine. Correspondent for Modern Music.
Has had articles in Hollywood Quarterly.
Louis Quinn : Radio writer for Radio Hall of Fame and Orson Welles. Two years
of writing and directing for Blue Network, in Hollywood.
Paquerette Pathe: Dancer and dancing teacher; was with Jooss Ballet. Has
taught in Los Angeles for many years. Established own ceramics studio and
factory 2 years ago.
Prank Pestana : Labor attorney, senior member of law firm of Pestana and Ester-
man : attorney for the C. S. U.
Irvin Pichel : Motion-picture director. Has been prominent for many years in the
New York stage. Has been both an actor and director in cinema. Recently
directed the Bride Wore Boots.
Stanley Rubin : Has written for Columbia Workshop, been writing for motion
pictures since 1939. Has iri credits for originals and screen plays. Wrote,
directed, and produced Army films. Produced at Universal. Now under con-
tract at Columbia.
Mildred Raskin: Executive secretary. Peoples Educational Center.
Lillya Sabsay : Born in the Crimea ; has taught private classes in Russian ; a
commercial artist at the present time.
John Sanford : Graduated from DeWitt Clinton High School in New York ; LL. B.
from Fordham University : practiced law in New York for a number of years.
Author of following novels : The Waterwheel, the Old Man's Place, Seventy
Times Seven, the People From Heaven.
Leon Saulter: Has been a sculptor for 15 years. Shows in American Con-
temporary Gallery, L. A. County Museum, and other local galleries.
Wilma Shore: Short stories published in Story, New Masses, McCall's, Accent,
and Good Housekeeping. Represented in O'Brien's Best Short Stories of 1941.
Michael Simmons : Former newspaper reporter, feature writer, magazine editor.
Now a screen \vriter : author of 25 feature films.
IMoi Solotaroff : Artist, stnge designer, teacher, and lecturer. Was director of the
Group Collective, New York.
Prank Thomas: INIa.iored in sociology and chemistry at Temple University. Has
taught and lectured on social subjects.
Milton Tyre: Labor attorney, member of law firm of Katz, Gallagher, and INIar-
golis.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 279
CLASS SCHE»UU:S, WINTER 194 7
Monday :
7-8 : 30 :
What Is Philosophy?
Basic Journalism.
Office Organization and Mimeographing.
Radio Speech Technics.
Dance, Advanced.
8 : 30-10 :
Screen Writing II.
Creative Writing.
School Age Child.
Dance I.
7 : 45-9 : 45 :
Shorthand.
8-10:
Beginning Drawing.
Portraiture.
Tuesday :
7-8 : 30 :
Jewish People Yesterday and Today.
Radio Comedy Writing.
Political Economy I.
8 : 30-10.
Political Economy II.
Short Story.
History of American Labor.
Motion Pictures.
Screen Writing III.
Illusion and Reality.
7 : 45-9 : 45 :
Shorthand.
8-10:
Still Life and Pictorial.
Composition.
Portraiture.
8-9 : 30 :
Music as Communication.
Wednesday :
7-8 : 80 :
Development of Society.
Review of the Week.
Public Speaking.
8 : 30-10 :
Political Economy III.
China — India — Colonial World.
Labor's Key Problems.
8-10:
Life Class.
2 : 30-4 :
Review of the Week.
Thursday :
8:30-10:
Yiddish.
Screen Writing I
Russian II.
Spanish II.
7 : 30-8 : 30 :
The Soviet Union — a New Civilization.
Marriage in Today's World.
Motion-PictiU'e Direction.
Russian I.
Spanish I.
7 : 45-9 :45 :
Shorthand.
280 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
CLASS SCHEDULES, WINTER 194 7 — Continued
Friday :
7-8 : 30 :
Art — Yesterday and Today.
Psychology of Everyday,
Living.
Piiivwriting.
8 : 30-10 :
Advertising Copywritlng.
Medical Science.
Facts and Fallacies.
Modern Novel.
What Is This Thing Called Jazz.
Saturday :
10 a. m.-12 m. :
Ceramics.
I hereby enroll for courses in
Name :
Miss
Mrs.
Mr.
Address :
City:
Zone :
Phone :
Occupation :
Affiliations :
I learned of the center through —
Advertising :
Circular:
Friend :
I am a former student of PEC .
I am enclosing a check or money order for $— — - — .
(Layout and typography by Paul Levine)
The Chairman. We stand recessed now until 2 o'clock,
(Whereupon, at 12 : 25 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 2 p. m.
of the same day.)
AFTERNOON SESSION
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. Stripling, the first witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Walt Disney is the first witness, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. Disney, will you stand and fJiise your right
hand ?
Do 3^ou solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give shall
bo the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you
God?
Mr. Disney. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF WALTER E. DISNEY
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Disney, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address, please?
Mr. Disney. Walter E. Disney, Los Angeles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Chicago, 111., December 5, 1901.
Mr, Stripling. December 5, 1901 ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 281
Mr. Disney. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Wluit is your occupation?
Mr. DiSNF.Y. Well, I am a pi-oducer of motion-picture cartoons.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the interrogation of Mr. Disney
will be done by Mr. Smith.
The Chairman. Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Disney, how long have you been in that business?
Mr. Disney. Since 1920.
Mr. Smith. You have been in Hollywood during this time?
]Mr. Disney. I have been in Hollywood since 1923.
Mr. Smith. At the jn-esent time you own and operate the Walt Dis-
ney Studio at Burbank, Calif.?
Mr. Disney. Well, I am one of the owners. Part owner.
Mr. Smith. How many people are employed there, approximately?
Mr. Disney. At the present time about 600.
Mr. Smith. And what is the approximate largest number of em-
ployees you have had in the studio ?
Mr. Disney. Well, close to 1,400 at times.
Mr. Smith. Will you tell us a little about the nature of this par-
ticular studio, the type of pictures you make, and approximately
how many per year?
Mr. Disney. 'Well, mainly cartoon films. We make about 20 short
subjects, and about 2 features a year.
Mr. Smith. Will you talk jiist a little louder, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Yes, sir.
Mr. Smith. How many, did you say ?
Mr. Disney. About 20 short subject cartoons and about 2 features
per year.
Ml-. Smith. And some of the characters in the films consist of
Mr. Disney. You mean such as Mickey Mouse and Donald Duck and
Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, and things of that sort.
Mr. Smith. Where are these films distributed ?
Mr. Disney. All over the world.
Mr. Smith. In all countries of the world ?
Mr. Disney. Well, except the Russian countries.
Mr. Smith. Why aren't they distributed in -Russia, Mr. Disney?
Mr. Disney. Well, we can't do business with them.
Mr. Smith. What do you mean by that?
Mr. Disney. Oh, well, we have sold them some films a good many
years ago. They bought the Three Little Pigs and used it through
Russia. And tliey looked at a lot of our pictures, and I think they
ran a lot of them in Russia, but then turned them back to us and said
they didn't want them, they didn't suit their purposes.
Mr. Smith. Is the dialogue in these films translated into the various
foreign languages
Mi\ Disney. Yes. On one film we did 10 foreign versions. That
was Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs.
Mr. Smith. Have j'OU ever made any pictures in your studio that
contained propaganda and that were propaganda films?
Mr. Disney. Well, during the war we did. We made quite a few —
working with different Government agencies. We did one for the
Treasury on taxes and I did four anti-Hitler films. And I did one
on my own for Air Power.
282 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Smith, From those pictures that you made have you any opin-
ion as to whether or not the films can be used effectively to disseminate
propauted to Soviet Russia Today, according to the issue
of the publication for March 1935, page 9. The same publication of September
SOO COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
1939, pase 25, listed Mr. Lawson as one of the signers of an Open Letter
for Closer Cooperation with the Soviet Union. The publication for November
1937, page 79, records the name of Mr. Lawson as one of tlie signers of a Golden
Book of American Soviet Friendship.
12. The American Council on Soviet Relations has been cited by Attorney
General Francis Biddle as a Communist front (Congressional Record, Septem-
ber 24, 1942, p. 7688) and has received the same citation from the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on Mar 29, 1942. Prof. John Dewey's Special
Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940 characterized the organization
as under Communist control, influence, or in collaboration with the Communist
Party. One of the signers of an open letter sent to the president of the American
Council on Soviet Relations was John Howard Lawson, according to an official
folder of the council.
13. Many Communist-front organizations which supported Soviet foreign policy
were backed l>y John Howard Lawson. .The American League Against War and
Fa'scism was active in support of Soviet foreign policy against the democracies
between 1932 and 1937. It has been cited by Attorney General Biddle as an or-
ganization seeking "to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy
adapted to the interests of the Soviet Union" (Congressional Record, Septem-
ber 24, 1942). The Special Committee on Un-American Activities has cited this
organization as subversive on January 3, 1940, and March 29, 1944. The Daily
Worker for June 27, 1934, page 1, reveals that Mr. Lawson was a speaker at a
were backed by John Howard Lawson. The American League Against War and
Fascism. Mr. Lawson was a sponsor of the New York City Conference Against
War and Fascism, which was organized by the American League Against War
and Fascism, according to the Daily Worker for January 11, 1937, page 2. Mr.
Lawson has also contributed to Fight, the official publication of the American
League Against War and Fascism, according to as issue of Fight for October
1934, page 3. The league was dedicated to an openly treasonable program.
14. When the Communist line changed in favor of a united front of the democra-
cies against the Fascist aggressors, the Communists in America formed a successor
to the American League Against War. and Fascism in 1937, known as the American
League for Peace and Democracy. The theatrical subsidiary of the American
League for Peace and Democracy was the Theatre Arts Committee, which was
cited as a Communist front by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Free-
dom in April 1940. The Theatre Arts Committee was also affiliated with the
League of Workers Theatres, a section of the International Union of the Revolu-
tionary Theatre with headquarters in Moscow. John Howard Lawson was a
member of the advisory council of the Theatre Arts Committee, according to an
undated letterhead of the organization.
15. After the Stalin-Hitler Pact was signed in 1939, the Communists estab-
lished the American Peace Mobilization, which opposed lend-lease, aid to Britain,
the defense program, and picketed the White House. It also supported a number
of strikes in defense industries. The organization has been cited as a Communist
front by the Attorney General Francis Biddle, by the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities, and tlie California Committee on Un-American Activities.
An official program listed John Howard Lawson as a sponsor of a meeting held
by the American Peace Mobilization in New York City on April 5 and 0, 1941.
16. Among the new Communist fronts that sprang up when the Soviet Union
and the United States were allies in a war against fascism was the Artists' Front
to Win the War, which made its debut at a ma.ss meeting at Carnegie Hall in
New York City on October 16, 1942. The organization was cited as a Communist
front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944.
The official program for the mass meeting at Carnegie Hall listed John Howard
Lawson as one of the sponsors. Thus, Mr. Lawson has publicly avowed his al-
legiance to the line of the Communist Party during four distinctly divergent
periods.
17. At the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International, held in
Moscow in 1935, George Dimitroff, general secretary, called upon all affiliated
Communist parties to make the greatest efforts in behalf of the campaign of the
Spanish Communists during Spain's civil war. A number of pro.iects were organ-
ized by American Communists in response to this request. Among them were
the Medical Bureau and North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy,
cited as subversive by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on
April 21, 1943, and March 29, 1944, and the American Society for Technical Aid
to Spanish Democracy, cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. John Howard Lawson served as
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 301
secretary and as a member of the board of directors of the American Society for
Technical Aid to Spanish Democracy, according to the issues of New Masses for
February 1(5, 1937, page 28, January 19, 1937, page 25, January 26, 1937, page 32,
and an organizational letterliead dated February 19, 1937. Mr. Lawson was one
of the patrons of a benefit performance and dance sponsored by the Manhattan
chapter of the Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy, according to an un-
dated announcement of the dance, held May 22, 1937. On a letterhead dated
April 29, 1939, the Medical Bureau and North American Committee to Aid Spanish
Democracy announced that Mr. Lawson was a member of its theater-arts
committee.
18. The American Committee to Save Refugees was part of the Communist cam-
paign for Spanish Communists anil was cited as a Commiuiist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The organiza-
tion provided transportation and support for international Communist agents
such as Gerhart Eisler. John Howard Lawson was the signer of a statement
siionsored by the American Connnittee to Save Refugees, according to an undated
leaflet of the organization entitled "For the Rescue of Refugees."
19. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee likewise is engaged in providing
transportation and support for international Communist agents like Gerhart
Eisler. It was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities on March 29, 1944. It was cited for contempt of Congress
on April 16. 1946, and its leaders were convicted in a Federal court on June 27,
1947. John Howard Lawson was one of the sponsors of a dinner held by the
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee in New York on October 27, 1943, according
to a dinner program.
20. The League of American Writers was an affiliate of the International Union
of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, and the league was
pledged to the defense of the Soviet Union and the use of "art as an instrument
of the class struggle." This organization was cited as a Communist front by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3, 1940, June 25,
1M2, and March 29, 1944. Attorney General Francis Biddle said that "The overt
activities of the League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt
of its Communist control" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 7686).
The league was founded at a Congress of American Revolutionary Writers held
April 26 through 28, 1935 in New York City. The Daily Worker for January 18,
1935, page 5, reveals that John Howard Lawson was one of the signers of the
call for this Congress of American Revolutionary Writers. The Daily Worker
for April 29. 1935, pages 1 and 2. further revealed that Mr. Lawson presented a
reading of Technique in the Drama at this writers' congress. Mr. Lawson was
listed as a member of the executive committee of the League of American Writers
in the Dally Worker for April 30. 1935, and as vice president of the League of
American Writers in New Masses for June 17, 1941, page 10. and the Daily
Worker for September 14, 1942, page 7. A statement sponsored by the league
in behalf of a second front was signed by Mr. Lawson according to the Daily
Worker for September 14, 1942, page 7. A statement signed by John Howard
Lawson appears on page 67 of a league pamphlet entitled "We Hold These Truths."
Mr. Lawson was a signer of the call to the second biennial meeting of the League
of American Writers, according to New Masses for May 4, 1937, page 25. Mr.
Lawson signed the call for the third congress, also, according to the magazine.
Direction, for May-.June 19.39. page 1. Mr. Lawson signed the call for and also
attended the fourth congress of the league which was held in New York June 6
through June 8, 1941, according to New Masses for June 17, 1941, pages 9-10, and
for April 22, 1941, page 25.
21. The League of American Writers operated a writers' school at 1717 North
Vine Street in Hollywood. The People's World for February 11, 1943. page 5,
listed Mr. Lawson as a lecturer at the writers' school.
22. At this same time, the Communists were operating a Los Angeles workers'
school. Eva Shafran. a Communist organizer, was the director, and La Rue
McCormick. who was a candidate for California State senator on the Communist
Party ticket, served on the board of directors. According to official literature
of the school. John Howard Lawson taught at the Los Angeles workers' school
in 1943. 1&44. and 1945.
23. The People's Educational Center in Los Angeles also was Communist-
directed. It was started in the fall of 1943 with a loan of .$1,000 from the writers'
school of the League of American Writers and it received a rather complete
Communist library from the Los Angeles workers' school. The People's Educa-
6768.3 — 47 20
302 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
tional Center has been cited as a Communist-front organization by the joint fact-
finding committee on un-American activities of tlie California Legislature and
records show that numerous members of the faculty and staff of the People's
Educational Center were card-holding members of the Communist Party, among
them Carl Winters, Eva Shafran, Mildren Raskin, and Bruce Minton. A booklet
announcing the curriculum of the center for the winter of 1947 lists John Howard
Lawson as a member of tlie board of directors of the People's Educational
Center. Also leaflet America's lOtli Alan lists John Howard Lawson as a lecturer
for a series starting September 20, 1944.
24. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization was the name given to the Holly-
wood League of American Writers after the League of American Writers could
no longer conceal its Communist domination. The original pledge of the League
of American Writers to defend the Soviet Union and to use "art as an instru-
ment of the class struggle" is now the basis upon which the policies of the Hully-
wood Writers JMobilizarion are founded. John Howard Lawson is a member of
the editorial board of the Hollywood Quarterly, a publication sponsored by the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, according to the 1947 report of the California
State legislative committee investigating un-American activities (p. 107). The
Hollywood Citizen News for January 13, 1947. lists John Howard Lawson as the"
proposer of a plan adopted by the Hollywood Writers ^lobilization to set up a
committee to investigate any investigators of Communist influence in the movie
industry.
Mr. McDowell. Wait a minute. Read that again. I didn't get
tliat last statement.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
The Hollywood Citizen News for January 13, 1947, lists John Howard Lawson
as the proposer of a plan adopted by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization to set
up a committee to investigate any investigators of Communist influence in the
movie industry. Mr. Lawson presented the plan at a meeting of the mobiliza-
tion on January 12, 1947, in the El Patio Theater in Hollywood, the newspaper
reported. Mr. Lawson also served on the general committee in charge of a
writers'- congress held by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization at the University
of California at Los Angeles October 1 through 3, 1943, according to an ofiicial
program of the congress.
25. Book Union, Inc., is a Communist book-of-the-month club, which was
launched at the initiative of International Publishers, a Communist publishing
house. The Book Union was closely associated with the League of American
Writers and was cited for Communist character by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities on Marcb 29, 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Com-
mittee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. John Howard Lawson is listed as
a member of the advisory council of the Book Union in an' undated letterhead of
the organization. The letter offered members the book, Soviet. Communism :
A New Civilization?
26. The American Youth for Democracy is the oflicial successor of the Young
Communist League. It has been the sub.iect of a report by the House Committee
on Un-American Activities which described its character in detail. Its "sinis-
ter purposes" have been denounced by the director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (Congressional Record, Mar. 24, 1947, p. A1298). John Howard
Lawson is listed as a national sponsor of the American Youth for Democracy
in the organization's publication, the Spotlight, for April 1944, page 19.
27. The New Theatre was the official monthly magazine of the League of
Workers Theatres, a section of the International Union of Revolutionary Theatre,
with headquarters in Moscow. The league was used to present Communist
propoganda plays and to raise funds for Communist purposes. The magazine
was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on March 29. 1944. John Howard Lawson contributed to the New
Theatre of June 1935. page 10. and he is listed as a contributing editor in the
issues for February 1934, page 3, and Novemb'^r 19^14, page 11.
28. The New Theatre League was a successor of the League of Workers
Theatres. It was formed in January 1935 and was cited for its Communist char-
acter by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944,
and by Prof. .Tohn Dewey's Committee f. During the entire period from 1038 until 1913, when Mr. Cheyfitz re-
signed h's union office and enlisted in the United States Army, not a single hour's
work was lost by any of our emp'oyees because of labor disputes. Our negotia-
tions and grievance procedure was carried on in a thoroughly dignified manner
with beneficial results both for the company and its employees.
I particularly wish to emphasize the fact that the Doehler Co. began to make
■war materials early in 1940 and prior to Pearl Harbor. Mr. Cheyfitz as repre-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 321
sentative of the union and I, as representative of the company, had a number of
occasions to go to Washington and confer with our Government agencies in an
effort to speed up production of war materiais.
The Doehler Die Casting Co. received one of the first Navy "E" Awards which
was granted to our company on December 31, 1941, only a few days after
Pearl Harbor. It is evident that the Doehler Co. must have done an outstanding
job on war production wel,! before Pearl Harbor in order to receive tliis
recognition.
During the entire war, the Doehler Co. produced 9,336 different parts for the
Army and Navy. These parts served practically all of the Government arsenals
and some 2,000 industrial plants. Our ability to produce these parts in quantities
without loss of a single hour of production time could only have been made pos-
sible by the full cooperation of our employees under the constructive leadership
of Mr. Cheyfitz.
Should you desire any further information, please do not hesitate to call
on me.
Very truly yours,
Doeht,er-.Tarvis Corp.,
Charles Pack, Vice President.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Johnston
Mv. Johnston. Yes.
The Chairman. Mr. Johnston, the dates are on them?
Mr. Johnston. All of them ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. I believe you stated Mr. Cheyfitz accompanied Mr.
Byrnes to Los Ano. May I, if the Chair please, I am not going to make
a speech. I simply have evidence from responsible people as to the
nature of my work. 1 have 20 scripts which I propose and wish to
introduce into the record so that it may be known what my work is,
and what this committee may seek to prevent the American people
from seeing in the futui'e.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Now, don't make a statement like that. That is
not correct.
May I ask how long one of these scripts may be?
Mr. Trumbo. I am sorry to say that they average from 115 to IGO or
170 pages, with very few of them of the latter type.
The Chairman. And how many do you want to put in the record?
Mr. Trumbo. I have 20. They are not quite all that I have written.
The Chairman. I think the Chair will have to rule
Mr. Trumbo. But, sir
332 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Tliey are too long-
Mr. Trumbo, My "work has been under attack.
The Chairman. Too many pages,
Mr. Trumbo. Then may 1 introduce into evidence statements of
responsible people concerning my work ?
The Chairman. All right, you let the investigator ask his questions,
and then you answer them the best you can.
Mr. Stru'Ling. I will be glad to cover all of your works, Mr.
Trumbo.
Mr. Trumbo. I realize that, but yesterday a man's work was covered
after he had left the stand. I should like to discuss my work now.
Mr. Stripling. Well, Mr. Trumbo, I will repeat the question : Are
3'ou a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Trumbo. I shall answer that question in just a moment. I want
only to protest the fact that I have been denied the right to introduce
evidence, to introduce statements of General Arnold, of juvenile court
judges, of the head of the Motion Picture Division of the UNRRA, of
the Naval Chaplain in charge of motion-picture projects for the
United States Navy. These I consider pertinent. And with that
protest, I shall go to your question.
JNIr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
/ Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Stripling, the rights of American labor to in-
/ violably secret membership lists have been won in this country by a
I great cost of blood and a great cost in terms of hunger. These rights
i have become an American tradition. Over the Voice of America we
have broadcast to the entire world the freedom of our labor.
The Chairman. Are you answering the question or are 3-011 making
another speech ?
Mr. Trumbo. Sir, I am truly answering the question.
The Chairman. Because if you want to make another speech we
can find a corner right up here where you can make some of these
speeches.
Mr. Trumbo. I would be willing to do that, too.
The Chairman. All right, now, what was the question, Mr.
Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. The question, Mr. Chairman, is — I asked Mr.
Trumbo if he is a member of the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Trumbo. You asked me a question which would permit you to
haul eveiy union member in the United States up here to identify
himself as a union member, to subject him to future intimidation and
coercion. This, I believe, is an unconstitutional question.
/ The Chairman. Now, are you making another speech, or is that
the answer ?
Mr. Trumbo. This is my answer, sir.
The Chairman. Well, can't you answer : Are you a member of the
Screen Writers Guild, by saying "Yes" or "No," or I think so, or
maybe, or something like that?
Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, I should like to accommodate you.
May I try to answer the question again ?
The Chairman. Well, we would certainly like to have you accom-
modate us.
Mr. Trumbo. If there were a committee of Congress, all the mem-
bers of which had voted in favor of the Taft-Hartley bill
Mr. McDowell. Oh, that isn't answering the question.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 333
(The chairman poiindin<:^ gavel.)
Mr. TiiuMBO. It might be considered that committee was hostile to
labor.
The CiiAiRMAX (pounding gavel). Now, Mr. Trumbo
Mr. McDowell. It is no disgrace, you know, to identify yourself
as a member of a labor union in the United States. Most of us
belong to something.
The Chairman. Now the question is, Mr. Trumbo : Are you a mem-
ber of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Tru:mbo. Mr. Chairman, I would not consider it a disgrace to
be a member of a labor union.
Mr. McDowell. Of course he wouldn't.
Mr. Trumbo. But labor unions have the right to secrecy of their
membership lists.
The Chairman. I am getting back to the question: Are you a
member of the Screen Writers Guild ^
Mr. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, this question is designed to a specific
purpose. First
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Do you-
Mr. Trumbo. First, to identify me with the Screen Writers Guild ;
secondly, to seek to identify me with the Communist Party and}
thereby destroy that guild
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Are you refusing to answer the
questions ?
Mr. TrL'Mbo. I will refuse to answer none of your questions, sir.
The Chair3Ian. Well, you are refusing to ansAver this question,
Mr. Trumbo. I am, indeed, not refusing to answer the question.
The Chairman. I will ask you the question
]\rr. Trumbo. You ask me.
The Chairman. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Trumbo. I repeat
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Excuse the witness
]Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Chairman
Mr. Trumbo. Am I excused?
Mr. Strh'ling. I have more questions
Mr. Trumbo. Am I excused, or not ?
The Chairman. No ; just a minute. The chief investigator wants to
ask some questions.
]Mr. Stripling. Just a moment. I have some other questions, Mr.
Trumbo, that I would like to ask 3^ou.
Are you now, or have vou ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
]\Ir. Trumbo. Mr. Chairman, first I should like to know w^hether the
quality of my last answer was acceptable, since I am still on the stand?
The Chairman. This hasn't got anything to do with your answer
to the last question.
Mr. Trumbo. I see.
The Chairman. This is a new question, now.
^Ir. Trumbo. I see.
Mr. Stripling, you must have some reason for asking this ques-
tion
Mr. ISIcDowell, Yes, we do,
Mr. Trumbo. You do.
676S3— 47-
334 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I understand that members of the press have been given an alleged
Comnuinist l^art}' card belonging to me — is that true ^
Mr. Striplixg. That is not true.
Tlie Chairman. You are not asking the question
Mr. Trumbo. I was.
The Chairman. The chief investigator is asking the questions.
INIr. Trumbo. I beg your pai'don, sir.
The Chairman. Are you or have you ever been a member of the
Connnunist Party?
I Mr. Trumfo. I believe I have the right to be confronted with any
evidence which supports this question. I should like to see what you
have.
The Chairman. Oh. Well, you would !
]Mr. Trumbo. Yes.
The Chairman. Well, you will, pretty soon.
(Laughter and applause.)
The Chaikman (pounding gavel). The witness is excused. Im-
possibl*^.
Mr. Trumbo. This is the beginning
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Just a minute-
Mr. Trumbo. Of an American concentration camp.
The Chairman. This is typical Communist tactics. This is typical
Communist tactics. [Pounding gavel.]
(Applause.)
The Chairman. Now, there will be no demonstration from the
persons in the audience. People in the audience are the guests of this
committee. This is a congressional committee and we must maintain
order. Those standing up or walking around will please sit down.
Mr. Stripling, put on the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I would like to place into the record
the affiliations of Mr. Trumbo with the Communist Party.
The Chairman. Louder, please.
Mr. Stripling. Which have been compiled by the investigative and
research staff of the Committee on L^n-American Activities.
I should also like to place a witness on the stand to introduce the
Communist registration card of Mr. Trumbo.
Do I have permission to read this memorandum ?
The Chairman. How many pages are there?
Mr. Stripling. Like in the case of Mr. Lawson, Mr. Cliairman, it
is nine pages long.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, will j-ou come up here, please for
a minute.
( Mr. Stripling confers with the chairman.)
The ('iiAiRMAN. All right, Mr. Stri]:)ling, you read it.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, before I read this memorandum, I
would like to refer to an article which appeared in the Hollywood
RciDorter, which is one of the important trade papers of the motion-
picture industry, under date of August 2, lOl^,"^^ in which they state:
The reporter herein now asks Trumbo to answer these qnestions : Are you a
Communist? Is your party name or alias Hal C'onser? Are you a member of
group 3, branch A. of the American Connnunist Party? Are you the holder of
Communist Bool? No. 36802?
So far as we have been able to determine, Mr. Trumbo has never
answered that challenge from the Hollywood Reporter.
^' See appendix, p. 539, for exhibit 66.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 335
According to the International Motion Picture Almanac and other
sources available to this committee, Dalton Trumbo was the writer
of the following films — there is a long list of films here, Mr. Chair-
man, and I won't read those unless it is desired.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SxRirLiNG. I would like to point out, however, that Mr. Trumbo
is the author of Tender Comrade, about which Mrs. Lela Kogers
testilied. '" — —
(The lilms are as follows :)
Love Begins at 20, Everybody Cheer, Tugboat Princess (Columbia), Tiie
Devil's Playground (Columbia, 1937), Fugitives for a Night (RKO, 1038),
A Man to Remember (RKO, 1938), Sorority House (RKO, 1939), The Flying
Irishman (RKO. 1939), Five Came Back (RIvO, 1939), Career (RKO, 1939),
The Kid From Kokomo (First National, 1939), Heaven With a Barbed-Wire
Fence (Twentieth Centry-Fox, 1939), A Bill of Divorcement (RKO, 1940),
Curtain Call (RKO, 1940), Kitty Foyle (RKO, 1940). We Wlio Are Y.mng
(RKO), 1940), The Widow Wouldn't Weep (Paramount 1940), Accent on Love
(Twentieth Century-Fox 1941), A Guy Named Joe (ISI-G-M. 1943), Thirty Sec-
onds Over Tokyo, Tender Comrade (RKO, 1943), Jealousy (Republic, 1945), Our
Vinp^TIave Tender Grapes (M-G-M, 1945).
jNIr. SxRirLiNG. According to Variety of March 14, 1941, page 2,
Dalton Trumbo was the author of Remarkable Andrew, which was so
anti-British and anti-war that Paramount refused to continue with the
picture after paying $27,000 for it. That was written during the
period of the Soviet-Nazi pact.
The files, records, and publications of the Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities contain the following information concerning the Communist-front affilia-
tions of Dalton Trumbo :
1. According to the Hollywood Reporter, August 22, 1946, Well-known trade
publication of the motion-picture industry, Dalton Trumbo was aslvcd if he was
the holder of Communist Party Book No. 36802. The committee liiiows of no
denial by M)-. Trumbo of this fact. He has, however, openly endor.sed Com-
munist candidates, Communist legal defendants, and has openly cooperated with
the Communist legal defendants, and has openly cooperated with tlie Com-
munist Party and its instruments. According to the Los Angeles Times of
November 2, 1942, Mr. Trunilw endorsed Mrs. La Rue McCormick, Communist
candidate for State senator. In a speech quoted in the Worlver of June 22, 1947,
page 11 (magazine), IMr. Trumbo is quoted as follows:
And the defense of the rights of the Communist Party, and of all real or
alleged Communists, is the duty not only of liberals and progressives, but all
men and women who have love for their country and respect for its Constitution.
At an official meeting of the Communist Party featuring as its chief speaker,
William Z. Foster, party chairman, the poem. Confessional, by Dalton Trumbo,
was presented, according to the People's World of September 10, 1947, page 4.
Mr, Chairman, would it be agreeable if a member of my staff read
this memorandum ?
The Chairman. Yes ; that is agreeable.
INIr. Stripling. Mr. Gaston.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
No. 2. In April 1940, during the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact when the
Communist Party was actively denouncing President Roosevelt as a warmonger,
and agitating against lend-lea.se and the defense program, the Daily Worker
published in serial form Dalton Trumbo's antiwar story entitled "Johnny Got
His Gun." This book was widely sold at all Connmniist Party book s-h( ps and
also extensively circulated at meetings of the American Peace^ M ibilization. A
synopsis of this story appeared in the People's World of :\Iay 22, 1940, p;ige 8.
The story also appeared serially in the Daily Worker of April 1910. Both of
these papers are official Connnunist Party organ:zitions. Mr. Trumbo has been
a contributor to the New Masses. otHcial Connnunist Party weekly magazine,
according to its issues of April 15, 1941, page 13, and September 20, 1944, page 28.
336 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The New Masses has been cited as a Communist periodical by Attorney General
Biddle, according to the Congressional Record of September 24, 1942. It has
been cited as a Communist magazine by the Special Connnittee on Un-American
Activities on June 24, 1942, and March 29, 1944. According to the People's World
of July 16, 1943, Mr. Trumbo was a member of a committee to sell paintings at an
auction for the benefit of the New Masses, which was held in Hollywood. Main-
stream is a Communist quarterly magazine specializing in the literary field. It
is being actively promoted by the ofiiciul Comnuinist press at the present time.
Mr. Trumbo is listed in the winter 1947 issue of Mainstream as a memljer of its
editorial board. It should bo noted in this connection that it has been a long-
standing practice for Communist publications to utilize only Communists as staff
members and frequent coutvibutors.
3. Mr. Trumbo has made it a practice to appear in defense of Ccmnnunist
cases. He defended Harry Bridges, according to the Los Angeles Examiner
of May 25, 1941. Bridges was cited as a meml)er of the Communist Party
by the Daily Worker, the oflicial Communist organ. Mr. Trumbo was at a testi-
monial dinner in behalf of Harry Bridges at Park IManor Hotel, Los Angeles,
on April 12, 1941. according to the San Diego Labor Union Weekly of April
18, 1941. Jesus Hernandez Tomas, a leading Spanish Comnuuiist, was barred
from entry to this country l)y the State Department. Dalton Trumbo enlisted
in his defense, according to the People's World of November 30, 1943. Mr.
Truml)o was also the author of a pamphlet entitled "Harry Bridges," which
was written fgr defense purposes. According to the New York Times of De-
cember 22, 1943, page 40, Mr. Trumbo was a signer of a declaration issued by
the so-called Reichstag Fire Trial Anniversary Committee honoring George
Dimitrov, former general secretary of the Communist International.
4. The American Peace Crusade was organized by the American Peace Mo-
bilization. Attorney General Biddle has stated that : "The most conspicuous
activity of the American Peace Mobilization was the picketing of the White
House, which began in April 1941, in protest against lend-lease and the entire
national defense program. * * * On the afternoon of June 21, 1941, he
(Frederick V. Field, national secretary) suddenly called off the picket line
around the AVhite House" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942). Mr.
Trumbo was a speaker at a mass meeting held under the auspices of the American
Peace Crusade on April 6, 1940, according to the New Masses of August 6, 1940,
page 22. He was a speaker at a Peace rally at the Los Angeles Olympic Audi-
torium on April 6, 1940. He was also a speaker for the American Peace Mobili-
zation at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles on February 24, 1941. Mr.
Trumbo was the author of a skit which was presented at a meeting of the
American Peace Mobilization in Los Angeles on February 24, 1941.
5. The International Workers Order has been cited by Attorney General
Biddle as "one of the strongest Communist organizations" (Congressional Rec-
ord, September 24, 1942). This organization has consistently supported Com-
munist candidates, the Communist press and Communist campaigns. It was
cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on LTn-American Activities
on January 3, 1940, and June 25, 1942. According to the People's World of
May 28, 1943, page 3, Mr. Trumbo was a speaker for the International Workers
Order.
6. The American Youth for Democracy according to the official statements of
its leaders, was formerly the Young Communist League. On April 17, 1947,
the Comnuttee on Un-American Activities issued a report on the American
Youth for Democracy in which it called upon the governors or legislatures of the
various States and the administrative heads of the colleges and universities
"to t'horoughly expose the Communist connections of the American Youth for
Democracy as well as the inimical objectives of the Communist Party in America."
The Congressional Record of March 24, 1947, page A-1298. contains a state-
ment made l)y the Honorable J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, in which he spoke of tlie American Youth for Democracy as the or-
ganization "which conceals the evils and the corruption of American communism.
This namp is but a new one for the former Young Communist I>eague. It i-eflects
all the sinister purposes of the Comnuuiist Party of the United States. It
emplo.vs the same techniques and has the same objectives, namely the conver-
sion of our haven of libeity and freedom to worship as we choose to a godless,
totalitarian state where the adversaries of democracy can do as they please."
The American Youth for Democracy was also cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of March 29, 1944.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 337
According: to the letterhoad of the American Youth for Democi-acy for December
1, 1944. Dalton Trumbo was a sponsor.
7. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee is engaged in providing transpor-
tation and support for international Communist agents such as Gerhart Eisler.
The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee was cited for contempt of Congress
on A])ril IG, 194ti, and its members were convicted in a Federal court on June
27, ]!)47. According to a letterhead dated February 2(J, 194<), i.ssued l>y the
Spanisli Refugee Appeal of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, Mr. Trumbo
was a national sponsor. Mr. Trumbo is also listed as a sponsor of a dinner
held by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee at the Hotel Astor in New
Yorlv City on October 27, 194;>, according to its printed invitation.
8. The National Federation for Constitutional Liberties hils been cited by Attor-
ney General Biddle as part of the "Comnumist solar sy.stem'' and he stated that
"The defense of Communist leaders such as Sam Darcy and Robert Wood, party
secretaries for Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, have been major etforts of the
federation" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942). This organization has
been cited as a Conmiunist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on June 25, 1944, and March 29, 1944. Mr. Trumbo signed an open
letter published by the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties under
the title of '•(iOO Prominent Americans."
9. The Sleepy Lagoon Defen.se Committee was an auxiliary of the Interna-
tional Labor Defense, properly termed by Attorney General Biddle as the "legal
arm of the Communist Party." According to a letterhead of this Defense Com-
mittee, dated August 9, 1944, Mr. Trumbo was a sponsor.
10. The League of American Writers was the American aftlliate of the Inter-
national Union of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow. It has
been cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activi-
ties on January 3, 1940, June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944. It has also been cited
as under Communist auspices l)y Attorney General Biddle in the Congressional
Record of September 24, 1942. The organization has been pledged to the defense
of the Soviet Union and "use of art as an instrument of the class struggle." The
Daily Worker of September 5, 1940, page 7, lists Mr. Trumbo as a member of
the League of American Writers. The League of American Writers held a
conference in Hollywood on June 20-21, 1942. According to the People's World
of June 10, 1942, June 17, 1942, Mr. Trumbo was head of one of its speaker's
panels. According to People's World of March 31, 1943, page 5, Mr. Trumbo
lectured at a conference sponsored liy the West Coast Chapter of the League
of American Writers, during the summer of 1942 in Hollywood. He was also
a contributor to a magazine called Clipper published by the League of American
Writers.
11. The Writers Congress held on October 1, 2, 3, 1943, was sponsored by the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, successor to the Hollywood Branch of the
League of American Writers, which has been cited as a Conununist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities and by Attorney General Biddle
and the Committee for Cultural Freedom, headed by Prof. John Dewey. Mr.
Trumbo was an active participant in one of the panels of the Writers Congress,
according to tlie Peojile's World of October 13, 1943. page 5.
12. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization previously known as the Hollywood
Chapter of the League of American Writers, arranged a series of forums at the
El Patio Theater in Hollywood, beginning Dt-ceniber 2, 1946. Mr. Trumbo was
a speaker at these forums.
13. The Hollywood Forum was held under the auspices of the Daily People's
World, oflicial west coast organ of the Comnmnist Party, according to the Daily
Worker of April 15, 194G, page 11. Mr. Trumbo was a speaker at a forum meet-
ing held on April 9, 1946.
14. The Hollywood Democratic Committee was the successor to the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League which was organized by Isaac Romaine, alias V. J. Jerome,
member of the Central Committee of the Coiumunist Party. The Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League dissolved during the time of the Stalin-Hitler pact. According
to the People's World of August 3. 1943, page 38, Mr. Trumbo made a collection
speech in behalf of the Hollywood Democratic Committee.
15. The INIotion Picture Democratic Committee was cited as a Communist
front by the California Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities in the 1943 report, and by the House Conunittee on Un-American Activities
on September 2, 1947. Melvin Douglas and Philip Dunne resigned from the ex-
ecutive board on the Motion Picture Democratic Conmiittee because of its Com-
munist control. According to the bulletin of the Motion Picture Democratic
338 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Coiumitt(>e, dated March 26, 3940, Mr. Trnmbo was a speaker at its meeting held
on April H, ]!)40. Ilis siilijpct was "America Declares Peace." This meeting was
held during the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact.
16. According to the Dail.v Worker of October 7, 1942, page 7, Mr. Trumbo
was a sponsor of the Artists' Front to Win the War. The Artists" Front to
Win the War was an organization which supported the then current Com-
munist demand for a second front. Many of its sponsors were writers for
the ConuMunist press who had opposed the war during the Stalin-Hitler pact,
such as AJvah Bessie, Angelo Hei-ndon. Alfreil Kreyniborg, Albert Maltz,
and Ruth McKenney. On September 14, 1942, a meeting was held by the
so-called Citizens for Victory Committee at the Philharmonic Auditorium in
Los Angeles. Mi'. Trumbo was the author of a six-page article entitled "An
Open Letter to American People," which was distributed at this meeting, urging
the readers to petition and wire the President for the .opening of a second front.
17. Another ('(nnmunist promoted enterprise was the so-called Council for
Civic Unity. The People's World, official west coast Communist organ for April
28, 1944, mentioned that Dalton Trumbo made a collection speech for this organ-
ization which netted $3,000. A similar group, known as the Academic and Civil
Rights Council, mentions Dalton Trumbo as a speaker in the People's World of
January 2, 1041. Affiliated with the Council for Civic Unity were the follow-
ing Communist groups : American Youth for Democracy, formerly known as the
Young Comnmnist League; Morning Freiheit Association, supporting the Morn-
ing Freiheit, Yiddish organ of the Communist Party; the International Work-
ers Order and other organizations.
18. Paul Robeson, who has a long record of Communist affiliations, was the
moving spirit in what was known as American Crusade to End Lynching which
organized a pilgrimage to Washington, D. C, for September 23, 1946. This ven-
ture was actively sujtported by the Communist press. ]\Ir. Trumbo was a signer
of the call for tliis pilgrimage, which was another example of Communist efforts
to organize mass marches and mass demonstrations on capital cities.
19. According to the People's World of January 15, 1941, page 5, Mr. Trumbo
was listed as a sjieaker at a banquet sponsored by the North California Civil
Rights Council held at the Whitcomb Hotel in San Francisco on January 18.
1941. This meeting was primarily concerned with efforts to defend the Com-
munist Party and Communist cases. Mr. Trumbo also took part in a series of
meetings held about May 10, 1942, for the purpose of launching a committee to
free Earl P>rowder.
20. According to the program of a members meeting of the Hollywood Arts,
Sciences, and Professional Council of September 17, 1947, jMr. Trumbo was
listed as a speaker. The Hollywood Arts, Sciences, and Professional Council
is a branch of the Progressive Citizens of America which was formed by the
left wing group of the ICCASP after the latter organization was dissolved when
its Communist denominations could no longer be concealed.
21. The Daily People's World, official Communist Party publication on the
west coast, dated May 2, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the sponsors of
the Los Angeles Chaiifer of the Civil Rights Congress.
22. The Worker, official publication of the Conununist Party dated September
22, 1946, published a i)icture of the editor and editorial board of a new magazine
entitled "Mainstream," which was referred to as a "Marxist literary magazine."
Dalton Trumbo, whose picture appeared with this article, was stated to be a
member of the board of directors.
23. A circular announcing a "People's Rally for Peace" meeting at the Shrine
Auditorium in Los Angeles on April 24, 1941, under the auspices of the American
Peace Mobilization listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the speakers. The purpose
of this meeting, according to the circular, was to lU'ge the defeat of the House
of Representatives bill for lease-lend.
The Daily People's World, a Communist newspaper for the west coast, dated
July 15, 1941, states that Trumbo was in attendance at a meeting of the Ameri-
can Peace Mobilization held at the Hollvwood Town Forum, HoUvwood, Calif.,
on May 17, 1941.
24. The Daily Worker, dated June 20, 1941, listed Trumbo as a speaker at a
Free Speech Rally sponsored by the Southern California Branch of the National
Federation for Constitutional Liberties held at the Embassy Auditorium in Los
Angeles, June 18, 1941.
25. The Clipper, official magazine of the League of American Writers, de-
scribed above, for the month of August 1941, stated that Dalton Trumbo had been
a contributor for the past 12 issues of this magazine.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 339
A circular avertising the School for Writers sponsored by the Hollywood
Chapter of the League of American Writers for the 1941-12 term mentioned
Dalton Trumbo as a lecturer.
The Daily People's World, dated INIarch 31, 1943, in an article entitled "Young
Writers Develop Technique in Workshop," stated that Dalton Trumbo partic-
ipated in the writers conference held during December 1942, under the slogan
"The Pen Is a Sword," in which be.^inners, veteran screen writers, novelists,
poets, and writers in every medium discussed just how each writer could make
his pen a weapon for democracy. The article further stated that the conference
was called by the Writers Workshop, which was sponsored by the I^^ague of
American Writers.
The Screen Writer, the official publication of the Screen Writers Guild, for
the month of June I94(i. published an edited transcript of an informal discussion
held under the auspices of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization between the noted
Russian writer Konstantin Simonov and menil)ers of the Screen Writers Guild.
The forum was presided over by Dalton Trumbo.
26. The California Eagle, dated March 7, 1940, listed Dalton Trumbo as one
of the sponsors of the American Youth for Democracy, formerly the Young Com-
munist league, dance held in Los Angeles on March 4, 1946, for the lientfit of
the United Electrical Workers who were on strike. This is a Communist-con-
trolled union.
A pamphlet advertising the "Salute to Young America" program under the
auspices of the American Youth for Democracy to be held at the Hotel Holly-
wood, Hollywood, Calif., on December 1, 1944, listed Dalton Trumbo as a member
of the sponsoring committee and Mrs. Trumbo as secretary of the committee.
The Daily People's World for December 5, 1944, stated that Trumbo was a
speaker at the above meeting.
A pamphlet advertising the "Youth Conference"' under sponsorship of the
American Youth for Democracy, scheduled for October 21, 1945, at the Los
Angeles City College, listed Dalton Trumbo as a sponsor.
A printed advertisement announcing a "Welcome Home, Joe" dinner sponsored
by the Los Angeles County American Youth for Democracy, scheduled to be held
December 16, 1945, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the dinner committee members.
This meeting was avertised to be held at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles,
Calif.
27. The Daily Worker, dated October 19, 1942, listed Dalton Trumbo as a
sponsor of a dinner under the auspices of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Com-
mittee to be held at the Astor Hotel, New York City, on October 27, 1942. This
organization has been described above.
A pamphlet issued by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, dated October
21, 1944, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the national sponsors of this organization.
Letterheads of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, 192 Lexington
Avenue, New^ York City, obtained for the years 1945 and 1946, also listed Dalton
Trumbo as a national sponsor of this organization.
28. The Daily Worker, dated September 16, 1944, in an article entitled "Film
Front," lists Dalton Truml)0 as being affiliated with the Hollywood Democratic
Conmiittee. This organization has been described above.
29. The Daily Worker, dated November 22, 1944, stated that Dalton Trumbo
was elected to the board of directors of the Screen Writers Guild.
The Screen Writer, official publication of the Screen Writers Guild, in the
1946 issues reflected that Dalton Trumbn was the editor of the Screen Writer.
A proposal appeared in the Screen Writer, edited by Dalton Trumbo, July
issue, 1946, for an American Authors Authority. According to this report, the
authority is to be a marketing monopoly wdiich will copyright and lease to users
all writings by American authors. It is to begin with scripts for screen and radio
and articles for magazines. By controlling this lucrative field, the authority
will be the exclusive agent for America's most successful writers.
30. A letterhead for the People's Educational Center, dated January 11, 1945^
announced the second annual meeting of the People's Educational Center, a
Connnunist school at the Shoreham Hotel, Los Angeles, Calif., on Jaimary 21,
1945. The announcement listed Dalton Trumbo as a speaker during the evening
session on the subject. Role of the Motion Pictui'e in Shaping the Future.
Page 33 of the report of the California State Legislature's Joint Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 1947, classifies the People's Educa-
tional Center as a Communist front.
31. The Daily People's World, dated July 22, 1946, published a photograph of
Dalton Trumbo along with an article stating that Trumbo would be "an inaugural
340 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
guest speaker Saturday evening, August 10, 1940, at the California Labor School
Summer Term for White Collar and Professional Workers on the Monterey
Peninsula." The article further stated that reservations would be accepted at
the California Labor School, 216 Market Street, San Francisco, Calif.
Page 101 of the report of tlie California State Legi.slature's Joint Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 1947, lists the California Labor
School as a Comnumist school.
32. The Daily Variety, a Hollywood trade magazine, for the month of June
1945, listed Dalton Trumbo as a member of the executive council of the Holly-
wood Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions.
This organization has been described above.
3.'5. The Daily People's World, official Communist Party publication on the
west coast, dated May 2, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the sponsors of
the Los Angeles Chapter of the Civil Rights Congress.
The Civil Rights Congress has been engaged in defending Gerhart Eisler,
Comintern agent, and Eugene Dennis, executive secretary of the Communist
Party.
34. The Daily People's World, dated March 20, 1946, stated that Dalton Trumbo
was a speaker at a meeting held at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles, Calif.,
under the auspices of the Mobilization for Democracy.
The Daily People's W^orld, dated April 5, 1946, in an article entitled "We Are
With — Trumbo Pledges Every Effort on Fight of Native Fascists," comments on
a speech by Dalton Trumbo delivered at a meeting of the Mobilization for
Democracy held previously in Los Angeles in which Trumbo is reported to have
outlined several undertakings by the United States Government, such as Expedi-
tion Muskox, Bikini, and the policies of MacArthur in Jajian, all of which Trumbo
interpreted as an indication of United States imperialism and the work of
Fascist reaction in tlie United States.
35. The California Sentinel, dated May 8, 1947, published a list purported to
be the official list of the officers and board of directors of the Southern California
Progressive Citizens of America. Dalton Trumbo was listed as a member of
the board of directors.
Page 236' of the report of the California State Legislature's Joint Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities, dated 1947, refers to the Los Angeles
Chapter of the Progressive Citizens of America as a consolidation of the National
Political Action Committee and the Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee
of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which are referred to as Communist
fronts.
36. The Daily People's World, dated October 19, 1942, listed Dalton Trumbo
as one of 400 prominent people who signed an open letter to President Roosevelt
urging the United States to sever diplomatic relations with Spain. This letter
was made public, according to the article, by tlie Council for Pan-American
Democracy, which has attacked alleged American imperialism.
37. The Daily People's World, dated November 6, 1945. carried an advertise-
ment under the heading, "Break relations with Spain," advising that a meeting
was scheduled for the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles, Calif., for November
16, 1945, at which Dalton Trumbo would serve as chairman. The meeting was
said to be under the auspices of the American Committee for Spanish Freedom.
This was part of the Communist campaign in behalf of Loyalist Spain ini-
tiated at tlie seventh Congress of the Communist International — the summer of
1935.
38. The Daily Worker, dated INIay 24, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo as one of the
speakers at the Artists Fight Back meeting .sponsored by ^Mainstream, to be held
at Manhattan Center, New York City, on June 11, 1047. The article stated that
the rally would give the answer of the writers and artists to the "Un-American
Committee's" attacks on democratic culture in America.
The New Y'ork World Telegram, dated June 11, 1947, listed Dalton Trumbo
as one of the speakers at the Artists Fight Back rally held at Manhattan Center,
New York City, on June 11, 1947.
The Worlver, dated March 23, 1947, published a write-up on the magazine
Mainstream showing tlie table of contents for the winter edition, 1946, listing
Dalton Trumbo as a contributor with a poem entitled "Confessional." This
magazine has been described above.
39. The Daily People's Wcn-ld, dated October 24, 1942, listed Dalton Trumbo
as one of the persons who endorsed LaRue McCormick as Communist Party
candidate for State senator of Los Angeles County.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 341
The Daily People's World, dated July 6, 1944, announced that Dalton Trumbo
would be one of the judges of a short-story contest sponsored by the Daily People's
World to run from August 1, 1944, to February 1, 1945.
The Daily People's World, dated March 26, 1946, listed Dalton Trumbo as a
speaker at a forum lield at the Embassy Auditorium on April 8, 194G, under the
auspices of the Daily People's World entitled "Art — Weapon of the People."
A photostatic copy of this publicity is attached.
Mr. Striplixg. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I would like to call Investigator Louis J. Russell.
The Chairman. ]\Ir. Russell.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Russell has previously been
sworn in this hearing.
The Chairman. Well, we will swear him now, just to make sure.
Mr. Russell, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. Russell. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. State your full name, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Russell. Louis J. Russell.
Mr. Stripling. You are a member of the investigating staff of the
Committee on Un-American Activities?
Mr. Russell. I am.
Mr. Stripling. You M^ere with the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion as an agent for 10 years ?
Mr. Russell. I was.
]Mr. Stripling. Were you designated to make an investigation to
determine whether or not Dalton Trumbo was a member of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. SrRiPLiNG. Will you give the committee the results of your in-
vestigation ?
]\Ir. Russell. Yes.
During the course of the investigation I secured information re-
garding the Communist Party registration card of Dalton Trumbo
for the year 1944. I have a photostatic copy of this registration card
before me.
Mr. Stripling. Read it to the committee ; that is, read for the benefit
of the committee the information contained thereon.
INIr. Russell. This card bears the name "Dalt T." At the time this
card was obtained, I also obtained a code which reflects the name
"Dalt T" was the name used for Dalton Trumbo on the Communist
Party registration card. This card reflects that "Dalt T" resided at
620 Beverly Drive, city Beverly Hills, county Los Angeles, State of
California. The card bears the number 47187. It contains a notation
"1944 card No. 37300." It contains another quotation which states
"New card issued November 30, 1944," The balance of the card con-
tains descriptive data regarding "Dalt T." It states that "Dalt T" is
a male. Occupation that of a writer. Industry, motion picture. The
question is then asked: "A member of the CIO, A. F. of L., inde-
342 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
pendent union, or no union?'' Independent union is checked. The
last question is : "Is member chib subscriber for Daily Worker?" The
answer "Yes" is checked."'*
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Chairman.
The CiiAiEMAN. Mr. Vail, do you have any questions?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell ?
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. The evidence presented before this committee con-
cerning Dahon Trumbo clearly indicates that he is an active Com-
munist Party member. Also the fact that he followed the usual Com-
munist line of not responding to questions of the committee is definite
proof that he is a memeber of the Communist Party. Therefore, by
unanimous vote of the members present, the subcommittee recom-
mends to the full committee that Dalton Trumbo be cited for con-
tempt of Congress, and that for his refusal to answer the pertinent
question, "Are you a member of the Communist Party?" and his re-
fusal to answer other questions, the committee recommends appropri-
ate action be taken by the full committee without delay.
Mr. Stripling, next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Eoy Brewer.
The Chairman. Mr. Roy Brewer, take the stand, please.
(Mr. Roy M. Brewer, accompanied by counsel, takes place at wit-
ness table.)
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer, will you please stand and raise your
right hand.
Mr. Brewer, do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about
to give is the truth, the whole Iruth, and nothing but the truth, so help
you God?
Mr. Breaver. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF EOY M. BREWEE
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, will you state your full name, please,
and present address ?
Mr. Brewer. Roy M. Brew^er, TIG North Curson Avenue, Los An-
geles, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where w^ere you born, Mr. Brewer?
Mr. Brew^er. In Hall County, Nebr., August 9, 1909.
Mr. Stripling. You are the international representative of the In-
ternational Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees and Motion-Pic-
ture ISIachine Operatoi-s of the United States ?
Mr. Brewer. I am.
Mr. STRirLiNG. I have a brief preliminary statement wdiich I would
like to read, if I may.
The Chairman. May we see the statement, to see if it is pertinent?
Mr. Brewer. Yes [handing statement to the chairman].
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer, we think that everything in this state-
ment can be substantiated through questioning. Therefore, we would
suggest that at this stage the chief investigator ask questions.
Mr. Brewer. That is quite all right.
^' See iippcndix, )i. 530, for exhibit (17.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 343
The Chairman. Then you can answer in accordance with the state-
ment. If later on the committee decides to place it in the record, why,
when we come to that we will accept it.
Mr. Brewer. That is all right.
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, yon stated yon are the international
representative of the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Em-
jiloyees and Moving Picture Machine Operators of the United States?
Mr. Brewer. Of the United States and Canada; yes, sir.
Mr. SiTiirrJNG. How long have you held that position?
iMr. Brewer. Since January 1, 1945.
Mr. Stripling. What did you do prior to that?
Mr. Brew^er. Immediately prior to that I was employed by the
War Production Board as the Chief of the Plant and Community
Facilities Service of the Office of Labor Production, here in Wash-
ington. Prior to that time I had been president of the Nebraska
State Federation of Labor, which is the State branch of the American
Federation of Labor, a position which I had held for 8 years.
Mr. Stripling. How large is your union ?
Mr. Brewer. The International Alliance is approximately 65,000
members.
Mr. Stripling. How many of your members are employed in the
motion-picture industry?
Mr. Brewer. Practically all in the motion-picture industry, but ap-
proximately 15,000 in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Fifteen thousand in Hollywood?
Mr. Brewer. Correct.
Mr. Stripling. Would you give the committee a brief break-down
as to the type of jobs which your members hold throughout the
industry ?
Mr. Breaver. You mean throughout the entire industr}'^ or in Holly-
wood ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes; in other words, what type of work do your
members do ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, so far as our membership throughout the Na-
tion is concerned, it is primarily confined to the work of motion-pic-
ture projectionists, motion-picture stage employees, employees in the
film and distribution exchanges of the various film companies and —
that is the basis of them throughout the Nation.
In Hollywood, we have most of the technical employees employed
in the making of motion pictures. We have the cameramen, the sound
men, and those employees who do work comparable to stage employees
in the studios, such as grips, property men, and so forth. AYe have
14 unions in Hollywood, wdiich represent, as I have stated, approxi-
mately one-half of the employees in the studios. There are about,
I think, 7,000 so-called mechanical employees, with the others of the
15,000 being represented by actors and by extras.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Brewer, you said "grips." What is a "grip?"
Mr. Brewer. Well, a "grip" is a man that handles the scenery on
the set.
Mr. McDowell. A scene shifter?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. That is a term that has gotten to be applied to
those men who move the scenery and the various objects on the set, in
344 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
the actual making of a picture or in the actual setting of a set on the
stage.
Mr. Stbipling. Mr. Brewer, how long have yon been in Hollywood?
Mr. Bhp:wek. I arrived in Hollywood on ISIarch 12, 1945. I had
previously made one trip there, which was in late December of 1944.
Mr. Stripling. Since vou have been there, have you observed any
Comunist influence or infiltration among the employees of the motion-
picture industry, in any field ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes, sir; I have — a great deal.
Mr. Stripling. Would you describe to the committee the extent of
such infihration which you have observed yourself?
The Chairman, And, Mr. Brewer, will you speak louder, please?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. Well, that is quite a long story. When I arrived
in Hollywood, on March 12, 1945, there was in progres a jurisdictional
strike
Mr, Stripling. May I interrupt you at this point, Mr. Brewer?
Mr. Chairman. I failed to have the witnes identify the gentleman
with him. Is he your counsel ?
Mr. Brewer. He is.
Mr. Stripling, Would you identify him?
Mr, Brewer, Mr, Matthew Levy.
Mr. Stripling. Proceed, Mr. Brewer,
Mr, Brewer. When I arrived in Hollywood, on March 12, 1945,
there was a jurisdictional strike in progress which had been called by
the Conference of Studio Unions, That was an organization of certain
American Federation of Labor unions that had been banded together
to form sort of an unofficial asociation of A. F, of L, unions. It was
comprised primarily of members of the painters union, but it also had
in its membership a union of the International Asociation of Ma-
chinists, a union of the International Brotherhood of Electrical
Workers, a union of the Building Service Employees International
Union, an organization of the plumbers' union, and there was a sort
of unofficial association with respect to molders and sheet-metal
workers who were employed in the studios in very small numbers.
Presumably, the issue over which this strike had been called was
the jurisdiction over a group of employees known as set dressers.
These are employees who have the responsibility for the dressing of
the motion picture sets prior to the shooting.
Mr. Stripling. Now, in connection with this jurisdictional strike,
Mr. Brewer, has there been any threat on the part of the Communists
at any time to take over your union ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, as a matter of fact, Mr. Stripling, as the situation
developed and as we became involved with the various forces at work
behind this strike, it became very evident to me that there was some-
thing very seriously wrong. It took me a little while to identify it, but
I finally identified it to my perfect satisfaction as a definite attempt on
the part of the Communist Party to take over the entire strucure of
the trade-union movement in the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Throughout the industry?
Mr. Brewer. The entire motion-picture industry in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. Now, who was responsible for that effort and who
was in charge of it ?
INIr, Brewer, Well, the leader of the strike and the pi-esident of the
Conference of Studio Unions and the person that was really directing
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 345
most of the affairs openly was a man by the name of Herbert K.
Sorrell, who was officially the business agent of the painters' union,
local No. 644, in the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Has their effort, on the part of the Communists, to
take over your union, been successful?
Mr. Brewer. No, it hasn't; but it has been successful in creating a
great deal of strife and turmoil.
Mr. Stripling. AVhat is the present status of the situation regarding
Communists ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, the situation as it exists now is that the Con-
ference of Studio Unions has called a series of four strikes since 1944.
The" last one was called on September 26, 1946, and is officially still
going on, although it has been dissipated and economically is at the
present time completely ineffective.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned Herbert K. Sorrell. I believe that
there has been testimony before this committee that Herbert K. Sor-
rell was a Communist. Do you have any information as to the Com-
munist activities of Mr. Sorrell?
Mr. Brewer. I do, Mr. Stripling. And I would like to present this
to the committee, if you will permit me to do so.
I would like to say, as a preliminary to this, that when this strike
started, the first strike, in 1945, which was the first important strike
involved in this question, as it became obvious to me that the strike
was being prosecuted by and with the assistance of the Communist
forces in the motion-picture studios as well as with those same forces
in the entire community, we put out a series of bulletins, I have a com-
plete file of these bulletins, and I will leave them with the committee.
I will not ask that they be introduced as an exhibit, but if the com-
mittee finds something in there that they want to use as an exhibit,
it will be there for them.
As the result of the publication of those exhibits, Mr. Sorrell filed
a suit against me and the international president of my organization
for libel.
As a result of that, we started to investigate the situation and we
found in possession of an investigator some information with respect
to the Communist Partv membership of Mr. Herbert K. Sorrell.
Mr. Stripling. May I see tliose, please?
Mv. Brewer. Yes. [Handing documents to Mr. Stripling.]
Mr. Stripling. I have here, Mr. Chairman, a photostatic copy of a
card, which says : ^^
Control card, first-half of 1937, book No. 74282—
the name ''Herbert Stewart" — S-t-e-w-a-r-t —
State of California, County of Los Angeles, city of Los Angeles, district 13. Sec-
tion, Industrial. Unit, Studios. Occupation, Painter. Union, Painters 644.
Male. Age, 41. White.
Now, can you tell us whether or not tliis photostatic copy, or this
document, has ever been introduced before any Government agency in
the State of California ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. These documents were presented to the Joint
Fact-Finding Committee of the California State Legislature.
" See appendix, p. 325. for exhibit 28.
346 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Do you know wlietlier or not ]\Ir. Sorrell has ever
made any denial or reply regardin*^ this alleged membership in the
Communist Party?
Mr. Brewer. Well, I think he has made a general denial. But he
was subpenaed to appear before the committee to answer the allega-
tions as contained by those documents, and he failed to appear in
answer to the subpena.
At the time those were introduced by the California State Com-
mittee, there was also introduced evidence by what is considered to be
the foremost handwriting expert in America. His name is Mr. Clark
Sellers. He is the man that identified the kidnaping note in the Lind-
bergh kidnaping case as being the writing of Bruno Hauptmann. He
is also the man that recently testified in the Overell murder case,
identifying the signature on the dynamite receipts as the writing of
Bud Gollum. He testified that the signature on this Communist Party
membership book receipt was the writing of Herbert K. Sorrell.
Mr. Stripling. Now, I would like to state, Mr. Chairman, that these
same documents were submitted in evidence by a previous witness,
Mr. Adolphe Menjou, last week, in which he stated that evidence had
been submitted to the California committee to the effect that the party
record of Herbert K. Sorrell was carried in the name of Herbert
Stewart. This is the same document, or a photostatic copy of the
same document.
Do you know whether or not Mr. Sorrell's wife's name is Stewart?
Mr. Brewer. The report of the joiiit committee of the California
Legislature says that that was his mother's maiden name, that his
mother's maiden name was Stewart.
I have additional evidence here, Mr. Chairman, if you Avould care
to have it.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Would you explain to the committee,
please
Mr. Brewer. I also have a bulletin which was issued by our or-
ganization which outlines in some detail the Conmiunist activities,
some of the Communist activities in which Mr. Sorrell has engaged
since the year 193S, I will run through them briefly, if it is the wish
of the committee that I do so.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Brewer. In the testimony this morning there was mention
made of the Motion Picture Democratic Committee and the designa-
tion of that committee as a Communist front.
In 1940, there was a resolution presented to the Executive Com-
mittee of the Motion Picture Democratic Committee by Mr. Philip
Dunne and Mr. Melvin Douglas. That committee says, among other
things : {
The Motion Picture Democratic Committee reatlii-ms its support of the Roose-
velt foreign policy. 2. It commends the President ft>r his condemnation of
Russian aggression and the request that the Finnish war deht payments be
reserved for Finnish use. 3. That the Motion Picture Democratic Committee is
in fundamental disagreement with the Communist Party and other organizations
and individuals who supported the President until the Russian aggression and
have since turned on the Administration with attacks.
That resolution was rejected by the executive board by a vote of 19
to nothing. Mr. Herbert K, Sorrell at that time was listed as a mem-
ber of that conniiittee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 347
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Brewer, I notice from the statement that you
filed with the chairman you say :
The plan as we see it was for Communist forces led by Mr. Jeff Kibre, Com-
munist agent sent to Hollywood in liJ35. and his successor, Herbert K. Sorrell,
to infilti'ate and control Hollywood technical laluir, while other C'onununist forces
led by Mr. .John Howard Lawson, whose act ivities have been effectively described
here,'to infiltrate and control the talent guilds and so-called cultural groups in the
industry.
Whois Jeff Kibre?
Mr. Brewek. That is Jefi' Kibre.
Mr. Stripling. Kibre.
Mr. Brewer. I would like to say — I have some important testimony
with respect to the activities of Jetf Kibre which I would like to put in.
I would like to say, however, that I have a <2:reat deal more material on
the Communist activities of Mr. Sorrell, which
Mr. Stripling. Well, since your statement stated, "Led by Mr. Jeff
Kibre, Communist agent sent to Hollywood in 1935," and then you say
"and his successor, Herbert K. Sorrell," suppose we deal with Mr.
Kibre, before going to Mr. Sorrell, before goino- any further with Mr.
Sorrell.
Mr. Brewer. Fine. As I stated, when I arrived in Hollywood it
became necessaiy for me to find out what we were fighting in this
jurisdictional dispute. It became very evident to me that it was not
an ordinary trade-union argument. Presumably I was supposed to
be fighting a jurisdictional fight with the painters union.
One of the things which convinced me that this was not an ordinary
dispute was the experience which I encountered in the Central Labor
Council of the city of Los Angeles. Normally, when a union is in a
jurisdictional dispute with another international union there is a
bond of loj^alty that extends down the line of that international iniion,
"When I went down to the central labor council I found that the presi-
dent of that council was a member of the painters union. So I
T-aturally assumed that his sympathies would be with the painters
in this jurisdictional dispute. I found, however, that on the execu-
tive board of the Central Labor Council was a representative of one
of my own unions, who was Mr. Morville Kretcher, the business agent
of our film technicians' local No. 683.
Well, the very first issue that came before that council there that
had to do with the Hollywood dispute, to my surprise I found out
that the painter was on mj side and my own representative was on
the side of the Conference of Studio Unions. That, among other
things, established the fact that the line of loyalty in this dispute and
the line of loyalty in the entire union structure in Hollywood were
not those lines which follow ordinary trade union structure.
So. I began to invesfigate, and I found that in every one of our
unions we had certain disloyal groups. I came to identify those
groups of Communist factions. One of the most important pieces
of evidence which I found was that which was contained in the 1940
23roceeding of our own international alliance convention, which dealt
with the activities of ISfr. Kibre. I found printed there a series of
leports which had been published in 1939, in the Los Angeles Citizen,
and which had been later published in our 1940 proceedings, in 1940.
These reports were the reports of Mr. Jeff Kibre to offers of the CIO
and also to Communist Party functionaries who have been identi-
fied previously in this hearing.
348 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
I have picked out a few of the pertinent excerpts which I think
are vakiable, not only to identify Mr. Kibre as a functionary of the
Communist Party, but also to outline the techniques which he had
written down and submitted to his superiors in that party.
And with your permission I would like to read these pertinent ex-
cerpts, which I think you will find very valuable in analyzintr the
Communist infiltration in Hollywood.
The Chairman. How long are they?
Mr. Breaver. Well, I will try to shorten them, ISIr. Chairman. I
will only read paragraphs that are pertinent. I would say that totally
there are probably three or four of these pages.
The Chairman. The reason I ask that question — we are probably
2 days behind in our schedule, and we w^ant to try to hurry along as
best we can, but at the same time include all the evidence that we pos-
sibly can. So, witlicut objection, so ordered.
Mr. Breaver. Well, if you feel it is not pertinent, why, you can
tell me.
This was a report written by Mr. Kibre to the State headquarters of
the CIO on April 23, 1938.
I might say, preliminarily, that there is evidence in the files of the
committee in California that there was a definite link between Mr.
Kibre and the Soviet Union. There is evidence in the file to show that
in the year 1934 there was a meeting held in the city of Carmel, Calif.,
which was attended by a woman by the name of Ella Winters, and that
she was in turn delegated the responsibility of contacting Mr. Kibre,
and that according to this evidence she did contact Mr. Kibre.
Now, the representative of the Soviet Union that was at this meeting
in Carmel was a Mr. Michael Aisenstein — and I think it is spelled
A-i-s-e-n-s-t-e-i-n.
]Mr. Stripling. What was his connection with the Soviet Union?
INIr. Brewer. He was a representative of the AMTORG Corp., which
was the then Russian purchasing agent in this country.
The plans which were laid at this Carmel meeting were later re-
flected directly in the activities of Mr. Kibre when he appeared in
our unions in 1935.
In 1938, Mr. Kibre, now a trusted member of our organization and
an employee of the studios in Hollywood, wrote this report to the
headquarters of the CIO in California :
KKVIEW OF PLAN AND OBJECTIVES VOR THE PAST SEVER;\.L MONTHS
Developments in Hollywood during the past 2 months have clearly demon-
strated that not only the correctness of the analysis of the general situation as
presented in the jast report but also the concrete possibiliies of a movement of
unity within the present craft set-up.
A studio unemployment conference representing 12 unions and guilds is the
most basic achievfmient. This conference has already practically reached the
point of demanding joint action liy all of the unions and guilds.
Meanwhile, a broad anti-IATSE movement —
and I might say "lATSE' 'is the designation for my unions, the Inter-
national Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees '■
representing a majority of workers in the industry has announced support of the
program of unemployment conference as the best means of lighting the company-
union policies of the lA and the employers.
By bringing the.'-e two movements together on a fundamental issue of better
conditions, a solid though not, a spectacular movement for a federaticn as teh
preliminary step for industrial "unionism has developed.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 349
Now, later on in the report Mr. Kibre makes what I feel to be a very
significant statement. He says that the Screen Cartoonists Guild,
which has figured very importantly in the activities in Hollywood and
which is the union about which Mr. Disney testified— he says positively
that this guild was organized by us. Later on he says :
The building of the unemployment conferences of the various i-elatecl activities
would have been impossible without the further development and coordination of
rank-and-file machinery embracing the entire industry. Influential groups have
been established in every major union and guild. These groups are coordinated
by a regular underground apparatus. It is through these groups, based in the
present organizations, committed to the object of an industrial union for the
35,000 workers in the industry, that the present field representative is working.
Then, in closing this report, Mr. Kibre says further :
The establishment of an industrial union in Hollywood will have repercussions
far beyond the industry itself. It will open up virtually the untouched field of
the amusement industry as a whole.
And I would like to say in connection with that that the amusement
industry is a well-organized industry and therefore when he says, "the
untouched field," he must have meant the field untouched by com-
munism, because it was a well-organized field' at that time.
Moreover, it will have tremendous influence on the entire development of the
CIO in Los Angeles County.
And I want to say here that the official CIO movement in Los
Angeles, as well as in the State of California, is recognized by all
experts in the field of labor as being completely under the domination
of the Communist Party. It is led by a man by the name of Phil
Connolly, who is generally recognized as being a Communist.
As the largest compact industry in the county, it will be of inestimable value in
giving the industrial movement a solid base, and with Hollywood and its prestige
linked to the harbor and the longshoremen, a tremendous spurt would be given
the organizing movement as a whole.
And there is a significant note. It is signed,
Respectfully submitted :
Jeff Kibke,
Field Rep)'esentative for Hollyioood.
And it has a significant note at the bottom, which says :
It is of extreme importance because of the nature of the work being carried on
that the report and the name of the representative be kept as confidential as
possible.
Now, the next report which we have is a very significant one because
it was written to Mr. Bob Reed, who has been identified here as a
Communist Party functionary attached to the fraction in the Actors
Equity in New York City.
Mr. McDowell. What was his name, again ?
Mr. Brewer. Bob Reed, and he was identified b}^ ]\Ir. Rushmore in
his testimony as a Communist Party functionary. Mr. Kibre starts
out this report by this statement :
My DELiR Bob : Well, one thing about Reds. They seldom write except on busi-
ness. A number of things are on my mind, but first it appears that the long-
-a waited showdown in the industry between the lA and real unity is fast on Its way
and that's the main business of this note.
Also, I am the undercover field representative for the CIO in Hollywood, because
of economy. Reedy Cowl had to go back to the Painters.
67683—47 — —23
350 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Then I will skip part of it here, which is not too significant, and pick
it up where he says :
In the uieantime, I wish you would discus« the matter of lA action with Jack
Statchel. Necessity of my getting in touch with the contacts in various cities,
and so forth.
I have taljen it up with Paul Cline
Mr. SrRiPLiNCi. Could you identify Jack Statchel ? Mr. Brewer, do
you know Jack Statchel ?
Mv. Brewer. I am sorry. I know that he is a recognized party func-
tionary, but I personally cannot identify him.
Paul Cline
The Chairman. Just a minute. Will you for the record identify'
Jack Statchel?
Mr. Striplinc;. I would like, Mr. Chairman, to put a memorandum
in on Jack Statchel, which I will have here in a few moments.
The Chairman. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. Brewer (reading) :
I have taken it up with Paul Cline, but he feels personal appeal by vou or
V.J.
Now, the persons who analyzed these reports identified ''V. J.'" as V. J.
Jerome, who was also identified by Mr. Rushmore in his testimony.
rather than communicate through official channels would get quicker results. I
know definitely that a Morris lushewitz, publicity director
Mr. Strh^ling. Would you spell that, please ^
Mr. Brewer. It is M-o-r-r-i-s I-u-s-h-e-wi-tz.
publicity director of the motion-picture operators' local of New York, is one of
our people. Also I understand we have a person in the Cleveland local who pulls
considerable weight. It is imperative that I get hold of all of these contacts.
Send them report on the role of the lA in Hollywood.
Then Mr. Kibre winds up this in a very friendly way, which would
indicate a close personal relationship with Mr. Bol) Keed. He says :
Hope all of this isn't too big an order for a jolt out of the. blue sky, and hope Ida
is as sunny-faced as ever. Maybe I'll be seeing you in a couple of weeks. Hope
so. By the way, if Fred Keating is around, give him by regards.
Comradely,
Jeff.
Now, as you analyze these reports, it becomes significant that what
Mr. Kibre was trying to do
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, I wish you would identify for the com-
mittee the documents from which you have been reading.
Mr. B!fcEWp:R. This is a copy of the Proceedings of the 1940 Conven-
tion of the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees and
Moving Picture Machine Oj^erators of the United States and Canada^
the official report.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Now, Mr. Kibre's report was placed in the
official report by Mr. Kibre?
Mr, Brewer. No. This was placed in the report of the convention
by the office of our international union. These reports
Mr. Stripling. In other words, it was as a disclosure of the activity
of Mr. Kibre?
Mr. Brewer. That is right. And these reports were previously
published in the Los Angeles Citizen, wliich is the official publication
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 351
of the Los Angeles Central Labor Council in Los Angeles, at the time
of an election.
Mr. 8tiuplixg. Now. had Mr. Kibre ever denied the content of these
reports ^
Mr. Brewer. Not to my knowledge. And, significantly enough,
when these reports were made public and the election which Mr, Kibre
subsequently engineered in this effort to take over the Hollywood-
unions, he disappeared from the picture in Hollywood. His next
appearance on the scene w^as as a leader in the North American Avia-
tion strike, in Englewood. Calif., which was identified by President
Roosevelt as a political strike, called for the purpose of impeding the
defense of the country. He is now an official of the CIO fishermen's
union and lias been indicted and convicted of a charge dealing with
violation of the Federal antitrust laws.
The significance of the technique which is outlined in Mr. Kibre's
early reports, as I see it. Mr. Chairman, is that that technique has
been followed since that time in the organization and the activities of
the Conference of Studio Unions.
Mr. Stripling. Now. how many members does the Conference of
Studio Unions liave in the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, right now that is a little indefinite, but at the
time the strike was called they had about 9,000,
Mr. Stripling. Nine thousand ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. As compared with
Mr. Brewer. With 15,000 in our organization, and a total of approx-
imately 30,000, including actoi*s and extras.
Mr. Stripling. Now, I would like to get this straight, Mr, Brewer :
How many jurisdictional strikes have there been in the motion-picture
industry in the past 10 A^ears that j^ou can recall? Was there one in
1944?
Mr, Brewer, Yes; there was a brief strike called by Mr, SorrelL
]\Ir. Stripling. In '45 was there one ?
Mr. Brewer. There was a strike called on March 12, 1945, which
lasted for about 8 months.
Mr. Stripling. Was there one in 1946? A new one?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. There were two strikes in 1946, There was a
2-day strike called on July 2. 1946, and there was a second strike called
on September 26. 1946, which has not as yet officially ended,
Mr. Stripling. Now, as a labor official, can you tell the committee
whether or not the Communists were instrumental in fomenting any
of these strikes which you have labeled jurisdictional strikes? What
part did the Communists play in them? So far as this committee
is concerned, it is my understanding that their only interest would
be whether or not the Communists have exercised any influence in
labor relations or labor matters within Hollywood. They are not
concerned with jurisdictional strikes as such,
Mr. Brewer. AVell. analyzing Avhat has happened in the past and
analyzing the tactics, the techniques, and the activities of individuals
in the present and immediate past situations, one can onlv conclude
that the fundamental purpose of the Conference of Studio Unions
Avas to drive a wedge between the members of the union in Hollywood
and the official brandies of their organizations.
352 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
All of the unions which were in the — I won't say all, but most of
the unions which formed the core of the unemployment conference,
which Jeff Kibre was describing back in 1939, also formed the core
of the Conference of Studio Unions. It is our firm conviction and
belief that the Conference of Studio Unions was organized for that
purpose, and that the jurisdictional strikes which have since taken
place were all a part of the efforts of the Communist Party to dis-
rupt and destroy the American Federation of Labor, in the unions
in the studios, and to throw them into an industry-wide industrial
union which would be under Communist control.
Mr. Stripling. Now, in the Conference of Studio Unions, what
percentage of the rank-and-file membership would you say are Com-
munists or under the bidding or carrying out the bidding of Commu-
nists within the studio unions?
Mr. Brewer. Well, that is a very difficult question to answer because
the indoctrination processes of those unions that were brought into
the Communist orbit were very efficient. One of the very important
techniques which they developed was to insulate the thinking of these
individuals to any ideas except those which their officers put before
them.
Mr. Stripling. You mentioned the officers. Let me put this question
first, then : What percentage of the officials of the Conference of Stu-
dio Unions do you feel are Communists? Is the union under Com-
munist domination ?
Mr. Brewer. The Conference of Studio Unions has consistently
follo\^ed the CoTnmunist Party line since its origin. Herbert K.
Sorrell has religiously followed the Communist Party line, with per-
haps one minor exception. There are a number of unions in the Con-
ference of Studio Unions which I consider to be completely under
Communist domination.
Mr. Stripling. Could you name some of those unions ?
Mr. Brewer. The first one is the Painters' Union, Local 64-t, of
which Herbert K. Sorrell is the principal officer.
The second one is the Screen Cartoonists Guild, of which a Mr.
Maurice Howard is the principal officer.
The third is the Screen Story Analysts Guild, which, incidentally,
is a part of the Painters' Union, of which Mr. Matty Madison and Miss
Frances Millington are the principal officers.
Mr. McDoAVELL. Mr. Brewer, did you say that the Screen Story
Analysts Guild was a part of the painters' union ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes; that is true.
Mr. McDowell. Well
Mr. Brewer. Actually — excuse me.
Mr. McDowell, Just what would be the connection between analyz-
ing the scripts and doing some painting?
Mr. Brewer. That is only a part of the very peculiar things that
happened in Hollywood labor. As a matter of fact — and again trying
to analyze the problem from a fundamental standpoint — it became
evident to us that the painters' union was being used by this Com^
munist core as an instrument of setting up within this trade-union
structure a second industrial union. They took over not only the
Screen Story Analysts, but the i:)ainters' union organized and issued
•charters to the Screen .Cartoonists Guild, to the Screen Publicists
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 353
Guild — now, those are press agents; those are the men who are the
press agents. Most of them are past newspapermen, but they organ-
ized those men, and women, and put them in the painters' union.
Mr. McDowell. Well, they could possibly be in the painters' union.
But your idea here — you are pointing out that this painters' union was
attempting to suck in everything, every other union, into itself, for
more complete control; is that it?
Mr. Brewer. Well, that was a part of their program. The first
thing that they were trying to do was to bring into the Conference of
Studio Unions all those unions that they could bring around to the
Communist Party philosophy.
Then, those groups thnt were unorganized in the studios at the tim;e
this campaign started, in order to give them an international union in
the American Federation of Labor which they could control, they put
into the painters' union.
Now, another very large union which they organized into the
painters' union was the office employees. Those are stenographers^
clerks, file clerks, and messengers. All those people were organized
and put in the painters' union, and then subsequently brought in and
made a part of the Conference of Studio Unions, to broaden the wedge
which they were driving in the labor structure in Hollywood.
There is one other union which is significant and important that
they organized, and that was what is called the Set Designers. Now,
that was a miscellaneous group of art department employees. They
included the set designers, the illustrators, the sketch artists, and
also the set decorators which they attempted to organize and eventu-
ally did organize into the painters' union.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, getting back to my question concerning
the percentage of officials of the Conference of Studio Unions who
you consider to be Communists.
Mr. Brewer. Well, I considered, as I say, that the entire Conference
of Studio Unions was under Communist domination.
Now, there were some of the unions which followed along with
them ior the most part. I would say that the machinists' union was
not so completely under their domination as were the others, but
they supported most of the Communist Party programs.
Mr. STRirLixG. Now
Mr. Brewer. So
Mr. Stripling. Pardon me.
Mr. Brewer. So the Conference of Studio Unions and all of those
unions that were a part of the conference and that were under their
influence were for all practical purposes a part of the Communist
spearhead in the studios.
Mr. Stripling. Now, in connection with these jurisdictional strikes
which you said the Communists figured in, was there any violence or
was there evidence of any of the typical tactics of the Communists?
JNIr. Brea\t:r. Yes. There was some of the most unbelievable
amounts of violence that have ever appeared on the scene in the
American labor movement.
I have here a list of our members that were injured in this 1946
strike.
You see, what had happened was that in 1945 the Conference of
Studio Unions for all practical purposes had lost the strike. They
354 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
had to close the studios down in order to make their strike effective.
And recognizing that the purpose of closing the studios down was
to destroy our union, it naturally became paramount to our interests
that they not succeed in that endeavor. So we announced at the time
that if they persisted in prosecuting a jurisdictional strike against our
unions in an effort to wrest from our union jurisdiction which had
been traditionally ours in the studios, we would resist it.
So, for all practical purposes, by the 1st of October that strike had
been lost. Efforts and conferences had been made for settlement, but
without success.
On October 5, there appeared at Warner Bros, studio mass picket
lines, which according to the stated intent of their leaders were de-
signed to prevent by physical force anyone from going through into
the studios.
As a result of these mass picket lines, a complete state of anarchy
was created at Warner Bros, studio. The management of that
studio could not get into his own studio. The police department at-
tempted to cope with it, but found themselves completely unable to
do so, with the result that pressure was brought to bear on various
groups, and eventually that strike was settled.
However, after the strike was settled, an investigation was entered
into by another committee of the California Legislature, headed by
C. Don Field. They found positive evidence, in an official report, of
Communist activities in those picket lines.
As a matter of fact, we didn't need a report of the committee on law
and order of the State legislature to tell us, because in the mass picket
lines there w^ere a number of prominent people who had been identified
with Communist activities. Among them was Mr. John Howard Law-
son, who was arrested in those mass picket lines.
Mr. McDowell. You mean he was walking the picket line ?
Mr. Brewer. Yes ; he was. In addition to Mr. John Howard Law-
son, there were other persons, who were not involved in the strike so
far as the Conference of Studio Unions were concerned, who were
there and who said they were observers, but who actually were assist-
ing, in our opinion, in creating the chaos and the anarchy that existed
there.
Mr. McDowell. They were a part of the film industry?
Mr. Brewer. Yes.
Mr. McDowell. They were
Mr. Brewer. And I have the names of some of the prominent ones,
if you would like to have them.
Mr. McDowell. Yes ; name some of them.
Mr. Brewer. Mr. John Garfield, Mr. John Wexley, Mr. Sidney
Buchman, Mr. Howard Koch, Mr. Larry Adler, Mr. Lewis Milestone,
Mr. Dalton Trumbo, Mr. Gary McWiUiams, Mr. Fi-ank Tuttle, Mr.
Robert Kossen, Mr. William Pomerance, and Mr. John Howard
Lawson.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brewer, can you tell us whether or not it was at
Warner Bros, studios that the automobiles were overturned?
Mr. Brewer. Yes ; automobiles were overturned. Hundreds of men
were attacked. Automobiles were smashed. And on certain days they
cleaned up tons of broken bottles and bricks and stones that were used
in an effort to forcibly prevent members, fellow members of the Ameri-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 355
C'lxn Federation of Labor, from going to work and fulfilling their con-
tracts with the studios.
Mr. Strii'Ling. Well, then, Mr. Brewer, wouldn't the National Labor
Relations Board have jurisdiction in a matter of this kind ?
Mr. Bhea\t:r. Well, that I think, perhaps, is a legal question.
Mv. Stiupling. In otlier words, did any phase of the jurisdictional
strikes come Avithin the purview of the National Labor Relations
Board?
Mr. Brewer. Yes. As a matter of fact, the 1945 strike was called
at a time when the National Labor Relations Board was conducting a
hearing into the very question about which the strike was presumably
called. That was the question of representation of the set decorators
in the studios. Tlie hearing had started, on a Monday previously, and
the hearing had gone for 1 week. The Conference of Studio Unions
had placed their side of the story into the record. The hearing had
recessed and was to take up the following Monday, when the lATSE
was to liave had its opportunity to present its case.
On the Monday morning of March 12, the strike was called.
Mr. Stripling. Who presided in that hearing of the National Labor
Relations Board?
Mr. Brewer. At that particular hearing I can't say, Mr, Stripling.
I didn't attend them because I was busy with the activities in connec-
tion with the strike.
Mr. Stripling. Well, did the National Labor Relations Board suc-
ceed in any way in alleviating the situation directly ?
Mr. Brewer. Actually, the National Labor Relations Board did
eventually hand down a decision and held an election. The election
was held and the Conference of Studio Unions won the election by
a rather small margin. But that did not end the strike.
Mr. Stripling. Why didn't it end the strike ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, by that time all of these other unions were out
in support of them. They were making demands. The situation had
become so comj^licated that new issues had entered into it, and the
strike continued on for several months after the results of the election
were made known.
Now. there is a great deal more that I would like to say about this
violence.
The strike in 1945 was settled. But in 1946, on September 26, the-
mass picket lines were taken up right where they left off at Warner
Brothers in 1945. The violence that took place in the 1946 strike was
equal in intensity to that which existed in 1945.
We were a little more used to that sort of thing by 1946. I have
here — which I will leave with the committee — a complete report of
the personal injuries of our members and members of other A. F. of L.
unions in the 1946 strike.
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer
Mr. Brewt:r. Some 300 in number.
The Chairman. ]\Iay I ask a question right here? Would you say
definitely that this violence was due to the Communist influence in
those unions and the Communist influence on the picket lines?
Mr. Brewer. I will say definitely, Mr. Chairman, that had it not
been for the Communist activities in the motion-picture studio unions,
there would have been no strikes. And the violence — as I said, there
356 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
is an official report here whicli said that much of the violence was the
direct result of Communist infiltration.
The Chairman. Well, from your own opinion, would you say that
the violence on the picket lines was due to the Communists on the
picket lines?
Mr. Brew' ER. ]\Iuch of it ; yes.
The Chairman. Well, what do you mean by "much"? Do you
mean 25 percent or 75 percent, or
Mr. Brewer. Well, the picket-line activities were organized and di-
rected by Herbert K. Sorrell — all of them. He was the leader.
The Chairman. Who, in your opinion, is a Communist?
Mr. Brewer. Who, in my opinion, is a Communist. And in the
organization of all of the activities he was assisted by men who, in
my opinion, are Communists and are still active in the Hollywood
studio situation.
The Chairman. We will just suspend for a few minutes. Mr.
Stripling, come up here, please.
(Hearing suspends.)
The Chairman. Mr. Vail, do you have any questions?
Mr. Vail. Mr. Chairman, I have before me the statement that Mr.
Brewer sought to introduce at the beginning of his testimony this
morning, and it impresses me as being relevant, comprehensive, and
informative and of value to the intent and purpose of this committee.
It is my suggestion that the witness be permitted to read that statement.
The Chairman. I have looked over the statement. The statement
is pertinent. And Mr. McDowell agrees. You go ahead and read
the statement at this time.
Mr. Brewer. In response to your subpena, I welcome the oppor-
tunity to present to this committee the evidence which I have of
Communist infiltration into the Hollywood studio unions. I am
sure that tlije 30,000 employees now working in the Hollyw^ood studios,
of which our union represents approximately one-half, are fully con-
scious of the responsibility w^hich the committee has in this matter.
The story of Communist infiltration and intrigue which this com-
mittee is revealing to the American people is not new to us. We have
been resisting it for more than 10 years. I shall present evidence
which I think will conclusively establish the fact that there is, and
there has been, a real Communist plot to capture our union in Holly-
wood, as a part of the Communist plan to control the motion-picture
industry as a whole. The plan came dangerously close to success. I
am happy to say that thus far it has failed.
The plan, as we see it, was for Communist forces, led by Mr. Jeff
Kibre, Communist agent sent to Hollywood in 1935, and his successor,
Herbert K. Sorrell, to infiltrate and control Hollywood technical
labor, while other Communist forces led by Mr. John Howard Lawson,
whose activities have been effectively described here, were to infiltrate
and control the talent guilds and so-called cultural groups in the
industry. At the appropriate time these two forces were to be joined
in one over-all industrial union set-up under complete Communist
domination. Our international union, the lATSE, found itself as
the one real effective force standing in the way of this program.
Having failed to control our organization in Hollywood, the Com-
munists found it necessary to seek to destroy it. Fomenting and ag-
gravating jurisdictional irritations existing in the trade-union struc-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 357
ture in the studios, the Communists in 1944, 1945, 1946, and 1947
engineered and maintained a running series of jurisdictional strikes
against our union. The real urpose of these strikes was the weaken-
ing and ultimate destruction of the lATSE, which was the recognized
bulwark against Communist seizure of the studio unions.
Had those strikes been successful, and the lATSE been defeated,
we are sure that the few remaining forces of resistance would have
easily succumbed to the unbelivable effective machine which the Com-
munist movement had built in southern California in 1944. With a
Connnunist-controlled union representing all Holyw^oocl technical labor
supporting a Screen Writers Guild, through which only pro-Com-
munist writers could get into the industry, we believe that the screen
would have been effectively captured, notwithstanding the good inten-
tions of the producers of motion pictures.
Wliile tliis Communist plan has been defeated thus far, we have
not been successful in this fight without tremendous effort on the part
of the real A. F. of L. unions in the studios and a tremendous sacrifice
on the part of many of our members. Hollywood workers have fought
valiantly to prevent their unions from becoming an adjunct of Soviet
foreign policy. Hundreds have suffered personal injuries. Homes
have been bombed, automobiles destroyed, and children threatened.
Intimidation and coercion have cause many to live for weeks in terror.
Some may say that the Hollywood story is a figment of a motion-
picture make-believe; but to our members in the Hollywood unions,
it is very real indeed. To them it has meant the pitting of workers
against workers, brother rgainst brother; yes — and even husband
against wife. Thus have the Communists sought to justify their
slogan that the end justifies the means.
The trend of the time has aided our cause. Important persons in
the industry who a few years ago greeted our story as too fantastic to
believe, are now looking at it with recognition and concern. But
we know from expei-ience that the Communists will not give up —
the prize is too great. We hope, therefore, that with the help of the
committee, the Communist menace in the motion-picture industry may
be successfully destroyed, to the end that Hollywood labor may be
spared in the future the strife and turmoil of the immediate past.
We shall continue to fight, to expose, and to remove the Communist
menace from our trade-unions, so that, in keeping with our American
system, our labor organizations may continue to be free, clean, progres-
sive, patriotic, and democratic, with continued improvement of work-
ing conditions and maintenance of adequate security for the many
thousands of employees in this gTeat American industry.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
]Mr. McDowell. Mr. Brewer, were you here when Mr. Trumbo tes-
tified ?
Mr. Brew^er. Yes: I was.
Mr. McDowell. You observed him when he refused to testify?
Mr. Brewt.r. Yes; I did.
Mr. IMcDowELL. Did you observe his actions when he was asked if
he belonged to the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Brewer. I did.
Mr. McDowell. Would it offend you if I, or if any other person,
would ask you if you belong to a labor union ?
Mr. Brewer. It certainly would not.
358 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. Well, do you know of any other American member
of a labor union, of which there are millions and millions in this
country, who would be offended or who would conclude that some
right was being violated if that were asked ?
Mr. Brewer. I see no reason at all why today a man should deny
his membership in an American trade-union — none at all.
Mr. McDowell. You have become out there in recent years a very
vigorous and well-known fighter against communism. It has been
almost the 100-percent experience of every person who is opposed to
communism, who has come before this committee or in any other
way, to have been smeared in some fashion. Has that happened to
you?
Mr. Brewer. I should say so. I have been smeared as a Fascist
and a reactionary and a company union official, and everything elsa
Mr. McDowell. A tool of the producers ?
Mr. Brewer. A tool, yes — tool of the employers and associated with
reactionaries — about anything else that could be said along that line
has been said about me.
Mr. McDowell. Have you been called a religious bigot or an anti-
religious person, or whatever happened to fit at the moment ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, not effectively. There have been a couple of
times when rumors have been circulated, but I think they were pretty
effectively squelched.
Mr. McDowell. Have your personal morals been attacked by these
people?
Mr. Brewer. I don't think they have; not to my knowledge.
Mr. McDowell. Well, you have missed something. [Laughter.]
Have they disturbed your comfort — the comfort of your home life
at all ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, as a matter or fact, there was one period during
the activities in this situation when my home was guarded for a period
of about 6 or 8 weeks. I had a guard every night. As a matter of
fact, I received a threatening phone call and was told that if I didn't
change my position with respect to one of our own unions that had
come under the domination of the Communists, I wouldn't have any
home. I put a guard around the home that night. At 3 o'clock that
morning there was a suspicious car stop; and an unarmed officer whom
we had employed stepped out to the car, and they left. From that
time on, for a period of some 8 weeks, my home was guarded. I have
a wife and two children who I felt needed that protection.
Mr. McDowELT.. Well, Mr. Brewer, do you suppose if you had none
before these people and began to scream that this is the way Hitler
started things, and your constitutional rights were being subject to
illegal pressure, and so forth, that would have stopped everything?
You would have been free from then on ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, I found that unless you have a pretty good or-
ganization behind you, no one can hear your screams over the screams
that have preceded you.
Mr. McDowELTv. In other words, about the only way to protect
yourself out there was with a club, wasn't it ?
Mr. Brewer. Well, yes. We had to have protection from the activi-
ties which were carried on, as the evidence shows. As a matter of
fact, there is without a question of a doubt an underground smear
organization in the motion-picture studios that works very effectively.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 359
It is understandable, if you analyze how they work. They will pick
up some particular phase of some story which they want to amplify
and distort. Sometimes it's a story such as one that was circulated
about me — that I had been run out of the city of Omaha for selling
out to workers. That story appeared all of a sudden all over Holly-
wood, and it was, I am sure, as the result of a preconceived and clearly
executed plan. That is just one example of the many which we have
been able to detect in their activities.
Mr. McDowell. Thank you. You have been a good witness.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixg,. I have no more questions at this time. I understand
that the witness is to be recalled, Mr. Chairman ?
The Chairman. The witness will be recalled some time this after-
noon. So, would you stand by, Mr. Brewer ?
Mr. Stripling. There are several matters that I would like to put
in the record, which you asked for.
The Chairman. Oo ahead.
Mr. Stripling. On Jack Statchel, Mr. Chairman — he is a member
of the National Committee of the Communist Party. He is national
director of the trade-union division of the Communist Party. At the
Communist Party convention held January 30, 1936, in Cleveland,
he made a report on the trade-union work at the convention. He lias
also been a member of the New York State Trade Union Commission
of the Communist Party. He is a very well-known Communist figure.
Now, Mr. Chairman, this morning, when Mr. Trumbo appeared
before the committee. I failed to put into the record the subpena which
called, for his appearance. I would like at this time to make the
record clear on this point.^''
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Also to include therein two telegrams which were
sent to ISIr. Trumbo in connection with his appearance here.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The subpena and telegrams are as follows:)
Washington, D. C, October 13, 19Jf7.
Dalton Trimbo,
Care of Metro-Goldwyn-ifayer, Culver City, Calif.:
In resjK'iise to the subpena served upon you summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, in Washington, D. C. on October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on
October 27 instead of October 23, at the hour of 10 : 30, room 226, Old House Office
Building.
J. Paenell Thomas, Chairman.
Committee on Un-J.merican Activities,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C, October 11, 1947.
Mr. Dalton Trumbo,
1217 North Kings Road, Los Angeles, Calif., or
Lazy T Ranch, Stauffer. Ventura County, Calif.:
In response to tlie sui)p9na served upon yon summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, in Washington. D. C, October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on
October 27 instead of October 23, at the hour of 10: 30 a. m., room 226, Old House
Office Building.
J. Parnei.i. Thomas, Chairman.
** See appendix, p. .540. for exhibits 68-70.
360 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
(Original— 32080, vol. 58, p. 421)
By autJwrity of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America.
To RoBEBT E. Clark, United States Marshal:
You are hereby commanded to summon Dalton Trumbo to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Honorable J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chairman, in their chambers in the city of Washington, on October 23, 1947, at
the hour of 10:30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said
committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States in the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
John Andrews, Clerk.
The Chairman. The meeting will stand in recess until 2 o'clock
this afternoon.
(Whereupon, at 12 : 30 p. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m. of
the same day.)
Attest : J. Parnell Thomas.
STATEMENT OF PAUL V. McNUTT
AFTER RECESS
The committee reconvened at 2 p. m., pursuant to the recess.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
Mr. McNuTT. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully request permission to
bring a matter to the attention of your committee.
The Chairman. And will you please identify yourself for the
record ?
Mr. McNuTT. I am Paul V. McNutt. I am here as counsel for the
Motion Picture Association and the Association of Motion Picture
Producers.
The Chairman. You may proceed.
Mr. McNuTT. Yesterday afternoon
The Chairman. Just a minute. AVhat do you have, a long state-
ment ?
Mr. McNuTT. No ; it is not a long statement.
The Chairman. May I see the statement ?
(The statement was handed to the chairman.)
The Chairman. Just show a copy to Mr. Stripling, please.
Mr. McNuTT. I have only the two copies.
Mr. Stripling. I will give it back to you.
Mr. McNuTT. All right, Mr. Stripling.
(A copy of the statement was handed to Mr. Stripling.)
The Chairman. Sit down, please, Mr. McNutt.
(After a pause:)
The Chairman. Mr. McNutt, we will be pleased to have you read
this statement.
Mr. McNutt. Do you wish me to sit down ?
The Chairman. No; it makes no difference whether you sit down
or stand up, but I would like to know, the coimnittee would like to
know, first, who you are now speaking for.
Mr. McNuTT. I am speaking for the Motion Picture Association of
America and the Association of Motion Picture Producers.
The Chairman. And will you please tell the committee who are
members of the Motion Picture Association of America ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 361
Mr. MoNuTT. I am perfectly willing to put into the record the list.
The CiiAiRMAX. No. You tell the committee. You represent
them.
Mr. McNuTT. I represent all of the larger motion-picture pro-
ducers.
The Chairman. Who are they ? Name them, please.
Mr. McNuTT. Warner Brothers, there is M-G-M, there is Fox— it
goes on down the line.
The CiiAiRMAX. I see.
Mr. McNuTT. And I should like to put in the record, with the chair-
man's permission, all of those.
The Chairman. Can you name any more?
Mr. McNuTT. Yes; 1 can go on down the line. Let me have the
complete list.
The Chairman. No. You represent them,
Mr. McNuTT. That is right but, as a matter of fact, there are some
60 names on 1.
The Chairman, Can you remember four or five more?
]\Ir. McNuTT. Yes.
The Chairman. Name them, please.
]Mr. McNuTT. I have named AYarner Brothers, M-G-M, Twentieth
Century-Fox; the Universal is on that list, the Warner Bros. Studio;
there are practically all of tlie larger studios.
Tlie Chairman. All right. You proceed.
Mr, McNuTT. I have not memorized the members.
The Chairman. I see,
Mr. Stripling. Mr. McNutt, do you represent Charlie Chaplin?'
Mr. McNuTT. I do not.
Mr. Stripling. You do not ?
Mr. McNuTT, He is not a member of either association.
The Chairman. And do you represent these witnesses that we have
had here these last 2 days ?
Mr. McNuTT. I do not, Mr. Chairman,
The Chairman. But you do represent Mr. Warner?
Mr, McNuTT. Mr. Warner's organization is a member of the asso-
ciation.
The Chairman. And you represent Mr. Mayer ?
Mr. McNuTT. Mr, Mayer's company is a member of the association.
The Chairman. And they know about this statement that you are
going to read?
Mr. McNuTT, They do, R-K-0 is another member of the associ-
ation.
The Chairman. Let me ask you this
]\Ir. ISIcNuTT. Yes,
The Chairman. Do Mr. Warner and Mr. Mayer personally know
about this statement?
Mr. McNuTT. Mr. Mayer does.
The Chairman. Mr, Warner does not know about it ?
Mr, McNuTT. Not that I know of.
The Chairman. You may proceed.
Mr. McNuTT. Yesterday afternoon the organizations I represent
were accused of having tried to stifle this inquiry. This charge was
made against us without proof and on the basis of insinuation and
innuendo.
362 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This is a charge which does grave damage to our industry and seri-
ously reflects on the personal integrity, loyalty, and patriotism of in-
dividuals associated with it.
We cannot stand by and allow these vicious charges to go unchal-
lenged before the public.
In the chairman's own words, we were accused of trying to get the
committee to "lay off" the investigation.
I quote the chairman:
We had some very prominent persons in this country who, either through
you —
addressing Mr. Eric Johnston —
or someone you are associated with, contacted and got in touch with us and
asked us to lay off or postpone it.
The chairman also said :
And then we have had others get in touch with some of our investigators who
tried all the tricks of the trade, to find ovit what we were going to do. One man
went so far as to — he didn't offer anything, but I want to tell you he gave all
the signs of an offer — all the signs of an offer.
Does the committee have any proof of these gratuitous insinuations?
We wiint to know. The public is entitled to know.
If the charges can't stand the light of day in open and aboveboard
discussion, they should not be made.
The committee has stated it intends to conduct a fair hearing and
give the American public all the facts. Insinuation and innuendo are
never fair and are not facts.
With respect to postponement of the hearings, I wish to quote from
11 press release issued by the chairman on September 19, 1947. The
chairman said :
The committee had originally hoped to begin this hearing on September 29.
However, a number of unfoi'eseen circumstances have arisen regarding the
membership of the committee which necessitates a delay until October 20, in
order that all members may be present for this important hearing.
Our position in that respect coincides precisely with that of the
chairman.
From the very beginning, we have wanted all members of this com-
mittee in presence at these hearings. The chairman did not over-
emphasize it when he said the importance of these hearings demanded
the presence of the full committee.
We wanted all members present to hear our story. We wanted them
present so that this investigation would be the investigation to end
all investigations of Hollywood by the committee.
At no time did we want to stifle the inquiry. The truth is we re-
peatedly asked for a full, fair, and conclusive hearing because we
want to see Communists exposed wherever they may be.
Yet at another point in yesterday's hearing, the chairman said
that—
It makes no difference whether you have got glamour girls out there or
whether you have got a lot of funds behind you or not, if there are Communists
in that industry we are going to expose them.
Statements and innuendoes of the kind made at yesterday's hearings
hardly becomes a committee of the Congress which has expressed
its intention to conduct a.fair and impartial hearing.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 363
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McNutt, the Chair appreciates your contri-
bution and the Chair will reply to you in a very full and detailed
manner.
Mr. McNuTT. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. In the meantime, however, the Chair would like
to make two inquiries of you.
Does your organization employ Mr. Cahill ^
Mr. McNuTT. It does.
The Chairman. Did you know that Mr. Cahill went down to our
committee chambers a number of times ?
Mr. McNuTT. I did.
The Chairman. And for what reason clid he go down there ?
Mr. McNuTT. To get whatever information the committee was will-
ing to offer us in order that we might be prepared.
The Chairman. Exactly; to get whatever information. You an-
swered it yourself.
Mr. McNuTT. Certainly.
The Chairman. And he didn't get any.
Mr. McNuTT. In order that we might be prepared, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I would like to ask you another question.
]\Ir. McNuTT. All right.
The Chairman. Do you know a Mr. Rosner who li.ves up here at
the Shoreham Hotel ?
Mr. McNuTT. I do not know Mr. Rosner.
The Chairman. Have you ever heard of Mr. Rosner?
Mr. McNuTT. I have heard something of him.
The Chairman. That is all ; thank you.
Mr. McNuTT. We have nothing to do with Mr. Rosner, if you want
to know the trutli about it.
The Chairman. All right.
Mr. McNuTT. Disclaim anything in that regard.
The Chairman, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. The next witnes, Mr. Chairman, will be Mr. Albert
Mahz.
The Chairman. Mr. Maltz, will you raise your right hand, please?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ?
Mr. Maltz. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF ALBERT MALTZ (ACCOMPANIED BY ROBERT W.
KENNY AND BARTLEY CRUM)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Maltz, will you state your full name and present
address for the record, please?
Mr. Maltz. My name is Albert Maltz. I live at 6526 Linden Hurst
Avenue. Los Angeles.
^Ir. Chairman, I would like the privilege of making a statement,
please.
The Chairman. Do you have a [jrepared statement?
Mr. Maltz. I have a prepared statement.
The Chairman. May we see it, please?
364 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Maltz. May I ask whether you asked Mr. Gerald L. K. Smith
to see his statement before you allowed him to read it?
The Chairman. I wasn't chairman at tliat time.
Mr. Maltz. Nevertheless you were on the committee, Mr. Thomas,
wei-e you not ?
The Chairman. I asked him a great many questions and he had a
hard time answering some of them, too.
Mr. Maltz. I am interested in that, but I still would like to know
whether he had his statement read before he was permitted to read it.
The Chairman. Well, we will look at yours.
Mr. Maltz. I gather that you don't want to answer my question,
Mr. Chairman.
(After a pause :)
The Chairman. Mr. Maltz, the committee is unanimous in per-
mitting you. to read the statement.
Mr. Maltz. Thank you.
I am an American and I believe there is no more proud word in
the vocabulary of man. I am a novelist and a screen writer and I
have produced a certain body of work in the past 15 years. As with
any other writer, what I have written has come from the total fabric
of my life — my birth in this land, our schools and games, our atmos-
phere of freedom, our tradition of inquiry, criticism, discussion,
tolerance. Whatever I am, America has made me. And I, in turn,
possess no loyalty as great as the one I have to this land, to tlie eco-
nomic and social welfare of its people, to the perpetuation and develop-
ment of its democractic way of life.
Now at the age of 39, I am commanded to appear before the House
Committee on Un-American Activities. For a full week this commit-
tee has encouraged an assortment of well-rehearsed witnesses to testify
that I and others are subversive and un-American. It has refused
us the opportunity that any pickpocket receives in a magistrate's
court — the right to cross-examine these witnesses, to refute their
testimony, to reveal their motives, their history, and who. exactly,
they are. Furthermore it grants these witnesses congressional im-
mimity so that we may not sue them for libel for their slanders.
I maintain that this is an evil and vicious procedure; that it is
legally unjust and morally indecent — and that it places in danger
every other American, since if the rights of any one citizen can be
invaded, then the constitutional guaranties of every other American
have been subverted and no one is any longer protected from official
tyranny.
What is it about me that this committee wishes to destroy? My
writings? Very well, let us refer to them.
My novel. The Cross and the Arrow, was issued in a special edition
of 140,000 copies by a wartime Government agency, the armed services
edition, for American servicemen . abroad.
My short stories have been reprinted in over 30 anthologies, by as
many American publishers — all subversive, no doubt.
My film. The Pride of the Marines, was premiered in 28 cities at
(hiadalcanal Day banquets imder the auspices of the United States
Marine C()rj)S.
Another film. Destination Tokyo, was j)remiered aboard a United
States submarine and was adopted by the Navy as an official training
film.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 365
My short film, The House I Live In, was given a special award by
the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences for its contribution
to racial tolerance.
My short story, The Happiest JSIan on Earth, won the li);>8 O. Henry
Meiuorial Award for the best American short story.
This, then, is the body of work for which this committee ur^es I be
blacldisted in the film industry — and tomorrow, if it has its way
in the publishine Kremlin in Moscow. The Daily
Woi'ker for February 10. 19.34. listed Albert IMaltz as a spr'aker at a John Reed
Club svmr>osium in New York City.
6. Other Communist individuals have been defended bv Albert Maltz on a
number of occasions. Mr. Maltz is a member of the Eisler Defense Committee,
■^ Rpp pp. l-'i2-157 for complptp tPxt.
»»See pp. 158-1 02 for complete text.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 373
which the Communists organized after Gerhart Eisler, an agent of llie Com-
munist International, was convicted in the United States courts of passport
fraud and contempt of Congress. Mr. Malt// affiliation with the organization
is recorded in a pamphlet of the conunittee, entitled "Eisler Hits Back," page
15. Mr. Maltz also signed an api)eal to the President under the auspices of the
Citizens Committee to Free Earl Browder, according to a leaflet of the organiza-
tion. Earl Browder is the former general secretary of the Communist Party in
the United States. The committee in his defense was cited as a Communist
organization by Attorney General Biddle (Congressional Record, September
24, 1942, p. 7687) and by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
on March 29, 1944. The New York Times for October 9, 1944, page 12, listed
Albert Maltz as a signer of an open letter sent to Governor Dewey of New York
by the Schappes Defense Committee. This committee worked for the release
of Morris U. Schappes, an avowed Communist teacher convicted of perjury in
New York City, and the committee was cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on ITn-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The Daily
Worker for December 19, 1940, page 5, listed Albert Maltz as one of the signers
of an appeal on behalf of Sam Darcy, a Comnuuiist organizer. Mr. Maltz' de-
fense of Harry Bridges has previously been referred to. Mr. Bridges led the
disastrous San Francisco general strike of 19.34 and was identified as a Com-
munist Party member by the Daily Worker itself.
7. Albert Maltz has been associated with many official Communist publica-
tions. He has written for the Daily Worker, as shown by the issues of the
publication for Deceml)er 16, 1933 ; September 17, 1934 : and December 21, 1935.
Mr. Maltz has al.so taken an interest in the Daily Worker s financial problems.
The publication on March 25, 1945, listed Mr. Maltz as a member of a com-
mittee "to sponsor support for the Daily Worker and The Worker" (the Sunday-
edition). The article stated under a headline reading "Leading citizens sponsor
financial aid for worker" that "The committee has a wide representation of
people who in their daily active work have come to accept the Daily Worker
and The Worker as indispensable journals of opinion and action." Similar
infoi'mation is carried in the Daily Worker for April 1, 1945.
8. New Masses is an official weekly magazine of the Communist Party. That
Albert Maltz has been a contributor to New Masses is proven by the issues of
tlie publication for December 15, 1936, page 37 ; January 26, 1937, page 25 ; and
August 17, 1937, page 16. The Western AVorker, an official Communist publica-
tion, announced on November 30, 1936, that Albert Maltz would be among the
contributors to New Masses when the New Masses' twenty-fifth anniversary
issue was put out on December 10, 1936. The Daily Worker for October 7, 1938,.
reported that an emergency meeting held for New Masses on the same day at
the Manhattan Opera House in New York City would include a speech by Albert
Maltz. The issue of New Masses for April 2, 1940. page 21, listed Albert Maltz
as one of the signers of a New Masses letter to the President. All)ert Maltz
served on the sponsoring committee of a morale meeting for Romain Rolland
The Chairman. Mr, Gaston, on what page are you now?
Mr. Gaston. Page 3.
The Chairman. Page 3 ?
Mr. Gaston. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. What is the number of the citation ?
Mr. Gaston. No. 8.
The Chairman. There are 58 citations all told ?
Mr. Gaston. That is correct, sir.
The Chairman. Unless the committee has some objection, we will
suspend further reading and place it in the record from this point on.
Mr. Gaston. All right, sir, fine.
(The document referred to is as follows:)
— which the New Classes held at Carnegie Hall in New York on March 30, 1945.
This was reported in the Daily Worker for March 14, 1945, and New Masses for
April 16, 1945.
9. New Currents is a weekly magazine in the Engli.sh language dealing with
Jewish matters. It has the official approval of the .lewish Commission of the
Communist Party and has been cited as a Communist organization by the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on September 2, 1947. The issue of New Cur-
374 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
rents for March 1944, page 2, lists Albert Miiltz as a member of the advisory
board of the magazine.
10. Mainstream is a literary magazine which has been prominently promoted
by the Communist press and which advertises itself in the Daily Worker as a
"Marxist literary quarterly." The Worker for September 22, 1946, lists Albert
Maltz as a member of the editorial board of Mainstream.
11. People's World is the official west coast organ of the Communist Pai'ty.
Albert Maltz was a speaker at a meeting entitled "Hollywood Forum" which was
.held in Los Angeles on April 9, 1946, under the auspices of the People's World,
according to the Daily Worker for April 15, 1946, page 11. The People's World
of July 26, 1944, reported that it would run a short-story contest between August
1, 1944, and February 1, 1945, and that Albert Maltz would be one of the judges
of the contest. The People's World for June 1, 1945, said it was running a short-
story contest and that Mr. Maltz was serving as a .ludge.
12. Among other associations with the Communist press. Albert Maltz is shown
to have served on tlie editorial council of Equality, according to issues of the
anagazine for July 1939, June 1940, and July 1940. Equality, which apiieared
from May 1939, until late 1940, consistently followed the Communist Party line
and its managing editor was Abraham Chapman who has been identified as
John Arnold, a member of the New York State Jewish Buro of the Communist
Party. Albert Maltz was one of the incorporators of Jewish Survey, according
to records of incorporation of New Y'^ork State. Jewish Survey, incorporated
in 1939 and dissolved on December 2, 1942, was run by writers for the Com-
munist press such as Louis Harap. Contributors included David Zaslavsky of
the Moscow Pravda and Max Perlow and Albert E. Kahn, well-known Com-
munist leaders. Mr. Maltz was a contributor to Laisve. official Communist pub-
lication in the Lithuanian language field, according to a copy of the paper for
May 28, 1941. Mr. Maltz also contributed to Neues Deutschland (New Germany),
official organ of the Free German Ct)mmittee of Mexico, which had its head-
quarters in Moscow and whicli consisted largely of Communist refugees like Otto
Katz and Paul Merker. He contributed to the January 1945 issue and the March
and April 1946 issues of Neues Deutschland. It should be noted that it is
standard practice for the Daily Worker and other Communist publicjitions to
accept only Communist Party members for official positions on the publications.
It need scarcely be observed that contributors to such publications are required
to follow the Communist Party line in their writings.
13. Official Communist publishing houses have published works by Albert
Maltz. Mr. Maltz is listed as one of the authors in an International Publishers
catalog, undated, and also in a catalog issued by the Workers Library Publishers
in 1938. International Publishers in 1935 published a book entitled "Proletarian
Literature in the United States" which included one of Albert Maltz' short
stories. The Daily Worker lor July 12, 1938, announced that International
Publishers was issuing a book of short stories by Mr. Maltz entitled "The Way
Things Are." The Department of Justice has cited International Publishers
as a "publishing agency of the Communist Party" (brief in the case of William
Schneiderman, p. 145). It has been similarly cited by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944.
14. Official Communist sources have frequently voiced approval of Albert Maltz'
writings. Communist International, the official organ of the Communist Inter-
national, on the back cover of its May 1938 issue advertised Mr. Maltz' book,
The Way Things Are, and described the book as "a book of stirring stories of the
class struggle in tlie United States." The official west coast Communist organ, the
People's World, on January 4, 1945, page 5, listed Mr. ]\Ialtz' book. The Cross
and the Arrow, as one of the 25 best books of 1944 and the reviewer stated that :
"With this novel Maltz earned a position among the leading figures in American
fiction today." The Progressive Book Shop, one of a Nation-wide chain of Com-
munist book shops, held a Meet the Author Party to publicize Maltz' book. The
Cross and the Arrow, according to the California Eagle for October 5, 1944.
Albert Maltz himself testified before the California Legislative Committee on
Un-American Activities on October 13. 1!44, that the I'l-ogrcssive Book Shop
had sponsored an autographing party for this book of his. The Cross and the
Arrow was made a selection of the Book Find Club, according to Plain Talk for
May 1947, page 28. The Book Find Club is a Communist version of the book-of-
the-month clubs and promotes the writings of authors symi)athetic to the Com-
■munist viewpoint. The Abraham Lincoln School, Chicago, has been cited as a
Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March
29, 1944, and has been refused support by the American Federation of Labor in
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 375
Chicago on the grounds of "oommunistlc affiliations." The Daily Worker for
April L'l. ]94(), announced that a literary criticism seminar of the Abraham
Lincoln School would be held for the purpose of giving writers, critics, and others
interested in evaluating the Marxist criticism of literature an opportunity to
discuss the works of Albert Maltz and others.
15. The Los Angeles Workers' School was a Communist school directed by
Eva Shafran, a Communist organizer; La Rue McCormick, who was a Com-
munist candidate for California State senator, served on the board of directors
of the school. Albert Maltz was a lecturer at the school during its spring and
summer sessions in 1943, according to official pamphlets of the school and also
the issues of the People's World for April 16, 1943, page 5 ; April 23, 1948, page
5; May 7, 1943, page 5; May 13, 1943, page 5; May 21, 1943, page o ; and July
14. 1943, page 3.
If). The People's Educational Center started in Los Angeles in the fall of
1943, is the successor to the Los Angeles Workers' School. It was cited as a
Communist-front organization by the California State Legislative Committee
on I^n-Anierican Activities and records show that the center's staff and faculty
include nnmercjus card-holding members of the Communist Party, such as Carl
Wintprs. Eva Shafran, Mildred Raskin, and Bruce Minton. The People's World
for December 2, 1943, reported that the People's Educational Association, the
sponsoring organization for the People's Educational Center, met during the
previous week in the Hotel Hollywood in Los Angeles and that one of the persons
repre.senting the association at the meeting was Albert Maltz. The same article
said Mr. Maltz urged the association to establish a Hollywood branch of the
People's Educational Center and offered for the use of such a branch the
League of American Writers School at 1717 North Vine Street. The Labor Herald
for June 1. 1945, announced that a bimonthly forum by the People's Educational
Center was scheduled to begin on June 10, 1945, with Albert Maltz leading a
discussion on What To Do With Germany.
17. The Workers Book Shop, 50 East Thirteenth Street, New York City, is head-
quarters of a chain of Communist bookshops, which are the official outlets for
Communist literature and at which tickets for Communist Party and front
functions customarily are sold. The New York Workers Book Shop put out
a pamphlet in 1938 "entitled "Very Urgent," which requested money for the
Workers Book Shop mural fund. Albert INIaltz was listed in the pamphlet as
one of the active sponsors.
18. Albert Maltz has been affiliated with numerous organizations which spe-
cialize in the defense of Communists. The International Labor Defense has
been described as the legal arm of the Communist Party by Attorney General
Biddle and has been cited for its Communist character by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities. Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Free-
dom, Massachusetts House Committee on Un-American Activities, and the Cali-
fornia Committee on Un-American Activities. Equal Justice was a publica-
tion of the International Labor Defense. Albert Maltz was one of the signers
of an open letter to Attorney General Biddle which appeared in Equal Justice
for the spring of 1942.
19. The National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, M'hich specialized in
defending Communists also, was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and ^larch 29. 1944. Attor-
ney General BicTdle also cited the organization, pointing out that it had defended
such prominent Communists as Sam Darcy and Robert Wood, party secretaries
for Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, respectively. An official program leaflet
listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors of the Conference on Constitutional Lib-
erties in America, which was held in Washington, D. C, June 7 through 9, 1940,
and out of which grew the organization, the National Federation for Consti-
tutional Liberties. Albert INIaltz was listed as a sponsor of the National Fed-
eration for Constitutional Liberties on a letterhead of the organization dated
Noveml)er fi. 1940. Mr. Maltz has also signed appeals in behalf of the Communist
Party and individual Communists under the auspices of the National Federation
for ConsHtutional Liberties, according to the Daily Worker for December 19,
1940, page 5, and July 19, 1942. page 4.
20. The Greater New York Emergency Conference on Inalienable Rights was a
Communist-front organization specializing in the defense of Communists and
closely interlocked with the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties.
The Inalienable Rights Conference was cited for its Communist character by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29. 1944. and by Prof.
John Dewev's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The New Leader
376 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
for February 8, 1941, reports that Albert Maltz was on the "Call" of the Inalien-
able Rights Conference to keep the Communist Party on the State ballot in
New York.
21. The Civil Rights Congress is th<^ successor of the International Labor
Defense, legal arm of the Commimist Party. The House Committee on Un-
American Activities, in a report on September 2, 1947, described the Civil
Rights Congress as "dedicated not to the broader issues of civil liberties, but
specifically to the defense of individual Communists and the Communist Party."
This congress is now defending such persons as Gerhart Eisler. agent of the
Communist International, convicted of passport fraud, and Eugene Dennis, Com-
munist Party general secretary convicted of contempt of Congress. A letterhead
dated May 11, 1946, shows that Albert Maltz is a public sponsor of an organization
entitled "Veterans Against Discrimination of Civil Rights Congress of New
York," whicli is an acknowledged part of the Civil Rights Congress.
22. The Committee for Citizenship Rights was avowedly organized to oppose
the threatened revocation of citizenship of William Schneiderman, Communist
Party organizer, according to a letter of the organization dated January 10, 1942.
It was cited as a Communist-front oi'ganization by the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities on IMarch 29, 1944. The same letter referred to above
listed Albert Maltz as an endorser of the Committee for Citizenship Rights.
23. The American Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born, which also
specializes in defending Communists, was cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and March 29,
1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April
1940. An undated leaflet of the organization shows that Albert Maltz served on
the board of directors of the American Committee for Protection of the Foreign
Born. The organization defended such foreign-born Communists as Gerhart
Eisler and Harry Bridges.
24. The National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners and the
National Committee for People's Rights were cited as Communist fronts by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942. and March
29, 1944. Attorney General Biddle (in the Congressional Record, September 24,
1942, page 7686) stated that the "National Committee for the Defense of Political
Prisoners is substantially equivalent to International Labor Defense, legal arm
of the Communist Party" ; he also pointed out that the organization had defended
such Communists as Earl Browder and Angelo Herndon. "In January, 1938,"
the Attorney General stated further, "its (National Committee for the Defense of
Poliical Prison'r^;) name was changed to the National Committee for People's
Rights." Albert Maltz was a member of the National Committee for the Defense
of Political Prisoners, according to a list submitted by Joseph S. Gelders. the
organization's southern re])resentative, in testifving before the La Follette
committee in Washington, D. C, on January 14, 1937. The National Committee
for People's Rights listed Albert Maltz as one of the members of its national
committee who was eligible for election to its executive committee, according
to a mimeographed announcement put out by the organization in November 1941.
25. International Workers Order is a fraternal organization which Attorney
General Biddle cited as "one of the strongest Communist organizations." (Con-
gressional Record, September 24, 1942, page 7688). It was also cited as sub-
versive by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3, 1940,
and June 25, 1942, by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in
April, 1940, and by the California Committee on Un-American Activities in 1943.
New Masses for August 27, 1940, page 21, listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors
of a plays-for-children contest, sponsored by the junior section of the International
Workers Order.
26. Albert Maltz has shown an active interest in the Soviet Union. The
People's World, of March 11, 1943, carried a picture of Mr. Maltz and described
him as a famous American writer who had sent the following telegram to the
editors of National Defense, a literary magazine in Moscow : "Please use my
literary royalties for the defense of the Soviet Union. Greetings. Albm-t IMaltz."
The article reflects that royalties were due Maltz in Moscow for several works.
27. The Daily Worker for January 18, 1943, has an article entitled "Writers of
the World Meet in the Page of a Soviet Magazine," which points out that Soviet
readers are obtaining literature of American writers through a monthly magazine
published by the State Literary Publishing House and that one of the American
writers who have had articles published in that magazine is Albert Maltz.
28. The Daily Worker for April 28, 1938, page 4, reflects that Albert Maltz was
a signer of a statement by the American Progressives Defending the Moscow
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 377
Trials, which was the usual name affixed to a series of trials then being held in
the Soviet Union for numerous opponents of Dictator Stalin. It has been estab-
lislicd tliiit these trials liad for their aim the jjurging of all political enemies of
Joseph Stalin.
29. Soviet Russia Today was the official monthly publication of the Friends
of the Soviet Union, a predecessor of the National Council of American-Soviet
Friendship. The magazine was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944. The
issue of Soviet Russia Today for September 1941, page 30, carried the name of
Albert Maltz as author of a statement in support of the Soviet Union. The Daily
Worker for September 3, 1941, in an article entitled, "Soviet Victory Vital to
Preserve Cultural Heritage, Basic Economic Values," i-eported that Albert Maltz
was one of a number of persons whose statements expressing their solidarity
with the Soviet Union would be published in the magazine, Soviet Russia Today.
30. The National Council of American-Soviet Friendship was cited as a Com-
munist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29,
1944. The People's World for October 23, 1943, page 3, stated that Albert Maltz
was a member of the Hollywood Motion Picture Committee of the National Coun-
cil of American-Soviet Friendship.
31. The American Russian Institute, which was founded in 1926 as an alleged
clearing house for "factual" information on the Soviet Union, was cited as a
Communist front by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in a report
of June 12, 1947. A program put out by the American Russian Institute announces
a premier showing of Turning Point, a Soviet film, on January 3, 1947, at the
Sunset Theater in Hollywood and also announces that Albert Maltz would take
part in a panel discussion following the film showing.
32. Many Communist front organizations which supported Soviet foreign policy
have been backed by Albert 'Maltz. The American League Against War and
Fascism was active in support of Soviet foreign policy against the democracies
between 1932 and 1937. It has been cited by Attorney General Biddle as an or-
ganization seeking "to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy
adapted to the interests of the Soviet Union." (Congressional Rword, September
24, 1942.) The Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited this organiza-
tion as subversive on January 3, 1940, and March 29, 1944. The League was dedi-
cated to an openly treasonous program. Albei't Maltz has contributed to Fight,
a publication put out by the executive committee of the American League Against
War and Fascism, according to an issue of Fight for November, 1933, pages 8 and 9.
33. After the Stalin-Hitler pact was signed in 1939, the Communists established
the American Peace Mobilization, which opposed lend lea.se, aid to Britain, the
defense program, and picketed the White House. It also supported a number of
strikes in defense industries. The organization was cited as a Communist front
by Attorney General Biddle, by the Special Connnittee on Un-American Activities
and by the California Committee on Un-American Activities. An official program
listed Albert Maltz as a sponsor of a meeting held by the American Peace Mobili-
zation in New York City on April 5 and (i, 1941.
34. Among the Communist fronts that sprang up when the Soviet Union and
the United States were allies in a war against fascism was the Artists' Front to
Win the War. which made its debut at a mass meeting at Carnegie Hall in New
York City on October 16, 1942. The organization was cited as a Communist front
by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The
official program of the Artists' Front to AVin the War meeting at Carnegie Hall
listed Albert Maltz as one of the spon-sors. The meeting supported the then
current Comnnniist line calling for a second front.
35. Thp Win the Peace Conference was held in Washington. D. C, from April
5 to 7. 1946. to attack American foreign policy. It was repudiated by a number
of noted sponsors and was cited as a Communist front by the House Committee
on Un-American Activities on June 12, 1947, and September 2, 1947. The confer-
ence resulted in the formation of an organization called the National Committee
to Win the Peace. Alliert Maltz was a sponsor of the Win the Peace Conference,
according to an article in the Baltimore Sunday Sun for March 31, 1946. Thus,
Mr. Maltz has thus publicly avowed his allegiance to the line of the Communist
Party during four distinctly divergent periods.
36. At the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International, held in
Moscow in 1935, George Dimitroff, general secretary, called upon all affiliated
Communist Parties to make the greatest efforts in behalf of the campaign of the
Spani.sh Communists who wei'e active in Spain's civil war. Among the projects
organized by the American Conmiunists in response to this request was the
Theater Committee for Defense of the Spanish Republic.
378 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
37. Communists efforts in belialf of Spanish Communists continued after tlie
civil war ended in 1939. Among tliese later organizations was the Veterans of
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade which was cited for its Communist character by
tlie Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by
Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Abra-
ham Lincoln Brigade was composed largely of Americans lighting on tlie side of
the Loyalists in Spain's civil war. Earl Browder, former general secretary of
the Communist I'arty in the United States, testified before the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities that most of the members of the brigade were Com-
munists. The Daily Worker for Fel)ruary 21, 1940, listed Albert Maltz as one
of tlie signers of a protest to the President, which was sponsored by the Veterans
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. An advertisement sponsored by the Veterans
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and calling for a break in American relations
with Spain, appeared both in the Los Angeles Daily News for May 10, 1945. and
the New York Times for March 3, 1945, page 8. The advertisement listed Albert
Maltz as one of the sponsors. Albert Maltz is also listed as a sponsor on a
letterhead of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, dated December 28,
1946 ; the letter referred to announces the opening sale of tickets for a perform-
ance to be held at the Belasco Theater in New York on January 19, 1947, to raise
funds for Republican Spain. A press release issued by the Veterans of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade in June 1947 and requesting United Nations action on
Franco's regime in Spain is signed by a number of sponsors, including Albert
Maltz.
38. A similar organization is the American Committee for Spani.sh Freedom,
which was avowedly organized in July 1944, to fight for legislation ending Ameri-
can diplomatic relations with Spain and supplying American military aid for a
Spanish revolution. Among the well known Communists in the leadership of the
organization was Allan Chase, secretary, who is a former Connnunist Party
political candidate. The organization has worked closely with the Veterans of
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. A letterhead of the American Committee for
Spanish Freedom, dated January 21, 1946, lists Albert Maltz as one of the organ-
ization's sponsors. In an undated letterhead of the Los Angeles chapter of the
American Committee for Spanish Freedom, put out in 1945, the name of Albert
Maltz again appears.
39. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, which has worked in coopera-
tion with the Spanish-aid front organizations of the Communists, is engaged in
providing transportation and support for international Communist agents such
as Gerhart Eisler. who was recently convicted of passport fraud. The organiza-
tion was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on March 29, 1944. It was also cited for contempt of Congress on
April 16. 1946. and its leaders were convicted in a Federal court on June 27, 1947.
The Daily Worker for August 12, 1943, sets forth the announcement from Dr.
Edward A. Bar.sky, chairman of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, that a
scroll of greeting's to Spanish refugees freed from concentration camp;^ in north
Africa had been signed by 200 Americans. The list of names includes that of
Albert Maltz. A letterhead, dated February 26, 1946, reflects that Albert Maltz
served as a national sponsor of the Spanish Refugee Appeal which was organized
by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee to further its purpos-^ of n^d'ng
international Communist agents.
40. The American Committee for Yugoslav Relief is close'y assoointed w^'i tl^e
American Slav Congress, which was cited as a Communist front by the House
Committee on Un-American Activities on June 12, 1947. The American Com-
mittee for Yugoslav Relief is headed by Zlatko Balokovic, who is vice president
of the American-Slav Cong,ress. with headquarters in Moscow, and who lectured
on the happiness of the Yugoslav people under communism after a trip to that
country. An article in the Downtown Shopping News of Los Angeles for Febru-
ary 13. 1945. listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors of the Los Angeles American
Committee for Yugoslav Relief.
41. The League of American Writers was an affiliate of the International Union
of R'^volutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, and the league was
pledged to thp defense of the Soviet Union and the use of "art as an instrument
of the class struggle." The league was cited as a Communist front by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3. 1940. June 25. 1942, and
March 29, 1944. Attorney General Biddle said that "the overt activities of the
League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its Communist
control" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 7686). The league was
founded at a Congress of American Revolutionary Writers held April 26 through
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 379
28, 1935, in New York City. The record shows that Albert Miiltz was one of the
founders of tlie League of American Writers.
(a) Albert Maltz was a member of the executive committee of the first writers'
congress wliich resulted in the formation of the League of American Writers in
1935, according to the California Committee on Un-American Activities (1945
report, p. 126).
(b) The Bureau of Corporations, Department of State of New York, indicates
that at the time of the formal incorporation of the League of American Writers
on July 13, 1939, one of the original directors to act until tlie lirst annual meeting
was Albert Maltz, whose address was given as 3905 Forty-fourth Street, Sunny-
side, Long Island, N. Y.
(c) Albert Maltz presented a reading of The Working Class Theatre at the
tirst writers" congress in 1935, according to the Daily Worker for April 29, 1935,
pages 1 and 2.
{d) Albert Maltz was described as "among the most popular authors in the
Soviet Union today" by the president of the League of American Writers at the
opening of the Third American Writers Congress, according to volume 6, No. 1,
of the league's organ. The Bulletin. Albert Maltz was one of the signers of the
Call for the Third American Writers Congress which was held by the League
of American Wirters on June 2, 3, and 4, 1939, according to the magazine. Direc-
tion, for May-June, lf'39, page 1. The official progi'am of the Third Writers
Congress showed that Mr. Maltz also served as cochairman of the arrangements
committee on the drama.
(e) The Daily Worker for March 14, 1941, in an article headed "Writers'
league plans summer conference," stated that the League of American Writers
had completed plans for the tirst White Mountain Writers Conference, August 18
to September 2, at Jefferson, N. H., and that Albert Maltz would be included
among the lecturers. The New Masses for April 8, 1941, page 26, carried the same
information about Mi\ Maltz.
(/) The People's World, oflicial west coast Communist newspaper, on June 13,
1941, announced that Albert Maltz had been chosen vice president of the League
of 'American Writers at the fourth congress of the organization, held in New
York, June G through 8, 1941. Mr. Maltz was also listed as a vice president of the
organization in New Masses, June 17, 1941, page 9; Daily Worker, September 14,
1942, page 7 ; and People's World, September 23, 1942, page 5. The writers' con-
gress in June of 1941 adopted a firm antiwar stand, according to the Daily
Worker for June 9, 1941. This was still during the period of the Stalin-Hitler
pact, and part of the Communist Party line.
{g) The People's World for June 28, 1941, carried an article entitled, "Writers
Hear Soviet War Against Nazis Lauded," which described the sixth semiannual
meeting of the Hollywood branch of the League of American Writers. Albert
Maltz and others made speeches lauding the Soviet Union. The Nazis had
turned against Russia since the fourth writers' congress and the policies of the
League of American Writers were switched accordingly. This is further borne
out by the Daily Worker of July 24, 1941, which tells how the League of American
Writers, of which Maltz is vice president, pledged "full aid to Britain and Soviet
Union" and the Daily Worker of December 10, 1941, which tells how the league,
in which Maltz is again listed as vice president, has offered the service of its
members in the war against the Axis.
(70 The People's World for. June 24, 1942, described a writers' workshop con-
ference held by the League of American Writers. The article listed Albert
Maltz as a sponsor of the conference and said resolutions adopted by the con-
ference included support for the Communist Harry Bridges and a request for
immediate opening of a second front in Europe.
(/) The Daily AVorker for September 29, 1942, in an article entitled "Writers
Defend Minority Rights," reports that the League of American Writers had made
public a text of a telegram requesting a Democratic candidate for Governor in
the State of New York to state his position on attacks by the American Legion
on the electoral rights of the Communist Party. Albert Maltz' name is again
carried as an ofticer of the league.
(;■) Albert Maltz was listed as president of the west coast chapter of the
League of American Writers in a pamphlet advertising courses for the fall term
(1943) of the League of American Writers' School for Writers. Maltz wrote
the foreword to the pamphlet.
(fc) An undated bulletin of the League of American Writers listed Albert
Maltz as a member of the national board of the organization.
380 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
(I) Albert Maltz himself, in testimony before the California Committee on
Un-American Activities on October 13, 1944, admitted that he had been and still
was national vice president of the Leasne of American Writers, although the
organization, he said, was not functioning at the time of his testimony. He also
admitted that he was president of the Hollywood chapter of the League of
American Writers.
42. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization was the name given to the Holly-
wood League of American Writers after the League of American Writers could
no longer conceal its Communist domination. The original pledge of the league
to defend the Soviet Union and to use "art as an instrument of the class strug-
gle" is now the basis upon which the policies of the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion are founded. The issiie of Variety for July 10, 1944, listed Albert Maltz as
one of the speakers at a meeting of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, held
July 7, 1944; at this meeting the "Mobilization agreed to serve as a story depart-
ment for the Overseas Film Branch of OWI. The Guild Bulletin, oflicial organ
of the Screen Writers Guild, in its issue No. 71, dated October 1, 1944, page 5,
announced that Albert Maltz was one of the Hollywood Writers Mobilization
members writing scripts for OWI. Variety for October 18, 1944, said that Albert
Maltz would serve on a special research committee which the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization was setting up to investigate whether the California Committee
on Un-American Activities had ignored mandates of the legislature. Albert
Maltz personally testified that he was a member of the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization wiien he appeared before the California Committee on Un-American
Activities on October 13, 1944.
43. The New Theatre was the official monthly magazine of the League of
AVorkers Theatres, a section of the International Union of Revolutionary Theatre,
with headquarters in Moscow. The league was used to present Communist
propaganda plays and to raise funds for Communist purposes ; it was succeeded
in January 1935 by the New Theatre League, which had similar aims. The
magazine, New Thtiatre, was cited as a Communist front by the Special Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. The New Theatre League
was cited for its Communist character by the Special Committee on Un-Amer-
ican Activities on March 29. 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for
Cultural Freedom in April 1940. In the January 1936 issue of New Theatre,
the statement, "We are proud that among those who have associated themselves
with us in the creation of the New Theatre are :" is followed by a list of names
including that of Albert Maltz. The New Theatre League, in a press release
dated November 8, 1935, stated that Albert Maltz had been awarded first place
in a play contest for a one-act antiwar or "anti-Fascist" play, sponsored by
the New Theatre League and the American League Against War and Fascism
(which organization has been referred to above). Mr. Maltz' prize-winning
play was entitled "Private Hicks." This play was praised in the Daily Worker
for February 7, 1939, page 7, which stated that Private Hicks owed its start
to the New Theatre League. The Daily Worker for January 8, 193G, page 3,
reported that the New Theatre League was producing The Black Pit, written
by Albert Maltz. The New Theatre of Philadelphia, in an announcement dis-
tributed by that organization during a Paul Robeson concert at the Philadelphia
Academy of INIusic on March 7, 1941, stated that tlie theater organization would
produce Zero Hour, written by Albert Maltz and George Sklar. The Daily
Worker for June 10, 1938, page 7, listed Albert Maltz as a guest at a meeting
of the New Theatre League. Mr. Maltz has contributed to New Theatre mag-
azine, according to the issue for May 1935. page S.
44. The Theatre Union was one of the affiliates of the League of Workers
Theatres, which in turn was tied to the Moscow-directed International Union
of the Revolutionary Theatre. Theatre, Union reflected the current line of the
Communist Party in its propaganda and was used to raise funds for Communist
purposes. A leaflet of the organization listed Albert Maltz as a member of
the executive board of the Theatre Union.
45. Frontiei- Films produced and distributed pro-Communist films, including
a film on the Connnunist-led strike at the Allis-Chalmers plant in Milwaukee.
The organization was headed by the following contributors to the Communist
press: Kyle Crichton, alias Robert Forsythe ; Irving Lerner; Clifford Odets ;
Edwin Rolfe, and George Seldes. It was cited for its Communist character by
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by
Prof. John Dewey's Committee for Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Daily
Worker for April 6, 1937, page 9, listed Albert Maltz as a staff member of
Frontier Films.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 381
46. Actors Laboratory was a training school for actors in Hollywood whose
officers have lengthy records of Communist-front activity as evidenced in at-
tached reports; such officers include Roman Bolnien, cliairman ; Larry Parks,
treasurer; Morris Carnevsky, Jules Dassin, Edward Dmytryk, members of the
executive board. Tlie organization coopei-ated with the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization which has been described above. The issue of Variety for August
K), 1044, carried an advei'tisement regarding the Actors Laboratory which was
endorsed by 30 individuals, incUiding Albert Maltz.
47. Tlie independent Cirizens Conuuittee uf the Arts, Sciences, and Professions
has been charged with being Connnunist dominated by Harold Ickes and other
liberals who previously had supported it. It was cited as a Communist front by
the n()us(> Connnittee on Un-American Activities on September 2, 1047. A leaflet
put out by tlie organization in 1045 listed Albert Maltz as one of the sponsors of
the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions. New
Masses for Marcli 13, 104.j, states that the magazine. Independent, is an organ of
the Independent Citizens Committee and that Albert Maltz is one of the con-
tributing editors to the publication.
48. The Independent Citizens Connnittee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions
split after Harold Ickes and other liberals condemned the organization as Com-
numist-dominated. The pro-Communist section, after the split, formed the Pro-
gressive Citizens of America. The Progressive Citizens of America was cited as a
Connnunist front by the House Committee on Un-American Activities in a report
of June 12, 1947. Tlie Daily Worker for May 16, 1947. page 11, announced that
the manuscript of Albert Maltz's novel. The Cross and tlie Arrow, would be
auctioned off on May IS, 1947, at the Hotel Brevoort in New York City for the
benefit of the literary division of the Progressive Citizens of America. The Daily
Worker of July ;">, 1047, page 11, published a photo of Albert Maltz with the
announcement that Mr. Maltz would participate in a conference to be held July
9 through 13, 1947, in the Beverly Hills Hotel, Hollywood, under the auspices of
the Hollywood Arts. Sciences, and Professions Council of the I'rogressive Citizens
of America. The Daily Worker for July 31, 1947, page 11, reprinted part of a
speech which the newspaper said Albert Maltz had given "recently" in Los Angeles
at a meeting under the auspices of the I'rogressive Citizens of America.
49. The American Committee of Jewish Writers, Artists, and Scientists, Inc.,
was a smaller, more .specialized version of the Independent Citizens Committee
of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which has been previously referred to.
The American Committee of Jewish Writers, Artists, and Scientists, Inc., was
affiliated with the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee of the Soviet Union and it also
published a magazine, New Currents, which had the approval of the Jewish
Commission of the Communist Party. The I'eople's World for June 29, 1944,
announced that a Hollywood chapter of the American Committee of Jewish
Writers, Artists, and Scientists was being organized and that Albert Maltz was
among the members of the organizing committee. Albert Maltz was listed as a
member of the advisory board of New Currents, in the December 1944 issue of
the publication.
50. The Jewish People's Fraternal Order is an affiliate of the International
Workers' Order, a Communist-front organization previously referred to. The
Jewish I'eople's Fraternal Order is headed by Albert E. Kahn, one of the leaders
of the Communist Party in New York. The People's World for September 14,
194.", carried an advertis'^'ment announcing that a rally would be held on Septem-
ber IT), 194.5, at the Embassy Auditorium in Los Angeles under the auspices of the
Jewish People's Fraternal Order, 257 South Spring Street, Los Angeles. Albei't
Maltz was announced as one of the speakers. The People's World for September
5, 1947, page 5, listed Albert INIaltz as one of the participants in a program spon-
sored by the Jewish People's Fraternal Order to be held September 7. 1947. at
the Philharmonic Auditorium in Los Angeles.
51. The American Youth for Democracy is the official successor of the Young
Comnnuiisf League. It has been the subject of a report by the House Committee
on Un-Am'M-ican Activities which described its character in detail. Its "sinister
purposes" have been denounced by the director of the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation (Congressional Record, Mar. 24, 1947, p. A1298). The P(>ople's World,
for Deceml)er 1, 1944, reflects that Albert Maltz is a sponsor of the American
Youtli for Democracy. A lettei- of the organization announcing a. meeting for
October 21, 1945, in Los Angeles shows that Alltert Maltz was one of the sponsors
of the meeting. A leaflet announcing a dinner to be held under the auspices of
the American Youth for Democracy on December 16, 1945, at the Ambassador
67083 — 47 2.5
382 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Hotel ill Los Angelos records the name of Albert Maltz as a member of the dinner
committee.
52. The National Committee Against Censorship of tiie Theater Arts was
formed when the introduction of Communist propaganda themes in Federal
theater projects aroused considerable i)ubiic criticism and an investigation in
Congress. The National Conmiittee defended such Connnunist propaganda. Rep-
resented in the organization were the Communist Party and the International
Labor Defense, the Communist Party's legal arm. Albert Maltz was a member ot
the National Committee Against Censorship of the Theater Arts, according to the
pamphlet entitled, "Censored"
5o. liook and .Magazine Guild was a local of the Communist-dominated United
Office and Professional Workers of America, operating in the book and magazine
field. The Book and Magazine Guild interceded in behalf of Morris U. Schappes,
an avowed Comnumist teacher convicted of perjury in New York, according to the
Daily Worker for September 23. 1941, page 3. A pamphlet put out by the Book
and Magazine Guild. 28!) Fourth Avenue, New York City, dated winter 1940, and
entitled, "Courses for Publishing Employes," listed a course. The Writer and
Oi'ganization, given by Albert Maltz.
54. Albert Maltz is a member of the Screen Writers Guild, according to the
sworn testimony of Enunett Laver.v, guild ijresident, before the California Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities (1047 report, p. 283). The Screen Writers
Guild participated in the Hollywood Writers Mobilization, an organization pre-
viously referred to. John Howard Lawson, identified by the Daily Worker for
August 23, 1937, page 7, as a Communist Party member, is a leading figure in
the Screen Writers Guild.
55. The National Council for Public Morale was headed by Arthur Upham
Pope, the official American biographer of the Soviet leader, Maxim Litvinoff;
Pope also is the recipient of archeological concessions from the Soviet Union.
The Washington Post for May 24, 1943, states that Arthur Upham Pope of the
National Council for Public Moi-ale had made public an open letter to the Presi-
dent requesting war on Finland. Albert Maltz was reported as one of the signers
of the open letter.
56. The People's Institute of Applied Religion has been described by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities as a Communist effort to gain a
foothold in the South by exitloiting the well-known religious attachments of that
section of the country. The organization is headed by Claude C. Williams, who
the Daily Worker has reported was discharged from the church on charges of
communism in 1934. An undated letterhead of the People's Institute of Applied
Religion, with headuarters in Birmingham, Ala., lists the name of Albert'Maltz
among its sponsors.
57. The Daily Worker for August 25, 1947, page 11, described with acclaim
the filming of the new movie. Naked City, at that time on location in New York
City; the newspaper listed Albert Maltz as one of the writers of the screen
play for the movie.
58. Albert Maltz' writings in the Daily Worker have also reflected his faith-
fulness to the Communist Party line. In the Daily Worker for December 1(5,
1933, page 7, Mr. Maltz and playwright George Sklar, with whom Mr. Maltz has
collaborated in writing plays, are the joint authors of an article entitled "The
Need for a Workers Theater." The article calls the existing Broadway theater
"a sterile theater'' and states :
"It's time we had a theater which will reflect the fact that we're living in a
certain type of society, a societ,y gripped by the most severe economic crisis
that capitalism has known." The article pointed out that the professional
bourgeois theater would become more and more a theater of escape as "the
class struggle deei)ens." It then goes on to say : "This is not so in the Soviet
Union. W^e see there an interest in the art of the theater such as the world
has never known before. We see a theatrical center in evei'.y city, in every
factory, in every village. Why? Because the Soviet theater is imt a theater of
the privileged class but the theater of a whole countr.v, of a wiiole people. And
it is a vital theater because it belongs to those who are building a new society
and not to those who are clinging to a dead one. The future of the theater
in America lies in the creation of a workers' theater.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripliiic;, the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Alvah Bessie.
The Chairman. Mr. Bessie, will you raise your right hand, please?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 383
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
, the truth, the Avhole truth, iuul nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Bessie. I do.
TESTIMONY OF ALVAH BESSIE
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
Mr. Bessie. Mr. Chairman, I also have a statement I would like to
read to this committee if you would like to examine it, or would you
prefer to have me read it ^
The Chairman. We will be pleased to examine it. First, I think
Mr. Stripling ought to identify the witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Bessie, will you state your full name and present
address for the record, please ?
Mr. Bessie. My name is Alvah Bessie and I live at 369 South Cres-
cent Drive, Beverly Hills, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Bessie ?
Mr. Bessie. I was born in New York City on June 4, 1904.
Mr. Stripling. Are you here before the committee in response to
a subpena which was served upon you on September 18, calling for
your appearance before the committee on October 23 ?
Mr. Bessie. I am.
Mr. Striplixg. Did you receive a telegram dated October 11,
addressed to you, Mr. Alvah Bessie, 369 South Crescent Drive, Beverly
Hills, Calif., which read as follows :
In response to the subpena served upon you summoning you to appear before
the Committee on Un-American Activities, United States House of Representa-
tives, Washington, D. C, on October 23, you are hereby directed to appear on
October 27, instead of October 23. at the hour of 10:30 a. m., room 226, Old House
Office Building, Washington, D. C.
Signed, "J. Parnell Thomas, chairman."
Mr. Bessie. I did.
Mr. Stripling. You are here in response to the subpena and the
summons *^^
Mr. Bessie. I am.
Mr. Stripling. In the form of a telegram from the chairman?
Mr. Bessie. I would like to ask about my statement at this point.
May I be permitted to read the statement ?
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Bessie; the committee is con-
sidering the statement.
Mr. Kenney. Do you have a copy of it ?
]\[r. Bessie. I have another copy of it.
The Chairman. Mr. Bessie, while there is some doubt that your
statement is pertinent to the inquiry, as will be very evident when you
read it
Mr. Bessie. I would still like to have permission to read it.
The Chairman. Just a minute. Nevertheless, the committee is
willing that you read the statement. We are just wondering, in order
to save time, if you couldn't read the first couple of paragraphs and
then let us put it in the record at this point, just as we did with the
record of Mr. Maltz.
Mr. Bessie. In accordance with your request, I will read the first
two paragraphs and the last two,
"^ See apiieiulix, p. 541, for exhibits 73 and 74.
384 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. That is fine. Thank you very much. Proceed.
Mr. Bessie. It is my understanding of the first amendment to our
Constitution that it expressly forbids Congress to pass any law which
shall abridge freedom of speech or of opinion. And it is my under-
standing of the f miction of congressional committees that they are set
up by the Congress for the express purpose of inquiring into matter
that may lead to the initiation of legislation in the Congress.
Now either the Constitution and its Bill of Rights mean what they
say or they do not mean what they say. Either the first amendment
is binding upon Congress and all legislative bodies of our Government,
or it means nothing at all. I cannot agree with this so-called com-
mittee in its implied belief that the Bill of Rights means whatever this
body chooses it to mean, or is applicable only to those with whose
opinions this committee is in agreement.
Those are the first two paragraphs. Now, the last two paragraphs.
In calling me from my home this body hopes also to rake over the
smoldering embers of the war that was fought in Spain from 1938 to
1939. This body, in all its previous manifestations, is on record as
believing that support of the Spanish Republic was and is subversive,
un-American, and Communist-inspired. That lie was originally
spawned by Hitler and Franco, and the majority of the American
people — in fact, the majority of the people of the world — never be-
lieved it. And I want it on the record at this point that I not only
supported the Spanish Republic but that it was my high privilege and
the greatest honor I have ever enjoyed to have been a volunteer sol-
dier in the ranks of its International Brigades throughout 1938. And
I shall continue to support the Spanish Republic until the Spanish
people in their majesty and power remove Francisco Franco and all
his supporters and reestablish the legal government Franco and his
Nazi and Italian Fascist soldiers overthrew.
The understanding that led me to fight in Spain for that republic,
and my experience in that war, teach me that this committee is en-
gaged in precisely the identical activities engaged in by un-Spanish
committees, un-German committees, and un-Italian committees which
preceded it in every country which eventually succumbed to fascism.
I will never aid or abet such a committee in its patent attempt to foster
the sort of intimidation and terror that is the inevitable precursor of
a Fascist regime. And I therefore restate my conviction that this
body has no legal authority to pry into the mind or activities of any
American who believes, as I do, in the Constitution, and who is will-
ing at any time to fight to preserve it— as I fought to preserve it m
Spain. . , ^ . .
The Chairman. And now, Mr. Bessie, m accordance with our agree-
ment, the whole statement will be placed in the record.
Mr. Bessie. Thank you.
(The statement is as follows:)
Statement of Alvah Bessie to the House Committee on Un-Amekican
Activities
It is mv understanding of tlie first amendment to our Constitution that it
expressly forbids Congress to pass any law which shall abridge freedom of speech
or of opinion. And it is my understanding of the function of congressional com-
mittees that they are set up by the Congress for the express purpose of inquiring
into matter that may lead to "the initiation of legislation iu the Congress.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 385
Now either the Constitution and its Bill of Rights mean what they say or they
do not mean what they say. Either the first amendment is binding upon Con-
gress and all legislative bodies of our Government or it means nothing at all.
I can.not agree with this so-called committee in its implied belief that the Bill
of Rights mt'ans whatever this body chooses it to mean, or it is applicable only
to those with whose opinions and activities this committee is in agreement.
1 am not in agreement witli the opinions, activities, or objectives of this com-
mittee or any committee remotely resembling it. And since the only legisla-
tion this committee could possibly initiate would automatically abridge freedom
of speech and opinion, and would therefore be automatically unconstitutional, I
have come to the conclusion, that will eventually be borne out by events, that this
body is totally unconstitutional and without power to inciuire into anything I
think, believe, uphold, and cherish, or anything I have ever written or said, or
any organization I have ever joined or failed to join.
As a one-time newspaperman I have been deeply interested in the mounting
reaction of disapproval by the press of the Nation of the activities of this com-
mittee. When tlie conservative New York Herald Tribune can say "* * * the
beliefs of men and women who write for the screen are, like the beliefs of any
ordinary men or women, everybody's business but their own, as the Bill of Rights
mentions. Neither Mr. Thomas nor the Congress in which he sits is empowered
to dictate what Americans shall think * * *" ; and when the Washington Post
can state that this "* * * supercolossal Hollywood investigation is [intended]
to intimidate and coerce the industry into an even more rigid acceptance of Mr.
Thomas' concepts of Americanism * * *" ; and when the Chicago Times can
say, "'Of course, the real object of Chairman Thomas and the reactionary Repub-
lican majority of the House Un-American Activities Committee is not primarily
to uncover subversive infli^ences in Hollywood. It is to smear New Dealers and
whatever their progressive successors may be called * * *" — then it is not
difficult tor any intelligent person to realize that if this investigation is permitted
to achieve its inuuediate objective, it will not hesitate to move on from the motion-
picture industry it has emasculated, to the tlirottling of the press, the radio, the
theater, and the book publishers of America. We saw this imttern at work before,
in Hitler's Germany, and we understand it thoroughly. The true purpose of this
Committee on Un-American Activities is to provide the atmosphere and to act as
the spearhead for the really un-American forces preparing a Fascist America.
In calling me from my home this body hopes also to rake over the smoldering
embers of the war that was fought in Spain in 1938 to 1930. This body in all
its previous manifestations is on record as believing that support of the Spanish
Republic was and is subversive, un-American, and Communist-inspired. That lie
was originally spawned by Hitler and Franco, and the majority of the American
people — in fact, the majority of the people of the world — never believed it. And
I want it on the record at tliis point that I not only supported the Spanish Republic
but that it was my liigh privilege and the greatest honor I have ever enjoyed to
have been a volunteer soldier in tlie ranks of its International Brigades through-
out 1938. And I .shall continue to support the Spanish Republic until the Spanish
people in the majesty and power remove Francisco Franco and all his supporters
and reestablish the legal government Franco and his Nazi and Italian Fascist
soldiers overthrew.
The understanding that led me to fight in Spain for that republic, and my
experience in that war, teach me that this conunittee is engaged in i^recisely the
identical activities engaged in by un-Spanish committees, un-German committees,
and un-Italian committees which preceded it in every country whicli eventually
succumbed to fascism. I will never aid or abet such a committee in its patent
attempt to foster the sort of intimidation and teri-or that is the inevitable pre-
cursor of a Fascist regime. And I therefore restate my conviction that this body
has no legal authority to pry into the mind or activities of any American who
believes, as I do. in the Constitution, and who is willing at any time to fight to
©reserve it — as I fought to preserve it in Spain.
The Chairm.vn. Mr. Striplino;.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Bessie, I am going to address certain questions
to you and I liope you will give me a responsive answer.
Mr. Bessie. I will do my best.
Mr. Striplixg. "\'Vliat is your occupation?
Mr. Bessie. I am a writer.
386 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Have you ever been employed in the motion-picture
industry?
Mr, Bessie. I have been employed on and off in the mot ion -picture
industry since January 1943.
Mr, Stkipi.ixg. Are you a member of the Screen Writers" Guild?
Mr, Bessie, This is the same sort of a question that was asked of
other witnesses. It involves a question of my association.
Mr. Stripling. Do you refuse to answer the question?
Mr. Bessie. I have not refused to answer the question, but I must
answer the question in the only way in which I know how, and that is,
that I believe that such a question violates my right of association and
is not properly falling — I do not believe it falls properly within the
scope of this committee's inquiry,
Mr. Stripling, We will move on to the $64 question, Mr. Bessie.
Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Bessie. Mr. Stripling and gentlemen of the committee, unless
it has been changed since yesterday in our country, we have a secret
ballot; and I do not believe this committee has any more right to in-
quire into my political affiliations than I believe an election official
has the right to go into the voting booth and examine the ballot which
has been marked by the voter. General Eisenhower himself has
refused to reveal his political affiliations, and what is good enough
for General Eisenhower is good enough for me.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Bessie, this committee has officially found that
the Conmiunist Party in the United States is not a political party
but is, in fact, the agent of a foreign government. I will ask you
again : Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr, Bessie. Mr. Stripling, if you did not understand the answer
to my question
Mr. Stripling. I understood your answer.
Mr. Bessie. I suggest you have the secretary read it back to j'ou,
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Bessie, there have been charges made before
this committee that you are a Communist. I didn't notice anywhere
in your statement that you denied that charge. You are now being
given an opportunity to deny whether or not you are a member of
the Communist Party. You have not answered whether or not you
are a member of the Communist Party.
Mr, Bessie, In the statement which you were kind enough to permit
me to read, I stated I stand on the Bill of Rights on this issue ; and
I think either the Bill of Rights means something or it doesn't; and
if it doesn't mean anything, it is news to me, and I think it would
be great news to the majority of the American people.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I ask you to direct the witness to
answer the question whether or not he is now or has ever been a mem-
ber of the Communist Party, which is the essence of this entire matter.
The Chairman. Mr. Bessie, in order to save a lot of time, we would
like to know whether you are or have ever been a member of the Com-
munist Party. We would like a very frank answer. You can an-
swer it "yes" or "no" ; or if you don't care to answer it, just say so.
Mr. Bessie. Mr. Thomas, with whatever respect is due this com-
mittee, I now state I have given you my answer to this question. I
have not attempted to evade the question. I have given you the
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 387
answer to the questions, accordino; to my understanding: of what pro-
tections are offered tlie American people, and I object violently to the
procedure this connnittee engages in. in an attempt to make people
state what they think, believe, with whom they associate, whom they
go to dinner with, or what have you.
The Chairman. The only part of your answer I can remember is
that part about General Eisenhower; and I don't think that is a
Mr. Bessie. May I ask if you would have General Eisenhower here
and ask him
Mr. Stripling. Just a minute.
The Chairman. Just a minute.
IVIi'. Bessie. And ask him whether he is a member of the Kepublican
or Democratic Party.
The Chairman. I don't think that was a responsive answer to the
question. What we are attempting to do — wdiat this committee of
Congress is attempting to do — is to ascertain the extent of Com-
munist infiltration in the moving-picture industry.
Mr. Bessie. I don't believe that that is what this committee is try-
ing to do.
The Chairman. Just a minute
Mr. Bessie. I believe what this committee is trying to do
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Bessie. Is to do exactly the same thing
The Chairman. I am tellmg you what the committee is trying to
do. We know exactly what the committee is trying to do.
Mr. Bessie. I have my own opinion of it.
The Chairman. That is all right; you can have any opinion you
want.
]Mr. Bessie. Thank you.
The Chairman. The committee would like to know now whether
you have ever been a member of the Communist Party or whether
you are a member of the Communist Party now?
Mr. Bessie. I have given you several answers to that question, and
that is the best I can do for you, Mr, Chairman.
The Chairman. Then do you
Mr. Bessie. Because I believe you are violating my rights as an
American citizen.
The Chairman. So you refuse?
Mr. Bessie. I am not refusing. I have told you that is the answer
I have given j^ou. The answer is now recorded several times. I
don't believe you have the right to ask this question of anybody.
The Chairman. It is very apparent you are following the same
line of these other witnesses.
Mr. Bessie. I am following no line
The Chairman (continuing). Which is definitely the Communist
line.
Mr. Bessie. I am using my own head, which I am f)rivileged to do.
The Chairman. You are excused. If you want to make a speech,
go out here under a big tree.
JSIr. Bessie. Thank you. [Laughter.]
The Chairman (])ounding gavel). May we have order, please.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling, before you start, I just want to make one observa-
tion for the committee. I am very definite in this, to. It is my
388 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
belief that if General Eisenhower were a witness before this com-
mittee and he was asked the question, "Are you a member of the
Communist Party ^" he would not only be very responsive to the
question, but he would be absolutely insulted, and solely for this
reason : A great man like General Eisenhower would not ever think
or dream or stoop to ever being a low-down Communist. Go ahead.
[Loud applause.]
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Chairman, again I will ask Mr, Russell to take
the stand.
Mr. Russell, you have been sworn and you have been identified as
an investigator for this committee?
Mr. Russell, Yes, sir,
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. EUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Were you detailed to make an investigation to de-
termine whether or not Alvah Bessie was ever at any time a member
of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. What did your investigation disclose?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation I secured in-
formation relating to the registration card of Alvah Bessie in the
Communist Party of the United States. I have a photostatic copy
of the registration card of Alvah Bessie in the Communist Party of
the United States, which bears the number "47279" and which con-
tains the notation, "1944, card No. 46836."
It contains the name "Alvah Bessie," His address is given as "4653
Coldwater Canyon; city, Hollywood; county, Los Angeles; State,
California."
It contains a notation, "New card issued on December 10, 1944."
The description of Alvah Bessie is given as follows: "Male; white;
occupation, writer ; industry, motion pictures." The question is then
asked : "Member of CIO, A. F. of L., independent union, or no union?"
"Independent union" is checked.
The question on the bottom of the card, "Is member club subscriber
for Daily Worker?" Above that notation "Daily Worker" there is
contained in ink the notation, "P. W.," meaning the "Peoples World."
The answer "Yes" is checked.*'-
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, we have here a memorandum prepared by the in-
vestigative and research staff of the Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities dealing with the Communist affiliations of Alvah Bessie. It
is contained on 7 pages and lists 32 separate affiliations.
With the Chair's permission, I will ask Mr. Mandel, director of
research, to read this memorandum. Is that agreeable to the Chair?
The Chairman. Yes, sir.
Mr. Mandel (reading) :
Information From the Files of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
United States House of Representatives, on the Communist Affiliations of
Alvah Bessie
Aecoi'dins to the Motion Picture Almanac, Alvali Bessie is credited with the
writing of the following motion pictures : Northern Pursuit, Warner Bros., 1943 ;
*- See appendix, p. 541,, for exhibit 75.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 389
The Very Thouglit of Yon, Warner Bros., 1944 ; Hotel Berlin, Warner Bros., 1945 ;
and Objective Burma, Warner Bros., 1945.
1. According to the records of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
Alvah Bessie is one of the leading contributors to the Communist publica-
tions in the United States.
Ht! has been connected witli New Masses, a weekly publication of the Com-
munist Party, as contributing editor, since 1937. During this period he has
contributed over 85 articles. As a standard Communist rule, such officials of
the Communist press are required to be members of the party.
2. The People's World of O'ctoljer 11, 1939, which is the official Communist
organ of the west coast of the United States, devotes an article in praise of the
writings of Alvah Bessie. The People's World of August 26, 1943, lists Alvah
Bessie as a speaker at a benetit given nnder the auspices of People's World.
3. In the September 22, 1942, issue of the Weekly Review, a publication of the
Young Communist League, Alvah Bessie is listed as an instructor at the Workers
School in New York City. The Workers School was established by the Communist
Party of the United States. Alvah Bessie has also been an instructor at the
People's Educational Center (People's World, January 11, 1944, p. 5).
4. Alvah Bessie, according to the November 16, 1943, issue of People's World,
was a speaker at a West Side Los Angeles rally sponsored by the International
Workers Order. The International Workers Order, a Communist-front organiza-
tion, has been cited as such by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
on .January 3, 1940, June. 25, 1943, and May 29, 1946.
In addition to this citation, it was cited by the House Committee on Appropria-
tions, in a report dated April 21, 1943, and by special legislative committees of
the States of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and California.
Former Attorney General Francis Biddle, in his listing of Communist-front
organizations, which appeared in tlie Congressional Record of September 24, 1943,
characterized the International Workers Order as "one of the strongest Com-
munist organizations." The People's World of November 10, 1942, lists Alvah
Bessie as the coauthor of a pamphlet issued by the International Workers Order
in connection with its front-line fighter's campaign.
5. Alvah Bessie was a contributor to the July and September 1937 and January
1938 issues of the magazine Fight, which magazine was the official publication
of the American League Against War and Fascism. The American League
Against War and Fascism was active in the period 1932 to 1937 in behalf of the
Soviet foreign policy. It proclaimed an openly treasonable program.
It was cited as subversive by the Special Committee on un-American Activities
on January 3, 1940, March 29, 1944, and May 29, 1946. Former Attorney General
Francis Biddle cited this organiaztion as established in the United States in an
effort to create public sentiment on behalf of a foreign policy adapted to the
interests of the Soviet Union.
6. Alvah Bessie was also the sponsor of the organization known as the Artists'
Front to Win the War (the official program, October 16, 1942). While in 1942 all
Americans wei-e interested in winning the war, the Artists' Front to Win the
War echoed the demand of the Communist Party of the United States for the
express purpose of placing pressui'e upon the military leaders in this country
by a demand for an immediate opening of a second front in Europe at a time
when Russia was suffering military reversals. The Artists' Front to Win the
War was sponsored by the same persons who, during the Stalin-Hitler pact, were
referring to the United States as a war-mongering nation and demanding the
discontinuance of America's lease-lend program, which was designed to aid Great
Britain in its struggle against Nazi Germany.
7. Alvah Bessie was a sponsor and consistent supporter of the League of
American Writers (New Masses, April 22, 1941, and June 17, 1941 ; Daily Worker,
September 14, 1942; and People's World, September 23, 1942). The League of
American Writers, which was an affiliate of the International Union of Revolu-
tionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, was pledged to the defense of the
Soviet Union and "use of art as an instnunent of the class struggle." The Special
Committee on Un-American Activities has cited this organization as a Communist
front in reports of January 3. 1940, June 25. 1942, and March 29, 1944. Former
Attorney General Fi-ancis Biddle in his characterization of this organization
stated "the overt activities of the League of American Writers in the last 2 years
leave little doubt of its Communist control" (Congressional Record, September 24,
1942, p. 7686).
8. Alvah Bessie has openly avowed himself in support of the Soviet L'nion.
He has also contributed articles to the magazine Soviet Russia Today, which
390 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
magazine is. devoted to tlie interests of the Soviet Union (September 1937, p. 6;
October 1941, p. 30 ; .lanuary 1942, p. 29 ; and Fel)ruar.v 1942, p. 29) .
9. Karl Krowder, former head of the rommnnist Party of the United States, in
testifying before tlie Special Committee on Un-American Activities, stated tliat
the Communist Party formed certain of its members — certain of its members —
The Chairman. Mr. Mandel, liow far have 3^011 "one now?
Mr. Maxdi-x. I am now on point 9 and tliere are 32 points in all. I
am on pa^^e 2 and there are seven pa^es in all.
The Chairman. All right, the Chair will rule that further reading
be dispensed with and the material consisting of 5 more pages and
37 citations be placed in the record at this point.
(The material referred to above is as follows :)
into a fighting force known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade for participation
in the Spanish force known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade for participation in
the Spanish Civil War. This effort was initiated at tlie Seventh Congress of the
Communist International in the summer of 193.5. Alvah Bessie was a staff officer
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade and fought in Spain as an ally of other Com-
munist units which were supporting the loyalist cause (People's World of De-
cember 30, 1942; files of the Committee on Un-American Activities).
10. Alvah Bessie was a member of the advisory board of the periodical New
Currents (March 1944) and a member of the editorial staff of the publication
Mainstream (winter 1947). Both these publications were organized by leading
Communists and supported by the Communist press.
11. The Daily Worker for December 12, 1938, carries an article entitled
"Unions Will Form Guai'd of Honor" concerning the arrival of 1.50 veterans
of the Lincoln Brigade. Alvah Bessie was listed as a commissar in the returning
group.
The Daily Worl^er for December 14, 1938 also carries an article concerning
the returning veterans of the Lincoln Brigade entitled "Huge Parade Will
Greet Boys at Ship." Returning veterans are listed according to State, and the
name Alvah Bessie is listed under the State of New York.
12. The Daily Worker for January 11, 1941 carries an article on page 7
entitled "Bells Toll for Hemingway at Vets' Symposium." This article stated
that a number of the veterans of the Spanish Civil War, being angered at the
picture of tlie Spanish Civil War presented by Ernest Hemingway in his
latest book. For Whom the Bell Tolls, had announced their intention of speaking
from the floor at a symposium of the book which was to be held at 50 East
Thirteenth Street (the headquarters of the Communist Party U. S. A.) under
the auspices of the Workers School. Alvah Bessie, sergeant adjutant of the
Lincoln Battalion and well-known short-story writer and novelist was listed
as one of the speakers.
13. A leaflet which was distributed in the Los Angeles area disclosed that a
meeting sponsored by the American Committee for Siwnish Freedom and by the
Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade was to be held at the Embassy Audi-
torium, 843 South Grand Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. On June 10, 194(i, Alvah
Bessie undertook to act as chairman of this meeting, introducing first Russell
Nixon, described as a former professor of Harvard University and am economist
of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Woi-ker.s of America, CIO, a
Comnumist-controlled union.
14. The Daily Worker for September 29, 1946, on page 3 carries a photograph
of Gen. Karol Swierczewski, of Soviet-controlled Poland, pictui'ed with Ameri-
cans whom he decorated with the Dombrowski Medal at the national convention
of the Veterans of the Abf'abam Lincoln Brigade. Bart van der Schelling
accepted the award for Alvah Bessie.
15. The publication Volunteer for Liberty for November 1940 in reporting
the ele<'tion of officers of tlie Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade listed
Alvah Bessie as a member of the national executive board.
16. xVlynh Bessie was listed as a sponsor for a theatrical jirograiu to be held
January 19, 1947, at the Valeska Theater, New York, entitled "Stars Entertain
for Rei)ul)lioport for international Communist
agents likie Gerhardt Eisler.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 391
It has been cited ft)r contempt of Congress. Alvah Bessie took part in this
meeting and made an ehxpient plea for money, stating that $r)()0,00() was needed
to carry out the program of relief undertaken by the connnittee. He stated that
a $(JO.0O0 hospital was to be built in Mexico and that the money was to be used
to take care of Loyalists wherever they might be. During the taking of the
collection, Bessie took off his necktie and said he woiUd auction it olT to the
highest bidder. He stated that the tie had a history, that when he was in Spain
in 1!)37 and 1!)88 with the Abraham Lincohi Brigade, he Jiad purchased the tie at
Barcelona, Spain.
The Joint Anti-Fa.scist Refugee Connnittee, together with the Council on African
Affairs, held a diyner at the Ambassador Hotel, Los Angeles, Calif., February 4,
1945. Alvah Bessie attended this meeting and introduced the featured speaker
of the evening, Paul Robeson, who is devout Soviet apologist.
Virginia Wright in her column in the Los Angeles Daily News, June 11, 1945,
stated that Alvah Bessie, Warner Bros, screen writer, would be the principal
spealvor Saturday night in tlie garden cabaret to be held for tlie benefit of the
Spanish niaquis at 63t) R. Reese Place, Bnrbank. Tliis article stated tliat :
"Some 50,000 Spanish maquis, remnants of tlie men who fought for the Spanish
Republic then joined with the United Nations in liberating France, are now
destitute in Europe.
"It is of these Alvah Bessie speaks with knowledge. He was one of the
groups of Americans who fought in Spain as part of the famous Lincoln Brigade."
It was further indicated that the program was planned by the Bnrbank chapter
of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee.
18. The Daily Worker for September 27, 1942, published a class schedule for the
Workers School. 35 East Twelfth Street, New York City. This was at the time
the official school of Communist Party conducted at party headquarters. Alvah
Bessie is listed as teaching a course "Literature and the world we live in."
■ On page 17 of a booklet entitled "Workers School" announcing courses for
the winter term, 1943, Alvah Cecil Bessie was listed as lecturing on literature and
the world we live in, which is stated to be a course of 12 lectures (and discus-
sions) that will attempt to relate the world in which we live to some outstanding
achievements of literary art of our time. The announcement states that leading
dramatic writers (Steinbeck, Smolokov, Richard Wright, Lillian Hellman, Clifford
Odets. and others) will be used as a point of departure for discussions of the
history of social institutions as they have been reflected by the writers of all times.
19. The School for Writers, 1717 North Vine Street, Hollywood, Calif., which
was sponsored by the League of American. Writers, in a prospectus for the summer
term of 1943 shows Alvah Bessie as teaching a course in short stories. The
note* on the facility on the back of this prospectus carries the following informa-
tion concerning Bessie :
20. A letterhead on recent literature put out by the American-Russian Insti-
tute of Southern California lists Alvah Bessie as being on the board of directors.
This organization has conducted active pro-Soviet propaganda.
21. In a pamphlet entitled "Informed Speakers Offer You Facts on the
U. S. S. R." there appeared the following information:
"The American Council on Soviet Relations has a speakers' bureau to supply
just such information. We can provide your organization with speakers who
by study or by personal experience know the Soviet Union."
Alvah Bessie was listed as an available speaker.
A lO-ceii't pamphlet by Alvah Bessie, The Soviet People at War, was published
b.v the American Council on Soviet Relations, 112 East Nineteenth Street, New
York. This organization has been cited as a Communist party by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944, and by the Committee
for Cultural Freedom, headed by John Dewey in April 1940.
A pamphlet entitled "Hear About the U. S. vS. R." was published by the Na-
tional Council of American-Soviet Friendship. This pamphlet explains the
speakers" bureau of the organization and is addressed particularl.v ^ organiza-
tions who might be interested in securing a speaker on various Russian topics.
Alvah Bessie, author of Men in Battle, was listed as an available speaker.
22. The Daily Worker for December 29. 1942, carries an article captioned
"Allied notables hail IWO booklet on war." The article states that numerous
acknowledgments from prominent leaders in all walks of life were putting into
the International Workers Order offices in New York City on receipt of a fraternal
de luxe limited edition of Tliis Is Your Enemy, written by Alvah Bessie, Ameri-
can novelist.
The International Workers Order arranged a symposium for November 22.
1&43, to be held at the Studio Carpenters Hall, 5164 Santa Monica Boulevard,
392 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Los Angeles, Calif. Approximately 530 people attended Instant meeting. Alvah
Bessie spoke.
Tlie People's World newspaper for March 17, 194.5, reports that Alvah Bessie
would speak on the last line in the Axis chain on Monday, March 19, 1945, at
the Screen Cartoonist Guild, 6272 Yucca, Hollywood. According to the announce-
ment, admission would he free and refreshments would be served under the
auspices of lodge 469 of the International Workers Order.
23. The Daily People's World for November 13, 1945, in a write-up on a meeting
sponsored by the American Committee for Spanish Freedom, relative to a
"Break relations with Spain rally" to be held at the Slirine Auditorium in Los
Angeles, November 16, 1945, stated that a number of Hollywood personages
would participate in the evening event with the script for the skit being provided
by Alvah Bessie. Alvah Bessie's name appears on the letterhead of the Ameri-
can Committee for Spanish Freedom as a sponsor. This organization was part
of the Conununist campaign in behalf of Soviet policy in the Spanish Civil War.
25. On December 16, 1945, a "welcome home, Joe" dinner was given as a "tribute
to America's young fighting men and women on the occasion of the second anni-
versary of American Youth for Democracy." This organization was formerly
known as the Young Communist League. This information appeared on a copy
of the program of the dinner. Alvah Bessie's name appeared on the program
along with the names of John Howard Lawson and Paul Kobeson.
26. The Chicago Herald-Tribune for June 9, 1941, reflects that Alvah Bessie
was elected a member of the national executive board of the Fourth American
Writers Congress.
Sender Garlin, in the Daily Worker for June 11, 1941, in commenting on the
Fourth American Writers Congress stated that : "Alvah Bessie, veteran of the
Spanish War, spoke on the writers and the struggle of fascism in Spain. He told
not only of the men who fought for Spain but of those literary mercenaries who
betrayed Spain's cause and the cause of mankind when Spain was temporarily
defeated * * *."
On November 12, 1943, the forum of the League of American Writers pi'esented
the subject "This Is Treason," a forum on Hitler's secret weapon. The proceeds
of this forum were to go to an organization known as Sleepy Lagoon Defense
Committee, an afiiliate of the International Labor Defense cited by Attorney
General Biddle as the "legal arm of the Communist Party."
At this forum Alvah Bessie read a paper by Dr. Harry Hoijer, reviewing Allen
Cha.se's book Falange. Prior to the reading of the paper Bessie stated that the
.Fascists of Germany and Italy really instigated the so-called Spanish Civil War
and were aided by the United States through its nexitrality laws as well as the
appeasement policy of Great Britain and France. He said the appeasement policy
gave the Japs time to prepai-e and also permitted them to buy more scrap to
wage war ultimately against the Allies.
In 1944 Alvah Bessie was listed as being on the national board of the League
of American Writers.
27. The magazine New Currents in its December 1944 and January 1945 issue
lists Alvah Bessie as a member of the advisory board. This magazine is a publi-
cation of the American Committee of -Jewish Writers, Artists, and Scientists, Inc.
The writers for this magazine have included those who have contributed to the
Communist and Soviet press.
28. The Independent Citizens Committee of the Artists, Scientists, and Profes-
sions, Inc., publishes a monthly joiirnal of opinion, the Independent, which is
sent to all members and to more than 100 daily and weekly newspapers through-
out the country. Alvah Bessie is listed as one of the contributing editors to this
publication. This organization has been repudiated by Harold L. Ickes and other
liberals as Communist-dominated.
29. The Daily Worker for September 22, 1946. published photographs of Alvah
Bessie and others who were to he connected with a new magazine. Mainstream.
Bessie was indicated to be on the editorial bonrd. Mainstream was described
as a Marxist literary magazine, aiiuing to advance a people's working-class
literature in America. It was stated that the magazine would strive "to stimulate
and guide Marxist thinking in literature."
A brochure advertising this magazine states "the fundamental character of
this magazine is determined by its allegiance to tiie Marxist science of history,
culture, and human progress. * * *" The brochure states: "We call upon
writei's to fight anti-Communist influences in writing today, we fight the literary
anti-Sovieteers who constitute an auxiliary legion of the war makers."
30. The Daily Worker for April 13. 1940, carried an article captioned "Phila-
delphia anti-Dies rally to hear noted authoi's." The article states that noted
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 393
authors would speak at a big mass meoting in Town Hall, 150 Broad Street, on
the following night, in a protest against the Dies committee unconstitutional raids
on the seizure of material from Couimuuist Party and IWO oflices there. The
speakers included Ruth McKenney, William Blake, Alvah Bessie, Mark Blitz-
stein, Bruce Minton, and others. The meeting was to be under the auspices of
the I'eople's Forum, with the New Masses participating.
Alvah Bessie, writer. New York, N. Y., appeared on a list captioned "I hereby
join in signing tlie January 1043 "Message to the House of Ilepresentatives'
opposing renewal of the Dies committee. Copies of this list were transmitted
to Members of Congress by the National Federation of Constitutional Liberties,
1123 Broadway, room 907, New York, N. Y."
31. The Daily Worker for February 18, 1942, carried an article concerning
the individuals interested in the innnediate release of Earl Browder. Alvah
Bessie is listed with many others by the Citizens Committee as having communi-
cated with the Chief Executive of the Nation on the Browder case, calling upon
him "to correct his injustice by an act of Executive clemency."
32. I'age 3 of the Daily People's World for April 19, 1946, carries an article
entitled "Forum Tonight To Hear Report on Peace Meet." It was stated that
a report on the Win-the-Peace Conference, by William Pomerance, executive
secretary. Screen Writers Guild, would highlight the Hollywood Forum on the
following night at the Allan Rudack Studio, 7312 Beverly Boulevard. Waldo
Salt was to be moderator of the forum, and Alvah Bessie was included among
the speakers. The Win-the-Peace Conference is the most recent version of the
American I'eace Mobilization, which picketed the White House during the
Stalin-Hitler pact.
The Chairman. Before we call another witness, the Chair would
like to say that we have had four very prominent writers before ns — •
writers who have worked in almost every field, writers who have writ-
ten many of the scripts in very prominent moving pictures. It is very
evident from the manner in which these writers responded to the ques-
tions that they didn't want to answer the questions.
It is very evident from the material presented by our investigative
staff and the research staff that these four men have extensive Com-
munist and Communist front records. Yet, this kind of people are
writing scripts in the moving-picture industry.
There will be more witnesses to come who will probably all carry
out the same line. The Chair would like to point out that this is one
of the reasons why this committee is investigating communism in the
moving-picture industry, and it is just definite proof that there is a
real reason for the investigation before these hearings.
So, when any person — it makes no difference whether he is in the
industry or out of the industry — says that we are persecuting these
people, says that we are making a witch hunt, says that we are looking
into something we have no business to look into, that to me is just
plain foolishness.
I don't think this committee has ever looked into anything where
we have found more evidence of Communist activities than we have
found in Hollywood. So this committee is going to continue this
probe — is going to continue the hearings ; we are going to do every-
thing we possibly can to spotlight these people just like we spotlighted
Fritz Knhn or Pelley or Gerhart Eisler or Hanns Eisler. Josephson,
Eugene Dennis, and anyone else whom we find has a Communist rec-
ord. It will be beneficial to the American people and it will be bene-
ficial to the industry itself, because you are the people — you persons
high up in the industry can do more to clean your own house than can
anybody else, but a^ou must have the will, and we hope that by spot-
lighting these Communists you will acquire that will.
Put on the next witness, Mr. Stripling. [Loud applause.]
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
394 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. Before the next witness goes on, I would like to
read a telegram just received by the Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities here from a well-known and veteran figure in Hollywood, and
particularly Avell known to the American people. I do not applaud
the language used here. Nevertheless, I will read the telegram :
The Un-American AcTi\iTiEs Committee,
Washington, D. C:
Congratulations on your splendid courage. Comnuinist rattlesnakes are bent
on inoculating the mind of our American youth. Clean out the rats. You are not
injuring our industry. You are helping to keep them American. Bless you.
Leo Carrillo.
The Chairman. The Chair would also like to make this statement:
Because of the failure of Mr. Maltz and Mr. Bessie to respond to ques-
tions propounded of them, this subcoinmittee, by a unanimous vote,
reconnnends to the full committee that Albert Maltz and Alvah Bessie
be cited for contempt.
Next witness.
]\Ir. Gaston. Will Mr. Brewer resume the stand, please ?
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Brewer has requested the privilege of placing
into the record many statements to substantiate some of the remarks
he made this morning. He does not want to be left without having
that placed in the record. Would that be agreeable to you, sir ?
The Chairman. Are these statements all pertinent to the inquiry ?
TESTIMONY OF MR. ROY M. BREWER— Resumed
Mr. Brewer. Everything that I want to put in, Mr. Chairman, is.
What I would like to say is this: In my testimony this morning I
made certain statements which I have the proof to back up. In the line
of questioning as it was developed, in order to answer a subsequent
question, I was required to deviate from entering that proof. I partic-
ularly want to clear up a couple of points so that I cannot be accused
of making statements that cannot be substantiated.
The Chairman. Mr. Brewer, if you will submit those to the com-
mittee investigators and they pass their inspection, so ordered.
Mr. Brewer. Thank you.
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Brewer, this morning in your testimony you men-
tioned the National Labor Relations Board. Do you have any evidence
or knowledge of any communistic influence over this National Labor
Relations Board?
Mr. Brewer. There was considerable evidence on that in the
various
The Chairman. Just a minute. You mean in regard to the strikes
which you said were Communist-inspired out there? You are refer-
ring to just that?
Mr. Gaston. That is correct.
Mr. Brewer. The evidence which I have, Mr. Chairman, goes to
the whole effort on the part of this Communist group, including the
Kibre group, which was definitely identified as being Communist in
their efforts to penetrate and control the studio unions.
The first evidence of this came at the time when an election was
held in 1939 as the result of a petition from an organization known as
the United Studio Technicians Guild. That was an organization
founded and built around" Jeff Kibre. Presumably it was an indepen-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 395
dent organization, but the records which I read this morning proved
that it was directed both by the State organization of the CIO and
the Communist Party.
Now, the Hekl examiner in charge of the election which handled the
petition which this organization tiled was a man by the name of Wil-
liam Pomerance. He was the official representative of the Government
in their efforts to determine the representation in this case. William
Pomerance later was identified as an active member in pro-Communist
labor activities. He was the man who founded and organized the
Screen Cartoonists' Guild, which was stated by Mr. Kibre as having
been organized "by our people."
After he left the Screen Cartoonists' Guild he went to the Screen
Writers' Guild and until only recently served as the executive secretary
of the Screen Writers' Guild.
Another num that was emploved by the National Labor Relations
Board at the time of the 1039 election was a man by the name of Mau-
rice Howard. Maurice Howard is at the present time the secretary of
the Screen Cartoonists' Guild. He is a teacher at the People's Educa-
tional Center and has an impressive record of activities in various
Communist and pro-Communist activities. In addition to that, he
has been a leader in the activities of the pro-Communist group in the
Central Labor Council of Los Angeles and in the various activities of
the Conference of Studio Unions.
He was a member of the board of strategy of the Conference of
Studio Unions in the prosecution of the strikes.
There is another person by the name of Frances Millington who was
an employee of the National" Labor Relations Board. Miss Millington
is now an officer of the Screen Analysts' Guild in Hollywood.
There is another person by the name of William Esteman who until
a short time ago was the attornev for the National Labor Relations
Board in the Los Angeles office. Mr. Esteman has been, and as far as
I know is now, the attorney for the Conference of Studio Unions and is
also listed — and it was testified by Mr. Carlson — as a teacher in the
People's Educational Center.
The presence of these persons in official capacities on the National
Labor Relations Board had let us to believe, and I think rightly, that
in many cases our interests were prejudiced. At any rate, we felt
that there should liave been no election in 1939. *
We had contracts. There was no necessity for it, and in the reports
which INIr. Kibre wrote he changed his entire strategy in his attempts
to capture the unions as a result of the ruling which the National
Labor Relations Board made in giving them an election and granting
their petition.
Another activity which leads us to believe there was Communist
influence in the National Labor Relations Board in Los Angeles was
the efforts ^\ hich were made by the Communists to capture the extras.
The extras group had been a part of the Screen Actors" Guild. There
was some dissatisfaction among extras. Their employment is of such
a nature that it is not very steady, and so agitation started within the
extras' group for a separate organization.
They went to the National Labor Relations Board. The National
Labor Relations Board granted them an election. An election was
held, and they voted to pull away from the Screen Actors' Guild.
396 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
A part of the campiiijin which they carried on -was to the effect that
if they did vote to disafKliate with the Screen Actors' Guild they would
then be jiiven a chaiter from the American Fedeiation of Labor. AVell,
tlie actors took a pretty strong position about a painters' union giving
a charter to the extras, and they did not get a charter from any other
A. F. of L. union, with the result that the National Labor Relations
Board, which is supposed to facilitate the processes of collective bar-
gaining, through their action in the extras' case, actually stopped the
processes of collective bargaining for a period of 18 months for the
extras, because it was not until after a second election had been held
and the extras then voted to go back in association with the actors'
group that they got a contract and the processes of collective bargain-
ing were reestablished.
Another instance which happened was in this most recent strike.
AVe had a Communist faction in one of our important locals led by
a man by the name of Henschel. I believe that is spelled H-e-n-
s-c-h-e-1. This man attempted to lead a revolt in our organization at
the time of the strike, the first strike in 1945.
Incidentally, there is a very interesting history of Mr. Henschel's
activity in the Communist Party contained in the reports which Mr.
Kibre wrote to Hoy Hudson in New York.
Mr. Gastox. Mr. Brewer, who is Roy Hudson?
Mr. Brewer. Roy Hudson is the trade-union secretary of the Com-
munist Party and was at that time the labor editor of the Daily Worker.
Mr. Henschel Avas sent by the Communist Party to our 1938 conven-
tion in Cleveland, Ohio, for the purpose of attempting to push through
a pro-Communist resolution. He made such a bad job of it — ■ —
Mr. Gaston. Mr. Brewer, may I interrupt you a minute, please?
For the purpose of the record, Mr. Roy Hudson is a member of the
National Committee of the Communist Party Trade Union, secretary
of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, and, as you said,
labor editor of the Daily Worker. That is for the purpose of identify-
ing Mr. Hudson.
Mr. McDowell. Further for the purpose of identifying Roy Hud-
son, he was unhorsed from considerable of those jobs and is now
working The Vineyard in Pittsburgh, Pa.
Mr. Brewer. Thank you.
Mr. McDo*VELL. Go ahead.
Mr. Brewer. Mr. Henschel was sent, as I said, to our 1938 conven-
tion for the purpose of shoving- through or attempting to shove
through a resolution which the party wanted to pass. He made such
a bad job of it that the then acting secretary of the Communist Party
in Ohio, Mr. Max Weiss, wrote a complaint to Mr. Roy Hudson com-
plaining about the activities of Mr. Henschel and complaining against
the party officials in California who sent him to the convention so
inadequately prepared to carry out his mission, with the result that
the complaint was handed back and Mr, Kibre was instructed to in-
vestigate whether or not Mr. Henschel was a loyal comrade and a
loyal party member, or whether he had just failed in his obligation.
The report which Mr. Kibre printed in that respect is contained in
these proceedings, which I would be glad to submit to the committee
for the record.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 397
Mr. Kibre stated in this report that at that time, whicli was 1939,
or thereabouts, Mr. Heiischel liad been a party member for approxi-
mately o years' standing, a loyal party member, as Mr. Kibre described
him.
Now this man Henschel showed up, as I said, in 1945, as the leader
of a faction which was trying to embarrass our international union in
its efforts to ward off this attempt of the conference of studio unions
to capture our organization in Hollywood.
He organized a rank-and-file conunittee in almost exactly the same
manner as was demonstrated by Mr. Kibre in his description of their
efforts in 1939, and as a result of that he was discharged from his
employment by Warner Bros, and he was expelled from the union,
from our international union.
He went down to the National Labor Relations Board and filed a
complaint. The complaint was investigated by a man by the name of
Cameron. Now, we felt that we knew the law fairly well and we did
not feel that Mr. Henschel had any real case at all. He had violated
the rules of our union and we had expelled him and he was eligible to
expulsion by any rule of the game.
I might say that as a result of the Communist tactics our efforts to
conduct a trial were impeded to the extent that in order to insure the
trial would be fair and to be sure the record would be clear, we spent
some $5,000 for the transcript alone in the trial which we held.
. Mr. Gaston. Mr. Brewer, were any of your local unions ever taken
over by the Communists '^.
Mr. Brewer. Yes ; they were, but that is another story and if I might
be permitted to continue this one I think it is important.
The Chairman. I want to say, Mr. Brewer, we would like to con-
tinue with you on the stand for some time but we have a heavy schedule
of witnesses. We are getting further behind all the time. Something
that has arisen that will compel us to recess today at 4 o'clock so we
haven't got much more time.
Mr. Brewer, I will complete this very briefly then. To follow
through briefly and conclude this Henschel matter, the matter was
heard by the National Labor Relations Board and a decision was
handed down. We felt that the examiner which was sent out seemed
to be fair but the decision which he rendered was such a distortion of
the law that we were at a loss to understand it.
After the decision was handed down we began to investigate the
activities of the examiner that heard the case. The examiner's name
was a Mr. ]\Iortimer Reamer. We found much to our surprise that
Mr. IMortimer Reamer
The Chairman. May we have order, please ? I would like to sug-
gest to our visitors if they can remain for a few more minutes it will
hel]) to maintain order. Go ahead.
Mr. Brewer. This Mortimer Reamer had been the secretarv of the
National Lawyers' Guild, an organization which had been described
as a Communist front for lawyers and an organization in which Mr.
Robert W. Kenny was the national chairman, and at that time, I
might say. Mr. Robert W. Kenny had been active in organizations
that were openly opposing us and aiding our enemies in this fight.
67683—47 26
398 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
So, we felt, we c-ould not hel]) but feel after reviewing the entire
rase that thei-e had been a number of instances where the Communist
influences had influenced the Board and that in this particular case
there was an association of individuals, a known Communist faction,
a man who had been identified with certain Comnumist activities had
written a decison whch we felt was a serious prejudice to the case of
our union.
Now, in response to the question as to whether or not any of our
unions have been taken over, there were two unions wdiich we felt —
two of our own unions which we felt came into the Communist orbit
by reason of their adhe»"ence to Communist Party programs and by
reason of their expressed sympathy with the enemies of our organiza-
tion in this particular controversy.
There was one, particularly, which was known as the Film Tech-
nicians, a very important group. In our judgment this union was
captured in 1940. We watched their activities. They adhered to the
Commimist Party line and, as a matter of fact, they were one of the
organizations that helped to found the Conference of Studio Unions.
At the time when the studio unions got ready, however, to engage in
open combat with the lATSE this union withdrew from the Confer-
ence of Studio Unions and in this last strike at a very critical time in
the activities of the strike, this union revolted and officially joined the
strike with the Conference of Studio Unions.
As a result of that action, in accordance with the authority in our
constitution, the international declared an emergencj' and took over
the afl^airs of that local union.
The evidence which we have been able to get convinces us positively
that union was in the hands of leaders who were adherents to the Com-
munist Party program from 1940 on until their revolt in 1947.
There is one statement in the record which I made in the record this
morning, and that was in respect to my testimony about a libel suit. I
testified to that with respect to the documents which I presented. I
wanted the committee to know that when the proof of this membership
activity was established the libel suit has never been pressed. The libel
suit was never brought to trial. I didn't want the record to stand
without that in there.
Mr. McDowell. Is it still pending?
Mr. X^REWER. It is still laying there as it was almost 3 years ago
when it was filed.
Mr. McDoAVELL. You called somebody a Communist and they sued
for how much ?
Mr. Brewer. $150,000.
Mr. McDowell. You did better than I did, I got $100,000.
Mr. Brew^er. We are being sued for so many
The Chairman. I don't think that is very pertinent.
Mr. Gaston. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell?
INIr. M(;DowELL. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail?
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Stripling. No questions.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 399
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Brewer. We will call
on you, probably, later on so if you will just stand by so that you can
complete your testimony at a later date, we will appreciate it. Mr.
Stripliufii; will advise you.*"
Mr, Brewer. Thank you very nuich.
(Witness excused.)
The Chairman. Adjourned until 10 : 30 tomorrow morning.
(Thereupon, at 4 p. m., the conmiittee adjourned until 10 a. m., the
followin<2; day, Wednesday, October 29, 1947.)
"' See appendix, pp. 541—545, for letter from Mr. Roy M. Brewer, as exhibit 76.
HEAEINGS REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRA-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1947
House of Kepresentatives,
Committee on Un-American Activities,
Washington^ D. C.
The committee met at 10 : 30 a. m., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The Chairman. The meeting will come to order.
The record will show that a subcommittee is sitting, with Mr. Mc-
Dowell, Mr. Vail, and Mr. Thomas present.
Staff members present : Mr. Robert E. Stripling, chief investigator ;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell, H. A. Smith, Robert B. Gaston, investiga-
tors; and Mr. Benjamin Mandel, director of research.
Now, the Chair at this point would like to make a brief recapitula-
tion with reference to the committee's investigation of Communist in-
fluences in the motion-picture industry.
Responding to the demand of the people, the present Committee on
Un-American Activities made a preliminary investigation which pro-
duced ample evidence that a full-scale investigation was in order of
the extent of Communist infiltration in Hollywood.
This committee has utilized the services of trained investigators, all
former FBI agents, to assemble this evidence in this manner.
The committee's authority to conduct such an investigation, under
authority of Public Law 601, is crystal clear.
We have not violated and we are not violating the rights of any
American citizen, not even the rights of the Communists whose first
allegiance is to a foreign government.
The committee is well aware that powerful influences have sought
in every manner to divert this committee from its main course of
inquiry.
I am proud to say that this committee has not been swayed, intimi-
dated, or influenced by either Hollywood glamor, pressure groups,
threats, ridicule, or high-pressure tactics on the part of high-paid
puppets and apologists for certain elements of the motion-picture
industry.
The people are going to get the facts, just as I announced on the
opening day.
This committee has now been sitting for 7 days. Last week we had
before us 20 witnesses, all of wliom had been subpenaed, all of whom
were tops in their profession, and all from Hollywood. They are
among our most prominent producers, directors, writers, and actors.
Their names stand high, not only in Hollywood, but throughout the
world, as great entertainers and producers of entertainment. They
401
402 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
certainly had more at stake in Hollywood than some of the actors who
have descended upon Washington, with stars and starlets to bowl over
a coniniittee of tlie Congress of the United States who dared to put
the spotlight on the Communist foreign agents operating within their
very industry.
These prominent Americans who appeared the first w^eek, all from
the industry, are the ones who leveled the charges; it wasn't the
committee.
And now, in the second week, when those who have been accused
publicly, openly, of being Communists and of attempting to utilize
the motion picture for the furtherance of a ruthless dictatorship, have
they come before this committee and answered these charges? No.
They have come as Communists always do and scream, "Bill of
Rights," "Constitution," and vilify those who would seek to expose
them.
There can be no doubt in anyone's mind who has attended these
meetings that Mr. Lawson, Mr. Trumbo, Mr. Bessie, and Mr, Maltz
are Communists. They have been Communists for a long while and
they will continue to be Communists, serving not the best interests
of the United States, but the best interests of a foreign government.
Oh, yes, the paid apologists for these people have employed full-
page ads in an effort to distort and to divert the beam of exposure
which they saw was descending upon them from this committee. This
is to state to the American people and to everyone concerned that this
beam is not going to be turned off or shut off until all the Communists
in Hollywood are exposed.
Mr. Stripling, call the next witness. .^
Mr. Striplino. Samuel Ornitz.
The Chairman. Who?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Samuel Ornitz.
The Chairman. Mr. Ornitz.
Mr. Ornitz, raise your right hand, please.
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give is
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Ornitz. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OP SAMUEL ORNITZ
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ornitz, will you please state your full name and
present address ?
Mr. Ornitz. Samuel Ornitz, 1044 South Redondo Boulevard, Los
Angeles.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Ornitz?
Mr. Ornitz. New York City, November 15, 1890.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Ornitz. I am a writer.
I wish the opportunity to make a statement
The Chairman. Now, just be identified, please.
Mr. Ornitz. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. That is sufficient identification, Mr. Chairman.
At this point, if he has a statement — —
The Chairman. We would like to see the statement.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 403
Mr. Stripling. Do you have a copy ?
Mr. Crum. Yes.
Tlie Chairman. We want to see the statement, to see if it is pertinent
to the inquiry, and also whether it answers the charges that have been
leveled against you.
(Statement handed to the chairman.)
Mr. McDowell. I wouldn't have any part of it .
The Chairman. ]Mr. Ornitz, this statement is clearly out of order.
It is not at all pertinent. It is just another case of vilification, and the
statement will not be read by you.
Mr. Orxitz. I beg to differ with the chairman
]\Ir. Stripling. Mr.
Mr. Ornitz. This statement is particularly pertinent
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Air. Ornitz. In that I am accused
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Just a minute-
Mr. Ornitz. Here
The Chairman. Ask another question
Mr. Ornitz. I beg your pardon-
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Ask another question •
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ornitz-
Mr. Ornitz. I accuse the members of this committee of being
The Chairman ( pounding gavel) . You will not accuse anybody
Mr. Ornitz. I do accuse them
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Step aside from the witness
stand
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Ornitz, you are here before this committee in response to a
subpena; are you not?*^*
Mr. Ornitz. I am.
Mr. Stripling. A subpena which was served upon you on September
25; is that covi'ect?
Mr. Ornitz. Correct.
Mr. Stripling. You are also here in response to a telegram which
was sent to you by the chairman on October 11; is that correct? ®*
Mr. Ornitz. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You were snbpenaed here for the purpose of sub-
mitting yourself to questioning by the Committee on Un-American
Activities?
Mr. Ornitz. I am.
ISfr. Stoipling. Certain queetions will be directed to you. You are
expected to answer those questicwis.
Air. Ornitz. I am prepared to answer them.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Ornitz. I wish to reply to that question by saying that this
involves a serious question of conscience for me.
The Chairman. Conscience?
Mr. Ornitz. Conscience, sir, conscience.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Ornitz. I am replying to that question to the best of my ability
and in spite of the interrnptions.
*" See appendix, p. .545, for exhibit 77.
^ See appendix, p. 545, for exhibit 88.
404 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. Well, are you a member ? That is the thing.
Mr. Ornitz. If I may reply to it in less detail than our chairman
did this morning, in practicing intimidation, as he has practiced it
continually during this hearing
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, this has nothing to do with the ques-
tion— the answer the witness has given.
Mr. Ornitz. I have tried to answer this question several times now.
I will make another attempt.
Mr. Stripling. It is a very simple question, Mr. Ornitz. Are you
or are you not a member of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Ornitz. The question of conscience and constitutional rights
are not simple matters to me.
Mr. Stripling. It has nothing to do with conscience or constitutional
rights, Mr. Ornitz.
Mr. Ornitz. If you will let me answer your question, I will establish
that.
Kindly let me answer the question. I am asking this as a citizen
and taxpayer of representatives of my Government, to let me answer
the question conscientiously. I say you do raise a serious question
of conscience for me when you ask me to act in concert with you to
override the Constitution.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Ornitz. Wait a minute. Let me answer the question
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Just a minute.
The Chairman, Ask the next question.
Mr. McDowell. Ask the next question.
Mr. Ornitz. You are asking me to violate a constitutional guaranty.
Mr. Stripling. It does not involve a constitutional guaranty.
Mr. Ornitz. It does.
The Chairman (pounding gavel.) Mr. Stripling, ask the next ques-
tion.
Mr. Ornitz. I want to answer this question. It is against the
Constitution
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . Ask the next question.
Mr. Stripling. You have refused to answer the question.
Mr. Ornitz. I have not refused. I have not been allowed to finish
my answer. It is against the Constitution to ask me to reveal — not
to reveal, but to state, to violate the sanctity of association.
Mr. McDowell. Ask the next question.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Ornitz, you stated that you were a writer. The
Screen Writers Guild is a recognized union or guild within the motion-
picture industry. Certainly there could be nothing compromising by
answering whether or not you are a member of that guild. You are
not ashamed of being a member of the guild ; are you ?
Mr. Ornitz. I have wanted to answer the question, in my way, ami
not your way.
Mr. Stripling. Yes. I am quite aware of that — that you don't want
to answer it.
Now, Mr. Ornitz, I will ask you this question
Mr. Ornitz. I do want to answer
Mr. Stripling. Are you now, or have you ever been a member of
the Communist Party of the United States ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 405
Mr. Ornitz. I wish to state to you that my political affiliations, like
my religious affiliation, is a matter fully guaranteed by the Constitu-
tion. I can belong to any party that I see fit to join, and you have
no right to inquire into
Mr. Stiiiplixg. Even though that party may be affiliated with a for-
eign government and directed by a foreign government '(
Mr. Ornitz. That is a loaded question, and I will not fall for it.
The Chairman ( pounding gavel ) . All right ; the witness
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Ornitz. I have replied to that. You have no right to ask me
that question.
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . The witness is through.
Mr. Ornitz. I wish
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Stand aside.
INIr. Ornitz. I wish to repeat
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Stand away.
The next witness. Go ahead. All right ; next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, take the stand.
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Russell has previously been
sworn in this hearing. He has also been identified previously as an
investigator for the Committee on Un-American xVctivities.
Mr. Russell was with the Federal Bureau of Investigation 10 years
as an agent.
Mr. Russell, were you detailed to make an investigation to determine
whether or not Samuel Ornitz was a member of the Communist Party
at any time?
jNIr. Russell. I was.
JNIr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the results of your
investigation ?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation I obtained in-
formation regarding the Communist Party registration card which
was made out in tlie name of Sam O. According to a code which I
obtained in connection with this registration card, the name Sam O.
is the Communist Party registration of Samuel Ornitz. This regis-
tration card, a photostatic copy of which I have before me, bears
the number 47181. It contains a notation : "1944, Card No. 41826."
The address of "Sam O.'' is given as 1044 South Redondo; city, Los
Angeles; county, Los Angeles; State, California. This card con-
tains a notation : "New card issued on December 2, 1944." The de-
scription of Sam Ornitz as given on this card is as follows : "Male.
Occupation, writer. Industry, motion picture." The question is then
asked : "Member of CIO, AFL, independent union, or no union."
"Independent union" is checked. Another question is asked : "Is
member club subscriber for Daily Worker?" "Yes" is checked.®^
Mr. Stripling. That is all, JMr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, I have here a memorandum prepared by the in-
vestigating and research staff of the Committee on Un-American
Activities regarding the Communist association and affiliation of Sam-
uel Ornitz. We have listed here 30 affiliations, contained on 7 pages.
* See appendix, p. 545, for exhibit 79.
406 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Ornitz is the iuitlior of over 20 pictures made b}' various studios
in Hollywood.
What is the pleasure of the committee regarding the reading of
this information on Samuel Ornitz?
The Chairman. Start reading, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. I will ask Mr. Gaston to read this, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
According to the Motion Picture Almanac and other authoritative sources,
Samuel Ornitz has been connected with the motion-picture industry since 1930,
as a screen writer. Among the pictures he wrote are the following :
May we skip the list of pictures, sir ?
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The films referred to are as follows :)
The Richest Man in the World (M-G-:\I), 1930; Sins of tJie Children (M-G-M),
1930; Men of America (KKO), 1932; Secrets of the French Police (KKO), 1932;
Hell's Highway (RKO), 1932; Imitation of Life (Universal), 1934; One Man's
Journey (RKO), 1933; The Man Wlio Reclaimed His Head (Universal), 1934;
One Exciting Adventure (Universal), 1934; Three Kids and a Queen (Universal),
19a5 : Mark of the Vampire (:\I-G-M), 1935; Follow Your Heart (Republic), 1936;
Fatal Lady (Paramount), 1936; A Doctor's Diary (Paramount). 1937; Two
Wise Maids (Repulilic), 1937; Portia on Trial (Republic), 1937; The Hit Parade
(Repulilic), 1937; King of the Newsboys (Republic), 1938; Army Girl (Repub-
lic), 1938; Little Orphan Annie (Paramount), 1938.
Mr. Gaston (reading) :
The files, records, and publications of the Committee on Un-American Activities
contain the following information concerning the Communist-front affiliations
of Samuel Ornitz :
1. There is no evidence of any open admission of Communist Party member-
ship by Samuel Ornitz. However, Rena M. Vala, a former member of the Com-
munist Party, has cited Samuel Ornitz as a fellow member in her affidavit
dated November 23, 1942, according to the 1943 report of the California Joint
Fact Finding Committee on Un-American Activities. Miss Vale said that in
1935 "Samuel Ornitz identified himself to me as a Communist Party member
and discussed at considerable length the intentions of tlie Communist Party in
Hollywood and especially in relation to the motion-picture industry" (p. 123).
Testimony of Ivan Francis Cox, former member of the Communist Party, be-
fore the California Superior Court on December 8, 1937, reflects also that Samuel
Ornitz was a member of the Communist Party. The California Fact-Finding
Committee on Un-American Activities has listed Samuel Ornitz as a financial
contrilmtor to the Communist Party as of August 15 and September 11, 1940,
according to testimony received in that committee. Testimony presented by
George Oliver Bertholon, former members of the Communist Party and Young
Communist League
The Chairman. We will suspend there for just a second. Without
objection, we will suspend with the further reading of the document.
It Avill be placed in full in the record at this point as though read
and will also be made public.
(The remainder of the document referred to is as follows :)
Testimony presented by George Oliver Bertholon, former member of the Com-
munist Party and Young Communist League before an executive session of the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities (vol. 3, p. 1161, executive hear-
ings) reflects that Mrs. Sanuiel (Sadie) Ornitz was a member of the Communist
Party and that her son, Donald Raymond Ornitz, was a member of the Young
Comnuinist League.
According to Communist standards, party members are not supposed to have
even personal relations with those who are hostile to the party.
The Daily Worker of Septendier 14, 1932, page 1, listed Samuel Ornitz as a
signer of A Call for Support of the Comnmnist Party Candidates for President
and Vice President, William Z. Foster and James W. Ford.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 407
In a pamphlet entitled "Culture and the Crisis," on page 32, Samuel Ornitz
is again listed as a member of the League of Professional Groups for Foster and
Ford. In the Presidential campaign of 1936, iin official letterhead of the Com-
mittee of Professional Groups for Browder and Ford, dated September 24. 1936,
carries the name of Samuel Ornitz as a member. Earl Browder was at that
time Connnunist candidate for President and .James Ford was the Communist
candidate for Vice President. The Daily Worker on March 5, 1941, page 2,
carried a statement directed to President Roosevelt in defense of the Communist
Party. Samuel Ornitz is shown as a signer of this statement.
2. Leo Gallagher has been a candidate for Secretary of State and other offices
on the Communist Party ticket in Californa. Samuel Ornitz is shown as an
active partlcii)ant in a dinner in behalf of Leo Gallagher, according to the
People's AVorld of June 4, 1941. This was during the period of the Stalin-Hitler
Pact.
3. The Daily Worker of June 25, 193G, page 2, lists Tom Mooney as a member
of the honorary presidium of the Communist Party. His case was the center of
world-wide Communist agitation. The Daily Worker of March 23, 19.33, lists
Samuel Ornitz as a speaker at a meeting in behalf of Tom Mooney held in San
Francisco. The testimony presented in a California court on October 3, 1940,
reflects that Mr. Ornitz wrote the dramatic .skit for this case.
4. The People's World for April 3, 194.5, contained an article headed "Memorial
started for Eva Shafran — Education Foundation will serve Los Angeles labor,
progressives." The article stated that "Plans for the organization of an Eva
Shafran Educational Foundation as the best means of honoring Eva Shafran and
(•arrying on the work of progre.ssive education to which she devoted her life
were made public here today. Samuel Ornitz, noted writer and lecturer, is
chairman of the foundation. Eva Shafran was a well-known member of the
Communist Party.
5. The People's Daily World is the official west-coast organ of the Communist
Party. In its i.ssue of July 9, 1943, Mr. Ornitz is listed as one who "enthusias-
tically sponsored and endorsed a call for a fund drive," in behalf of this paper.
This Communist paper organized what was known as the Hollywood Forum,
held at the Embassy Auditorium during the week of April 2, 1946, according to
People's World, March 26, 1946, Ornitz was a speaker of this forum.
6. The Workers Bookshops are part of a chain of official Communist book shops
scattered all over the country. According to the Daily Worker of August 28,
1934, Mr. Omitz' works have been on sale at the Workers Bookshops in San
Francisco. It should be noted, at this point, that Communist book shops do not
promote hostile literature. At this time, Mr. Ornitz was a signer of a protest to
the Governor of California and the mayor of San Francisco, in defense of the
Workers Bookshops, according to the Daily Worker for August 28, 1934, page 5.
7. The American League for Peace and Democracy was formed by the Com-
munist Party prior to the period of the Stalin-Hitler Pact. According to former
Attorney General Biddle, this organization was "established in the United States
in an effort to create public sentiment in behalf of a foreign i^olicy adapted to the
interest of the Soviet Union" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942). At
that time this policy called for the support of the democracies against the Fascist
aggre.ssors in line with current Communist policies. This organization was also
cited as a Conmiunist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
on January 3, 1940, June 2.">, 1942, and March 29, 1944. A letterhead dated
January fJ-S, 1939, of the American Congress for Peace and Democracy organized
by the American League for Peace and Democracy, shows Mr. Onitz as an
endorser.
Mr. Ornitz was also a .speaker for the Los Angeles branch of this organization
at a meeting held on September 28, 1938, at the Los Angeles Trinity Auditorium.
According to the People's World of July 8, 1938, page 1, he was scheduled to
speak at another Los Angeles meeting of this organization in behalf of Spanish
refugees. The People's World of September 27, 1938, also lists him as a speaker
for the American League for Peace and Democracy in Los Angeles.
8. The American League for Peace and Democracy was succeeded by the
American Peace Mobilization, after tlie signing of the Stalin-Hitler pact. Ac-
cording to former Attorney General Biddle, thi.s organization was engaged in
"picketing the White House, which began in April 1941. in protest against lend-
lease and the entire national-defense program. This picket line was suddenly
called off on the afternoon of June 21. 1941, when Hitler was opening his attack
on the Soviet Union" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942).
408 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This organization has also been cited as a Communist front by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities on March 29, 1944. According to the Daily
Worker of April 24, 1941, page 7, Mr. Ornitz was a leader of this organization.
The American Peace Mobilization launclied wliat it called the American Peace
Crusade. According to the New Masses of August 6, 1940, page 23, Mr. Ornitz
was the head of a Speakers' School of the Hollywood Peace Forum, in connec-
tion with this crusade. Again the People's World of April 19, 1940, lists Mr.
Ornitz as a speaker at the Hollywood Peace Forum. This meeting was sponsored
by the Hollywood League for Democratic Action, under the title "Can Our Ballots
Stop Bullets?" He is also listed by the People's World of July 3, 1940, as a
speaker at the Hollywood Peace Forum with Herbert Biberman at the Embassy
Auditorium. Both Biberman and Ornitz were leading members of the American
Peace Mobilization. On June 8, 1940, Mr. Ornitz was a speaker of a so-called
peace assembly, held on the steps of the Los Angeles City Hall, iinder the
auspices of the American Peace Mobilization and the American Peace Crusade.
Mr. Ornitz also spoke at the Hollywood Peace Forum, held at the First Unitarian
Church at Los Angeles on May 31, 1940.
He was also a speaker and a committee member of the American Peace Crusade
meeting held at Los Angeles at the Embassy Auditorium, on June 21, 1940. He
presented a radio address over station KFVD, on June 5, 1940, to supplement
the campaign of the American Peace Mobilization. He spoke at the Hollywood
Town Meeting under the auspices of the Hollywood Peace Forum on June 21,
1940. He also sent greetings to the meeting of the American Peace Mobilization
held in Chicago, August 31, to September 2, 1940. Mr. Ornitz was a member of
the resolutions committee at the Chicago meeting of the American Peace
Mobilization.
The People's World of January 23, 1940, page 5, and February 8, 1940, page 5,
lists him as the speaker at various so-called peace meetings held in Hollywood
and Los Angeles.
Samuel Ornitz himself admitted he helped organize the American Peace Cru-
sade, according to an article by Ornitz appearing in the New Masses for August
27, 1940, page 12.
The antiwar stand of the American Peace Mobilization was drastically altered
when Hitler attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. The People's World
dated July 7, 1941, page 3, quoted Tom CuUen, executive secretary of the American
Peace Mobilization as saying: "The invasion of the Soviet Union has altered the
character of the present war * * *." The newspaper also stated that the
American Peace INIobilization would hold a mass meeting on July 14, 1941, at the
Philharmonic Auditorium at which the new policy of the APM and a program
to aid the defeat of Hitlerism would be presented. That Samuel Ornitz went
along with the American Peace Mobilization in its sudden twist is evidenced
by the same newspaper article which stated that Ornitz would be one of the
speakers at the aforementioned mass meeting.
9. The International Labor Defense, American section of the International
Red Aid, with headquarters in Moscow, has been cited by former Attorney Gen-
eral Biddle as the "legal arm of the Communist Party" (Congressional Record,
September 24, 1942).
It has been cited by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities as a
Communist front on June 2.5, 1942, March 29, 1944.
Its chief interest was the defense of Communist cases. According to a
1937 letterhead of the International Labor Defense, Mr. Ornitz was a member
of its Advisory Board. He was also a member of its national committee. Equal
Justice, official organ of the International Labor Defense, for May 1940, page 7,
carries the gi-eetings of Samuel Ornitz. Closely associated with the International
Labor Defense, and similarly Ornitz.
Closely associated with the International Labor Defense, and similarly in
its purposes, was the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners.
This organization has been cited by Attorney General Biddle as "substantially
equivalent to International Labor Defense, the legal arm of the Communist
Party."
It has defended such prominent Communists as Angelo Herndon, William
Schneiderman, and Earl Browder (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942).
It has been cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on June 25, 1942, and INIarch 29, 1944. Mr. Ornitz is listed as a mem-
ber of this Committee on its letterhead dated October 31, 1935.
10. The National Committee for People's Rights was a successor organization
to the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners. According
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 409
to Attorney General Biddle, "In January 1938 the name was changed to the
National Committee for People's Rights" (C'ongressional Record, September
24, 1942). This committee has been cited as a Communist front by the Special
Committee on Uu-Americati Activities on March 29, 1944, and June 25, 1942.
According to the official organ of the National Committee for People's Rights,
entitled "News You Don't Get," for November 15, 1938, Mr. Urnitz is listed as
a member.
11. The criminal syndicalism laws of the various States have been bitterly
fought by the Communist Party because they are directed chiefly against their
machinations. According to the New Masses, of December 1931, page 30, Mr.
Ornitz is listed as a speaker at a meeting iield at the Star Casi.io in New York,
on Deceml)er 6, 1931, to tight the "vicious criminal-syndicalism law of Kentucky."
12. The campaign in behalf of the Scottsboro boys was conducted chiefly by
the International Labor Defense, described above. According to the Western
Worker, official Communist organ of July 13, 193G, Mr. Ornitz was a participant
at a b(>neHt in behalf of the campaign for the Scottsboro boys, who had previously
been convicted. This benefit affjiir was held at Club Alabama in Los Angeles.
13. World-wide condemnation accompanied the so-called Moscow trials, which
were used by the Soviet Regime to eliminate all its critics. These trials were
universally held to be a travesty of .justice. According to Soviet Russia Today,
of March, 1937, pagt^s 14 and 15, Mr. Ornitz was a signer of an open letter to
American liberals, defending these trials. A similar statement appeared in the
Daily Worker of April 28, 1938, page 4, as a Statement of American Progressive
on the Moscow Trials.
Mr. Ornitz again was listed as a signer.
Leon Trot.sky was a Soviet official who broke with Stalin and sought asylum in
Mexico. According to the Western Worker, a west-coast edition of the Daily
Worker, dated March 1, 1937, Samuel Ornitz was one of the 51 persons who signed
an open letter criticizing the American Committee for the Defense of Trotsky.
The open letter also denounced demands for investigation of the Russian "purge"
trial as political interference in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union with
hostile intent.
International Literature is the official organ of the International Union of Rev-
olutionary Writers, which had its headquarters in Moscow. International Lit-
erature, No. 7, dated Julyl938, page 105, listed a group of individuals who were
signers to a "Statement of American Intellectuals."
The statement voiced approval of the attempt of the Soviet Union to preserve
and extend its gains and strength by the then recent Moscow trials, and it sup-
ported efforts of the Soviet Union to "free itself from insidiovis internal dangers."
Samuel Ornitz was listed as one of the signers of this statement.
14. In August 1943 a committee was organized for a reception for Prof. S.
Michoe's and Col. I. Feffer, members of the first official Soviet Jewish delegation
to the United States. According to the Peoples World of August 9, 1943, page 3,
Samuel Ornitz was a member of the national reception committee for these men.
15. New Masses is an official Communist weekly which has been cited as a Com-
munist periodical by former Attorney General Francis Biddle (Congressional
Record, S?ptember 24, 1942). It was also cited as a Communist magazine by the
Special Committee on Un-Ainerican Activities on June 24, 1942, and March 29,
1944. Samuel Ornitz has contributed to New IMasses, as evidenced by the issues
of the publication dated December 19.31, page 4 : October 1931, page 3; August 27,
1940. page 12 : and August 12, 1941, page 19. It is an accepted Communist practice
to limit tlie use of the columns of its publications to per.sons who toe the party line.
ir>. The Zukas-SCMWA Committee was organized in defense of B. Joseph
Zukas, who was a Communist leader of the State, County, and Municipal Workers
in the California Relief Administration, wiiose activities were under investigation
by a California State Assembly connnlttec in 1940. According to the letterhead
of this fomniiftee. dated July 15, 1940. IMr. Ornitz was a sponsor.
17. The INIorning Freiheit is the official Communist organ in the Jewish lan-
guage. The Peoples World of October IS, 1943, page 3. lists Mr. Ornitz as vice
chairman of the Los Angeles Chapter of the Morning Freiheit Association.
The Peoples World for April 16, 1947, reported that Paul Novick. editor in chief
of the Moining Freiheit, New Yoi-k City, would speak on April 19, 1947, at the
Embassy Auditorium. Ninth and Grand Streets, in celebration' of thp twenty-fifth
anniversary of the Freiheit. The article further stated that Samuel Ornitz,
"president of the Freiheit Association, Los Angeles," and Harry Daniels, legis-
lative director of the Communist Party, would also speak at the celebration.
410 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
18. Acting in accordance with the instructions of the Seventh Conj;ress of the
Comnuiiiist International issued in the sumni'er of 1935. the Communist Party
conducted an active campaijiii in lielinlf of the Spanisli Connnunists during the
Spanish Civil War. At a meeting helil at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeies
on February 24, 1037, Mr. Ornitz contributed toward a fund in .support of these
etTorts.
19. The Abraham Lincoln Battalion (Brigade) was a military organization
recruited by the Communist Party for the purpose of giving military aid to the
Spanish < 'onmuuiists.
Ear! P>row(lt'r, former executive secretary of tlie Communist Party has admitted
that GO percent of its corps were members of the Communist Party. Mr. Ornitz
is listed by the Peoples World of July 19, 1938, as a speaker for an organization
known as the Friends of the Aliraham Lincoln Brigade.
The Peoples World of July 30, 1938, page 3, lists him as a speaker in honor of
Harry Hynes and Virgil Klietta, who were both members of the Communist Party,
killed in action under the Abraham Lincoln Battalion. The Friends of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade is cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities on Marcli 29, 1944, as is also the Abraham Lincoln
Brigade or Battalion.
20. The League of American Writers was the American affiliate of the Inter-
national Union of Revolutioiuiry Writers, with headquarters in Moscow. It has
been cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities on January 3, 1940, June 25," 1942, and March 29, 1944.
It has also been cited as under Coiumunist auspices by Attorney General Biddle
in the Congressional Record of Septend)er 24, 1942. The organization has been
pledged to the defense of the Soviet Union and "use of art as an instrument of the
class struggle." Mr. Ornitz is listed by the Daily Worker of January 18, 1935,
page 5, as a signer of the call for the Comiress of American Revolutionary Writers,
which founded the League of American Writers.
The Daily Worker of September 14, 1942, page 7, lists Mr. Ornitz as a signer
of a statement issued by the League of American Writers demanding the opening
of a second front. This statement was issued after Hitler's attack on Stalin and
the change of the Communist Party line from antiwar to prowar.
Samuel Ornitz also was one of the signers of the call to the fourth congress,
held by the League of American Writers in New York City, June (>-8, 1941.
21. The Writers Congress held October 1, 2, 3, 1943, was organized by the
Hollywood Writers Mobilization, as successor to the Hollywood Chapter of the
League of American Writers. On the official program of the Writers Congress,
Mr. Ornitz is listed as a member of the panel of minority groups.
22. The Progressive Citizens of America was founded as a frankly pro-com-
munist group as a result of a split in the Independent Citizens Committee of the
Art.s, Sciences, and Professions, after Harold L. Ickes and other liberals had
condemned the Independent Citizens Committee as Communist dominated. Mr.
Ornitz is listed by the Daily Worker of July 5, 1947, page 11, as a participant
in the conference of the Hollywood arts, sciences, and professions council of the
Progressive Citizens of America. The Progressive Citizens of America has been
cited by the Conuuittee on Un-American Activities as a Communist front in its
report on June 12, 1947.
23. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi League was founde^l by Isaac Romaine, alias
V. J. Jerome, member of the Central Conuuittee of the Communist Party. It was
dissolved upon the signing of the Stalin-Hitler Pact. According to the Hollywood
Now of June 16, 1939, official organ of the League, Mr. Ornitz is listed as a member
who was active since the organization was founded. According to the People's
World (»f August 11, 1938, page 1, he was a speaker at a meeting which founded
the organization. Hollywood Now of September 28, 1938, again lists him as a
speaker.
24. The International Workers Order was cited by Attorney General Biddle as
"one of the strongest Communist organizations" (Congressional Record September
24, 1942) . The Special Committee on Un-American Activities has cited this organ-
ization as a Conununist front on January 3, 1940, and June 25, 1942. The organ-
ization has actively" supported Communist campaigns, candidates, and the
Communist Party piess.
On February 4, 1940, Mr. Ornitz was the principal speaker at a meeting of
the International Workers Order, held at 972 North Hobart Boulevard, Los
Angeles.
Again, the People's World of June 4. 1943, page 2, lists him as a speaker under
the auspices of the Fraz Boas Lodge of the International Workers Order in Los
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 411
Angeles. The Peoples World of November 16, 1943, page 2, mentions Mr. Ornitz as
a speaker at a meeting held on November 22, 1943, at Carpenters Hall, 51(54 Santa
Moiiic'M Boulevard, Los Angeles.
2."). The Hollywood Leagne for Democratic Action cooperated vpith the Holly-
wood Peace t'ornm at a meeting held at the Wilshire-Ebell Anditoriiun on May 3,
1940. Mr. Ornitz was a si)ealcer. The Hollywood Leagne lor Democratic Action
was the i)redecessor of the Hollywood branch of the Independent Citizens
Conmiittee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which is mentioned above.
20. The American Stndent Union has been cited as a Connunnist front by the
Sp(>cial Conmiittee on Un-American Activities on Jannary 3, 1940. .June 2.3, 1942,
and March 29, 1944. The Rapi)-Coudert committee investigating Communist
activities in the New York public schools has cited this as an organization "for
transmitting the aims and programs of which the Y'^oung Connnunist League is
the initiating and projecting element."
Mr. Ornitz was one of the principal instructors of the American Student Union
cami» lield in the San Bernardino Mountains from August IS to 2.5, 1940.
2V. The Workers International Relief was an international organization, with
headquarters in Moscow, which raised funds for Couununist-led strikes and
campaigns throughout the world. It was closely associated with the Inter-
national Labor Defense. According to the Daily Worker of May 8, 1934, Mr.
Ornitz was the chairman of an open-forum meeting, held in Los Angeles on April
15, 1934, in behalf of the Workers International Relief.
28. According to Peoples World of January 21, 1940, Mr. Ornitz was a sponsor
for the Conference for Democratic Action held at Fresno, Calif. This organization
has been cited as a Connnunist front by the California Joint Fact-Findiug
Committee on Un-American Activities, in its report for 1943, page 91. It is
closely linked to the Hollywood League for Democratic Action cited above.
21-'. Actors Laboratory was a training school for actors in Hollywood whose
officers have lengthy records of Connnunist-front activity as evidenced in attached
reports; such othcers include Roman Bohnen, chairman, Larry Parks, treasurer;
Morris Carnovsky, Jules Dassin, Edward Dmytryk, members of the executive
board.
The organization cooperated with the Hollywood Writers Mobilization which
has been described above. An undated leaflet of the Actors Laboratory Theatre,
entitled "An Evening for the Lab" lists Samuel Ornitz and his wife as "audience
sponsors."
30. The Motion Picture Artists Committee was an affiliate of the North
American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, which was al.so part of the
campaign to aid Spanish Communists. The North American Committee was cited
as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on
January 3, 1940. and March 29, 1944, and by Prof. John Dewey's Committee for
Cultural Freedom in April 1940. The Motion Picture Artists Committee was
led by William Cropper, well-known cartoonist for the Communist press, and
Kyle Chricton, alias Robert Forsythe, a frequent contributor to New Masses.
Samuel Ornitz was a member of the Motion Picture Artists Committee, according
to Who's Who in America, volume 20 (1938-39), page 1904.
The Chairman. Next -witness, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. SxRirLiNG. Mr. Ring Lardner, Jr.
Tlie Chairman. Mr. Lardner. Ring Lardner, Jr., is the next witness.
Mr. Kenny. I would like to say, Mr. Chairman and Mr. Stripling,
Mr. Lardner was notified to hold himself in readiness, if you recall.
He was subpenaed. He is not in attendance today. How^ever, if you
indicate when you wi.sh him here, I will see that he is available.
Mr. Stripling. He has been here almost every day, has he not?
Mr. Kknny. Well, the last week nearly every day. And I think we
can get Mr. Lardner
The Chairman. Is he in the city now, do you know ?
Mr. Kenny. I don't know. I think — well, I have 19 clients and I
haven't kept track of them. I think I can locate him for you.
The Chairman. All right, you locate him as quickly as possible and
tell him we want him here today.
412 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr, Kenny. I will. Because lie has not been given a definite time
to appear, I have not had an opportunity to talk with him on his con-
stitutional rights, as the other witnesses, so I would like some time
in order to discuss matters with him.
The CiiAiR]\rAN. Well, that is true, but Mr. Lardner has been here
almost every day.
Mr. Kenny. That is right.
'J'he Chairman. He knows just what has been going. He knows
just what the other witnesses have been doing. They huve all acted
under your instruction.
Mr. Kenny. No; they haven't.
The Chairman. As his attorney, we want you to get Mr. Lardner as
soon as possible.
Next witness
Mr. Kenny. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I will get him as soon as possible,
but "possible" does include, I am sure, a reasonable opportunity to
consult with counsel on his constitutional rights, does it not?
The Chairman. You have already had that opportunity.
Mr. Kenny. Not with Mr. Lardner.
The Chairman. Oh, not with Mr. Lardner ?
Mr. Kenny. No.
The Chairman. Go ahead, next witness.
Mr. Striplino. Mr. Kenny, is Mr. Biberman here ?
Mr, Kenny, Yes ; Mr, Biberman is here. You subpenaed him.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman.
The Chairman. Mr. Herbert Biberman.
(Mr. Herbert Biberman, accompanied by Robert W, Kenny, counsel,
takes place at witness table.)
The Chairman, Will you raise your right hand, please?
Mr. Biberman, do you solemnly swear that the testimony that you
are about to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr, Biberman, I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
Mr, Biberman, Mr. Chairman
TESTIMONY OF HEEBEUT BIBERMAN
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman, will you state your full name and
present address, please?
Mr. Biberman. Herbert Joseph Biberman, 3259 Deronda Drive,
Hollywood, Calif.
Mr Stripling, When and where were you liorn, Mr, Biberman ?
Mr. Biberman. I was born within a stone's throw of Independence
Hall in Philadelphia, on the day when Mr. McKinley was inaugurated
as President of the United States, March 4, 1900, on the second floor
of a building at Sixth and South, over a grocery store.
Mr, Stripling, INIr, Biberman, would you assure the committee that
you will be as detailed and specific in all your answers ?
Mr, Biberman. I assure you I will be as detailed and specific in
answers to any questions you direct at me.
Mr. Chairman, I have a statement here which I feel has the greatest
relevance to the subject of this inquiry and to the chairman's remark
of this morning:.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY . 413
The Chairman. Have you fully identified this witness ?
Mr. BiBERMAN. I would
Tlie Chairman (sounding gavel). Just a minute. Have you fully
identified this witness 'i
Mr, Stripling. No, sir; I haven't.
The Chairman. Then continue to identify him.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation '^
Mr. BiBERMAN. I. am a director, a producer, and a writer — in the
theater in the past and in motion pictures at present.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in the motion-picture
industry?
Mr. BiBERMAN. Since 1935, January 2.
Mr. STiiiPLiNG. You have been a writer ?
Mr. BiBERMAN. I have been a writer.
Mr. Stripling. Have you been a member of the Screen Writers'
Guild?
Mr. BiBERMAN. Mv. Chairman, I Jiave a statement here I ask you
to look at. Would you kindly do that now ?
(Statement handed to the chairman.)
The Chairman. INIr. Biberman, this statement is clearly not per-
tinent. If another case
Mr. Biberman. You mean because it is directly on the subject, Mr.
Chairman ?
The Chairman. It is another case of vilification, and therefore will
not be read.
Mr. Biberman. There is no vilification in this statement. I feel
your refusal to allow me to read it is a shameful and cowardly act.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Next question, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Biberman, are you a member of the Screen
Writers' Guild or have you ever been a member of the Screen Writers'
Guild?
Mr. Biberman. Mr. Stripling, I vvould like to reply to this very
quietly — Mr. Chairman, also. If I will not be interrupted, I will
attempt to give you a full answer to this question.
It has become very clear to me that the real purpose of this
investigation
The Chairman (pounding gavel). That is not an answer to the
question
Mr. Biberman. Is to drive a wedge
The Chairman (pounding gavel). That is not the question.
(Pounding gavel.)
JNIr. Biberman. Into the component parts
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Not the question
Mr. Biberman. Of the motion-picture industry.
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Ask him the next question.
Mr. Biberman. And by defending my constitutional rights here
I am defending
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . Go ahead and ask him the next
question.
Mr. Biberman. The right not only of ourselves
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member
Mr. Biberman. But of the producers and of the American people.
Mr. Stripling. Of the Communist Party?
67683 — 47 27
414 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairmax. Are you a ineiiiber of the Coinnnmist Party or
have you ever been?
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member
Mr. BiBEKMAN. What is the question now?
Mr. Stripling. Are you now or have you ever been a member of
the Connnunist Partj'^?
Mr. BiHERMAN. It is perfectly clear, gentlemen, that if you continue
in this particular fashion
(The chairman ])ounds gavel.)
]Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, will you direct the witness
Mr. BiBERMAN. You have only one idea
Mr. Stripling. To answer the question?
The Chairman. Answer the question.
Mr. BiBERMAN. And that is to cause strife in the industry
The Chairman (pounding gavel). You are excused
Mr. BiBERMAN. Chaos in the industry, and this I will not permit.
Mr. Stripling. Will you direct the witness to answer that question
before he leaves the stand ?
Mr. BiBERMAN. I have not refused to answer the question. I told
you before I will answer this question fulh^
Mr. Stripling. My. Biberman
Mr. BiBERMAN. Your purpose is to use this to disrupt the motion-
picture industry
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. BiBERMAN. To invade the right not only of me
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. BiBERMAN. But of the producers
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. BiBERMAN. To their thoughts and to their opinions
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
]\Ir. BiBERMAN. And this I will not permit.
Mr. SiTJiPLiNG. Do you refuse to answer whether or not you are
noM' or have ever been a member of the Connnunist Part}'?
Mr. BiBERMAN. Mr. Stripling, I apologize for one thing and that is
raising my voice. I had no intention of doing so. [Laughter.]
I told you mail}' times, if you will not interrupt me, I will answer
this question at great length. Shall I proceed with answering this
question ?
The Chairman. No. You can answer the question ''Yes" or "No."
That is a very simple question.
]\Ir. BiBERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I would be vevy suspicious of any
auswer that came out of my mouth that pleased this committee.
Mr. Stripling. I would, too.
The Chairman (pounding gavel) . All right, you are excused. Take
him away.
Next witness,
Mr. Stripling. I want the record to show that Mr, Biberman was
before the committee in response to a subpena served upon him on
September 22, and also in response to a wire sent to him on October 11,
I will noAv ask that Mr. Russell take the stand.*''
The Chairman. Mr. Russell.
"'See appendix, p. ,546, for oxIiil)its 80 and 81.
. COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 415
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
^Ir. Sthii'Ltnc. Mv. liiisst'll, you have made and Avere instructed to
make an invest ij^ation to determine whether or not Herbert Biberman,
a writer-director from Hollywood, is now or was in the past a member
of the Conmiunist Paity of the United States?
Mr. EussELL. I was.
Mr. Striplixo. Give the connnittee the results of your investigation.
Mr. Russell. During the course of mj^ investigation I obtained in-
formation I'egarding Communist Party registration card of Herbert
l^iberman for the year 1944. This card bears the number 47267. It
is made out in the name "Herbert Biberman." The address is given
as 3259 Deronda Drive, city, Los Angeles, county, Los Angeles, State,
California. This card contains a statement "New card issued on De-
cember 10, 1944." It contains another notation : "1944 card No.
46844."*^
The description of Herbert Biberman is given as follows: Male.
Occupation, director. Industry, motion pictures. Color, white. The
question is asked : ^Member of CIO, A. F. of L. independent union or
no union. Independent union is checked. Another question con-
tained on the card, a photostatic copy of which I have before me is
member club subscriber for Daily Worker ? Above that is a notation
in ink "PW" — meaning People's ^Yorld. The answer "Yes" is checked.
Mr. STRiruixo. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, our investigation shows without any doubt that Mr.
Biberman is a member of the Communist Pai'ty. I don't think any-
thing could better characterize his affiliation, however, than to point out
that during the period of the Soviet-Nazi pact ISIr. Biberman was a
member of the National Council of the American Peace Mobilization.
In fact, his name appears as one of the signers of the call. He was the
honorary chairman of the Los Angeles Branch of the organization.
Everyone remembers the treasonable activities of the American Peace
Mobilization.
Now, we have a memorandum here on Mr. Biberman prepared by
the committee's statf, in which 19 separate affiliations are listed.
What is the desire of the committee, Mr. Chairman?
The Chaiemax. All right, start reading.
Mr. Striplixg. Is it all right if Mr. Gaston reads, Mr. Chairman?
The Chairmax". Yes.
Mr. Gastox (reading) :
IXFOKirATiox From thk Fir.Ks of thk Com.mittkk on XJN-A^rERiCAX Activitiks —
United States Hoi^se of Representatives, of Hekbert Bhjerman
Herbei-t Biberman, according to tlie International Motion Picture Almanac has
written the fohiwing films: King of Chinatown, Road to Yesterday, and The
Master Race. He has also directed One Way Ticket and Meet Nero Wolfe.
The files, records, and publications of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
contain the following information concei'ning the Communist ami Comunist-front
affiliation of Mr. Biberman:
1. The People's Educational Center was fomided and is conducted by leading
members of the Conmiunist Party in Los Angeles and Hollywood. It is the suc-
cessor to the Communist Los Angeles Workers School, which participated in the
founding and development of the People's Educational Centei'.
S<>e appendix, p. .'540, for exhibit 82.
416 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The People's World of January 13, 1944, page 4, states that Herbert Biberman
was on the staff of the People's Educational Center during that j-ear, and accord-
ing to the summer 1945 catalog of that school, he was listed as a lecturer. His
biography included therein states that he spent "6 months in the U. S. S. R.
studying the Soviet theater.'' Tlie Peoph^'s World is the official west coast organ
of the Communist Party. Herbert B-lbermau's affiliation with the People's Educa-
tional Cetner during the year 1947 is shown in Variety, June .'JO, 1947, page 10.
2. In an exhibit presented before the Special Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities during the public hearings (vol. 14, p. 85S.i), Herbert Biberman's name ap-
pears as a sponsor of a testimonial dinner to Leo Gallagher. In 1938 Leo Gallagher
was the Communist Party candidate for the office of secretary of state in Cali-
fornia. The dinner was lield on June 2, 1941, in Los Angeles.
3. Mr. Biberman has written for the New Masses, the official weekly magazine
of the Communist Party which was described as a "Communist periodical" by
Attorney General Francis Biddle in the Congressional Record of September 24,
1942, page 7688. His contributions appear in the is.sues of August 20, 1940,
pag.i S ; June 17, 1941, page 17 ; July 8, 1941, page 26 ; and July 29, 1941. page 16.
4. The Daily Worker of September 3, 1940, page 4, which is the official organ
of the Communist I'arty of tlie United States, named Herbert Biberman as a
member of tlie National Council o¥ the American Peace Mobilization, and his name
appears as one of the signers of the Call to the American People's Meeting which
was held in New York City, April 5-6, 1941.
The proceedings of the first convention, November 30-December 1, 1940, page 4.
also lists his name as the honorary chairman of tlie Los Angeles Branch of the
organization. The American Peace Mobilization will be remembsred as the
organization which picketed the White House during the time of the Stalin-
Hitler pact. On the day that Hitler attacked Russia, the pickets were withdrawn
from tlie White House. According to New Masses of August 6, 1940, page 22,
Herbert Dlbi-rman was the temporary chairman and speaker at an April 6, 1940,
mass meeting of tlie American Peace Crusade, which was the forerunner of the
American Peace Mobilization in California.
He was also listed as an officer of the American Peace Crusade in the leaflet.
We, the People of the United States Will Keep Out of War, published by that
organization. According to the Daily Worker of April 21, 1941, page 7, Herbert
Biberman was a leader of the American Peace Crusade which aided in the forma-
tion of the American Peace Mobilization. The Emergency Peace Mobilization
was held on August 31 (o September 2, 1940, in Chicago, for the purpose of
organizing the American Peace Mobilization.
5. IMr. Biberman is listed on a program leaflet of June 7, 1940, page 4, and a
letterhead of June 3, 1940, as a member of the provisional committee of the Con-
ference on Constitutional Liberties in America which was cited as a Communist
front bv the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of
March 29, 1944.
The Conference on Constitutional Liberties in America was the predecessor
to the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties, an organization noted for
its defense of Communists. A letterhead of the latter organization lists Mr.
Biberman as a sponsor.
In addition to being cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in Reports of June 25, 1942, and March 29, 1944, and by
the Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of Jmie 12, 1947, the
National Federation for Constitutional Liberties was cited by Attorney General
Francis Biddle in these words : "The defenses of Communist leaders such as Sam
Darcy and Robert Wood, party secretaries for Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, have
been major efforts of the federation" (Congressional Record, Sept. 24, 1942,
p. 7687).
6. The American Committee to Save Refugees was a part of the Communist
campaign for Loyalist Spain, and it provided transportation and support for
international Communist agents such as Gerhart Eisler. An undated folder,
"For the Rescue of Refugees," lists the name of Herbert Biberman as a signer
of a pro-Soviet statement of this organization. The American Committee to Save
Refugees was also cited as a Communist front bv the Special Committee on Un-
American Activities in report 1311, March 29, 1914.
7. The Communist International at its seventh congress
Tlie CiiAiPMAN. Suspend the reading, ])lea.se. Without objection,
further reading will be dispensed with. It will all be placed in the
record at this point.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 417
(Balance of the statement referred to above is as follows :)
The CoMimimist International at its Seventh congress which was held in Mos-
cow in 1935, instructed the various Communist Parties to assist in the Spanish
Communist cause. The Communist Party of the United States, in response to
these orders, set up a Spanish-aid campaign and formed organizations to accom-
plish this task.
One of these was the North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy,
which was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities in reports of January 3, 1940, and March 29, 194-1, as well as by the
Committee for Cultural Freedom, Professor Dewey, chairman, April 1940.
Herbert Biberman was listed as a member of the local sponsoring committee for
the North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy in a letterhead of
that committee.
8. The Daily Worker of August 17, 1937, page 3, reveals that Herbert Biber-
man was a sponsor of a benefit for Spanish Loyalist children, and another Daily
Worker, that of September 17, 1937, page 9, shows that he was a contributor
to an ambulance for Loyalist Spain. Both of these projects were a part of a
campaign in behalf of the Spanish Communist cause organized by the Communist
Party in accordance with the orders of the Communist International.
9. The first congress of Mexican and Spanish-American Peoples, which was
supported by Latin-American Communist Paities was cited as a Communist
front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of
March 29, 1944, and by the Committee on Un-American Activities in the report
of September 2, 1947. A mimeographed release, dated March 24r-26, 1939, lists
Mr. Biberman as a signer of the call to the congress.
10. The Hollywood Democratic Committee, which succeeded the Hollywood
Anti-Nazi League, organized by Isaac Romaine, also known as V. J. Jerome, a
member of the central committee of the Communist Party. Mr. Biberman's
connection with this organization is shown by an official ballot, dated July 26,
1944, on which his name appeared as a candidate for oflice in that organization.
11. The Communist press has given its support to a petition for the pardon
of Festus Coleman, of which Mr. Biberman was a signer, according to the People's
World, October 16, 1942, page 2.
12. According to the Daily Worker, September 14, 1942, page 7, and People's
World, September 23, 1942, page 5, Herbert Biberman was a signer of a state-
ment of the League of American Writers in behalf of a second front. The League
of Amei'ican Writers has been pledged to defend the Soviet Union and "use
of art as an instrument of the class struggle." The Clipper, a publication of
the league, lists Herbert Biberman as a contributor in its August 1941 copy,
page 31. It was affiliated with the International Union of Revolutionary AVriters,
with headquarters in Moscow and has been cited as a Communist front by the
Special Committee on Un-American Activities on three occasions. (See com-
mittee reports, January 3, 1940, June 15, 1942, and March 29, 1944.) Also, At-
torney General Francis Biddle has said that "the overt activities of the League
of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its Communist
control" (Congressional Record, September 24, 1942, p. 76S6).
13. The New Theatre of July 1936, page 14, contains an article by Mr. Biber-
man. New Theatre was the official organ of the League of Workers Theatres, an
afliliate of the International Union of Revolutionary Theatres, with headquarters
in Moscow, and was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in report 1311, March 29, 1944.
14. The Associated Film Audiences, which merged with Films for Democracy
to foi'm Film Audiences for Democracy, was organized for the purpose of gaining
the support of audiences for pro-Communist films. During the time of the
Stalin-Hitler pact it was antiwar in conformance with the Communist Party
line. Mr. Biberman was a member of the executive board of Associated Film
Audiences, according to Film Survey, May 1939, page 4. *
15. A letterhead, dated February 2, 1944, lists Herbert Biberman as a national
board member of the Jewish People's Committee, which was headed by William
Weiner, Reuben Saltzman, Joseph R. Brodsky, and other leading Communists.
In the report of March 29, 1944, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities
cited the Jewish People's Committee as a Conununist front.
16. Mr. Biberman's affiliation with the Consumers Union is shown by the
Consumers Union Reports, December 193S. page 15, to which he was a contributor.
The Consumers Union was led by Arthur Kallet, alias Edward Adams, a staff
writer for the Daily Worker. The Special Committee on Un-American Activities
cited it as a Communist front in the report of March 29, 1944.
418 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
17. Herbert Hibcniiiiirs iiiuut' ;ii)i»t';iis dii a Ifltfrlifad of tVhiuary 124, I'.MO,
as a sponsor of i\ui Hollywood League for Dt'iiiocratic Action, the predecessor of
the Hollywood branch of the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts,
Sciences, and Professions. The issue of conimunism within the Independent Citi-
zens Connnittee resulted in the dissolution of tlie (ir{;anization and the resignation
of Harold L. Ickes and other liberals. The Connnittee on TJn-Ameri<-an Activitie.s
cited the Hollywood League for Democratic Action as a front orsanizution de-
fending Communists in the report of June 12, 1!>47. It was also cited by the
Committee for Cultural Freedom. Prof. John Dewey, chairman, April 1040.
18. According to evid«Mice submitted to the Si)ecial Connnittee on Un-American
Activities during the public hearings (vol. 1, p. .">(;!>). Herbert Biberman was a
member of the executive board of the ^Motion Picture Artists Coinmitte<\ aflili-
ated with tlie North Amei-ican Connnittee to Aiil Spanish Democracy.
The Motion Picture Artists Committee wjis headed by William Cropper, Kyle
Crichton, also known as Robert Forsythe, and other writers for the Coranuuiist
press. The North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy was cited
as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in
the reports of January 8, 1040, and March 2!). 1044. and by the Committee for
Cultural Freedom, Prof. John Dewey, chairman, April 1040.
10. The Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Profe.«sions
split after Harold Ickes and other libi^rals condemned the organization as (Vun-
munist dominated. The pro-Conununist section, after the split, formed the Pro-
gressive Citizens of America. Tlie Progressive Citizens of America was cited as
a Communist front by the House Connnittee on Un-American Activities in a
report of June 12, 1047. The official ballot of the Progressive Citizens of America,
dated September 17, 1047, lists Herbert Biberman as candidate for the executive
board.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, before Mr. Vail makes his remark,
I wonder if _yoii would ask Mr. Kenny and Mr. Crtim which one of
their clients are present for examination at this time?
The Chairman. Either Mr. Kenny or Mr. (^rum, could you tell ii.s
the names of yonr clients who are present now ?
Mr. Kenny. Mr. Dmytryk is.
Mr. Crum. And we are advised. Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Lardner
will be detained but will be here this afternoon.
The Ciiair:\ian. Good. What other clients are here now?
Mr. Crum. We advised Mr. Strijilin^ this moi-ning that Mr. Adrian
Scott has larynofitis, but he Avill be here at your pleasure. It was
thought advisable until the committee wanted to hear him for him
not to be here. We can have them here.
The Chairman. How about Mr. Lavery.
Mr. Stripling. You don't represent Mr. Lavery ?
Mr. Crum. No ; we do not.
The Chairman. Is Mr. Lavery in the room ?
Mr. Lavery. Yes.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Chairman, I have before me a manual issued by the
International Labor Defense, which is the le.lice station wheiv yon are brouKlit by the arresting officer and booked.
Booking means simply tliat tlie record of tlie ;irrest is made in a book. Give no
information to any assistant district attorney wlio may come to you smilingly
and in a kindly manner try to get information from yon, stating that he is in-
terested only in the trnfli and wants to help you. If, on the contrary, he comes
to you in a threatening, bidldozing manner, trying to force information out of you,
do not yield, and when we say no information we mean, above all, that you shall
not give the names of your fellow work(>rs, the names of organizations that you
belong to, details about your union, or any other inforniatit)n, regardless of how
innocent it may appear to you.
I believe that these inenibers of the party liave folhnved those in-
strnctions to the letter. Mr. Chainnaii.
The CiiAiR^r.vx. Tlie Chair would like to announce that by unani-
mous vote of the subconunittee, the subconiniittee recommends to the
full committee that Samuel Ornitz and Herbert Biberman be cited for
contempt and approjiriate action be taken inmiediately.
The next witness, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Striplixc;. Emmet Lavery.
The Chairman. Mr. Lavery, will you raise your rioht hand, please?
Mr; Lavery. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are
about to ^ive is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God ?
Mr. Lavery. I do, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Sit down', please.
Mr. La^T'^ry. jNIr. Chairman, after being identified by Mr. Stripling,
I have several very brief motions for the record which I would like
to make.
I hasten to add that they are for the purpose of clarifying the dis-
cussion, not for obstructing the work of the committee.
I hope to be a reasonably responsive, and I hope eloquent, witness.
TESTIMONY OF EMMET G. LAVERY
Mr. Stripling. jNfr. Lavery, will you state your full name and pres-
ent address?
Mr. Lavery. My name is Emmet G. Lavery. I live at 1075 Casiano
Koad, Los Angeles 24.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born?
Mr. Lavery. I was born at Poiighkeepsie, N. Y.. Dutchess Countv,
November 8, 1902.
Mr. Stripling. What is your occupation?
Mr. Lavery. I am a playwright, screen writer, and member of the
Bar of the State of New York.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a writer?
Mr. Lavery. I have written, alternately, for the stage and screen,
since the year 1934. At the present time I am I'ehearsing, or about to
lehearse, in New York a ])lay which has been variously described and
was described before this committee.
In Hollywood, I am currently preparing for an independent film
production, an adaptation of a play about the Jesuits, for The First
Legion.
5lr. Stripling. Would you give us the names of some of your plays,
Mr. La very?
420 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Lavery. Gladly. I think the play — and I would be ^lad to
offer a co])y of it in evidence, by way of identification — with which
the committee is probably most familiar is The Magnificent Yankee,
a dramatization of the life of Mr. Justice Holmes from the biography
by Francis Biddle, former Attorney General of the United States.
My screen plays best knowm are two that dealt with war topics:
Hitler's Children, an adaptation from Education for Death, by Gregor
Ziemer, and Behind the Rising Sun — both produced by R-K-6.
My writings for the theater have included The First Legion, which
has been produced in 12 languages since it was first done in the United
States in 1934; Monsignor's Hour; Second Spring, a play about Car-
dinal Newman and Cardinal Manning; Brother Petroc's Return, an
adaptation of the English novel by an English nun; Brief Music;
Kamiano, a play about Damien; Murder in a Nunner}', an adaptation
of the English novel by Eric Shepherd.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, how long have you been in Hollywood ?
Mr. Lavery. I first went to Hollywood in 1934. I remained there
until approximately 1937. I was in the East from 1937 to 1941. I
returned to Hollywood in 1941. I remained in 1942. I came" back
East. I returned in 1943. And I have been there since.
And let me volunteer, if permitted, that I am now serving my third
term
JNIr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Lavery.
Mr. Lavery. All right, Mr. Stripling, "
Mr. Stripling. Will you answer this question
]\Ir. Lavery. Surely.
Mr. Stripling. Without an outburst: Are you a member of the
Screen Writers' Guild?
Mr. Laatery. Well, I wanted to volunteer the information that I
am both a member and serving my third term as president.
Mr. Stripling. Do you see anything incriminating in any way to
a person answering whether or not he is a member of the Screen
Writers' Guild?
Mr. Lavery. Well, Mr. Stripling, as one lawyer to another, you
know that is something for each individual to decide for himself.
I can only answer for myself. For myself, I am delighted and proud
to answer that I am president of the guild, to which I have been greatly
devoted.
Mr. Stripling. Well, isn't it true that the Screen Writers' Guild
is the one big writers' organization or union within the motion-picture
industry?
Mr. La\t5RY. We are the only one. We are the recognized bargain-
ing agency for screen writers in Hollywood, and our position there
corresponds, roughly, to that of the Dramatists' Guild in New York or
the Radio Writers' Guild or the Authors' League. As a matter of
fact, we are afRliated with the Authors' League of America.
Mr. Stripling. Can you explain to the committee why there is so
much reluctance on the part of the previous witnesses to answer the
simple question as to whether or not they belong to a recognized guild
in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Lavkry. Mr. Stripling, I can't go into their minds. I don't
know. But I would like to remind the Chair at this time that, in
order to expedite the discussion. I would appreciate the opportunity
to make several very brief • motions
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 421
Mr. Striplixg. This is not a discussion, Mr. Lavery. It is for
the purpose of obtaining facts.
Mr. Lavery. Well, I stand corrected.
If I might make several brief motions, I assiire you, Mr. Chairman,
I don't intend to argue them. I mean it is merel}^ to have a notation
for the record, with or without your jiermission — I mean, if you rule
"no" on them it is perfectly all right with me.
The Chairman. May I ask if these are motions to be made by you
as a witness or motions to be made by you as an attorney, or moticms
made by your organization?
Mr. La\'ery. Well, I guess it is all three, Mr. Chairman. I am here
today in about three capacities. I am here as myself, as counsel for
myself, and as the only authorized spokesman for the Screen Writers'
Guild of Hollywood, which has been mentioned considerably by wit-
nesses before this committee.
So, on my ow^n behalf, in various capacities, I simply wanted to
make one or two requests of the Chair, to straighten out the record.
If the rule is "no," why we can simply go on with the examination.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I should like to state Mr. Lavery
is here in response to a subpena
Mr. LA\a:RY. Mr. Chairman
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment — calling for his appearance, rather.^^
Mr. Lavery. I do want to say that I would be here, whether you
gave me a subpena or not.
The Chairman. I just want to find out whether these motions are
pertinent to the inquiry of alleged communism in Hollywood.
Mr. Lavery. I think so, Mr. Chairman. I wouldn't offer them if
they weren't. I mean, they are right specifically on the nose.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have them in writing?
Mr. Lavery. Well, the motions are oral, but a statement that I
would like to offer I have here in writing.
The Chairman. Which do you want to offer first — the motion or
the statement ?
I\Ir. Lavery. I would like to offer the motions first, if I might.
The Chairman. All right; without objection, so ordered.
Mr. LA^^;RY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
My first request for the record will be : Would the committee recall
to the stand Mr. Jack L. Warner, of Warner Bros. Studios, and sub-
pena all pertinent records of Warner Bros. Studios, in order to estab-
lish by Mr. Warner's own records that it w^as at my request and not
Mr. Warner's that our association was dissolved early in 1946.
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Chairman, I move the committee take the
motion under consideration.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask whether, in the
course of the examination by Mr. Stripling, I may have the oppor-
tunity to reply specifically to serious misstatements of fact made by
three witnesses last week. I refer specifically to Mr. Jack Moffitt,
who made serious misinterpretations about a plaj^ on Congress which
I have written. I refer specifically to Mr. Morrie Ryskind, who said
that the Screen Writers' Guild under my domination, under my leader-
ship, was Communist domination; and I refer Aery specifically to Mr.
** See appendix, p. 54G, for exhibit S.S.
422 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Rupert Iluglies. wlio made the serious implication, if not direct charge,
that I "was a Comininiist masquerading as a Catliolic. And as a
Catholic I ask llie opjjortunity to estahlish in this record how far from
the truth Mr. Hughes is. Will I have the opportunity to reply specifi-
cally to those three witnesses?
The Chairman. Without objection, the Chair will give you per-
mission to reply to those. That is just why you are here. Charges
have been made against you and against your organization.
i\Ir. La VERY. Thank you. Mi-. Chairman.
The Chairman. We subpenaed the other side, and you are the only
one to date, however, willing to come here and be very frank. And
it is very refreshing. I will tell you that.
Mr. Lavery. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to offer in evidence at this time,, if I may, an official
transcript of the testimony which I gave to Senator Jack Tenney and
the California Joint Fact Finding Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities on October 7, 1046, drawing particular attention of the com-
mittee to page 28-3 of the printed text of the rei)ort and in particular
the remarks of Chairman Tenney, who at that time Avrote into the
record of this committee that in his opinion
The Chairman. Let me ask you : Does this have anything to do
with these motions ?
Mr. LA^^RY. Oh, this is part. In other words, I am moving to offer
in the record as evidence before this committee the official transcript
before a comparable committee in the State of California, in October
1946, and drawing particular attention to the issue: Am I a Com-
munist, or is the Screen Writers' Guild
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
(The matter referred to is as follows :)
T>os Angeles. Calif., Monday, Octohek 7, 1946, 10 A. M.
Chairman Tenney. The committee will come to order. Let the record show
that Ave have Senator Nelson S. Dilworth, of Ileniet ; Assemblyman Harold
Sawallisch, of Richmond; Assemblyman Fred H. Kraft, of San Diego; and
Assemblyman .Tack Thompson, of San .Jose. I think probably we had better
swear the stenographers first, who are going to i-ejiort the hearing.
(Whereupon Byron Oyler and Carey S. Cowart were sworn in as official
reporters.)
Chairman Tenney. For whom are yon reporting?
Mr. .lAMEs Pino. Mr. Clifton Clay employed me for IMr. Emmet Lavery.
Chairman Tenney. And yon are repoi'ting for whom?
Miss Ellene Rasmussen. Westwood Hills Press.
Chairman Tenney. The Westwood Hills Press. You are reporting directly
for the newspaper ; is that correct?
INIiss Rasmussen. I'^es.
Chairman Tenney. It is up to the committee as to what we should do with
reference to the otlier reporter. The committee generally has not pursued the
policy of permitting any other reporters to take the transcript. What is your
pleasure?
Senator Dilworth. I move we limit the transcripts to the one official transcript
by the sw<»rn reporters on the part of the committee.
]Mr. Sawalliscit. I second the motion.
Chairman Tenney. Will you include in that motion the reporter for the
newspaper?
Senator Dilworth. There is no objection to newspaper reporters. I doTi't
care how they take it down.
Cliairman Tenney. You are reporting for the newspaper: is that corre<'t?
Miss Rasmitssen. Will you ask Mr. McNitt?
Chairman Tenney. Yes.
COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 423
^Ir. Fkank McNitt. Yes. We asked her. She reported for us when your
committee had the hearing hxst Jan\iai-y.
Chairman Ticnnky. Slie is u bona fide reporter?
Mr. McNiTT. Ye.s.
Chairman Tennky. For the newspaper ; is that right?
Mr. McNiTT. That is right.
Senator Dilwokth. What newspaper is it?
Chairman Tknney. Westwood Hills Press. Yovir name.
Miss Rasmussen. Rasmussen.
Chairman Tenney. Your first name?
Miss Rasmussen. EUene.
Chairman Tennett. Miss Ellene Rasmussen?
Miss Rasmussen. Yes.
Mr. La VERY. May I be heard on the motion? My name is Lavery. I am a
witness hereunder subpena. I did not know what the procedure of the com-
mittee was. I had hoped for permission to have a full transcript taken of such
testimony of mine that the committee might hear on the assumption the com-
mittee hears so much testimony that probably in the final report I could not
get the full context that I would like.
Chairman Tenney. May I say to you, Mr. Lavery, the committee has made it
a policy tor years that any person subpenaed who ma.y wish to have a copy of
the transcript may make an arrangement with the official reporter and get it
in that manner. That is the official policy.
Mr. Laveky'. Of course you have to wait a long time to get it.
Chairman Tenney. No.
Mr. Laveky. Can you get it on 48 hours' notice?
Chairman Tenney'. No; that is up to the reporter. The committee is always
anxious to get the report as soon as possible. You may make arrangements
with the official reporter, if the motion carries, and receive it in that manner.
Mr. Lavery. Thank you.
Chairman Tenney'. It has been moved and seconded, moved by Senator Dil-
worth and seconded by Mr. Sawallisch, that all reporters save the official re-
porters of the committee and those for the press, be excluded from taking
testimony. Is there any discussion? [No response.] All tliose in favor signify
by saying "Aye."' Contrary-minded? So ordered. We are sorry. You will
have to leave. [Mr. Pino leaves the room.]
All right, Mr. Combs, will you call your list of witnesses subpenaed for this
morning.
Mr. Combs. ^Ir. Lavery is here. Ellenore Abowitz? William Bidner? Albee
Slade. Elliott Wax.
Mr. W^\x. Here.
Mr. Combs. John Stapp. C. B. Horrell.
Chairman Tenney-. 1 think he is supeuaed for 2 o'clock.
Mr. Combs. 1 think that is all for this morning, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Tenney. All right. Call your first witness, Mr. Combs.
Mr. Combs. Mr. Lavery.
Chairman Texxky. V.'ill you be sworn, sir? (Witness sworn.)
Emmet C La\i:iiy, called as a witness by the committee, having been first duly
sworn, testified as follows :
By Chairman Tenney :
Q. Will you state your full name, Mr. Lavery? — ^A. Emmet G. Lavery.
Q. Your occupation? — A. I am a writer by profession. I was a lawyer, admit-
ted to the bar of the State of New York in 1925.
Q. Are you presently employed? — A. I am a free-lance writer employed in
the making of motion pictures, and I am also a playwright.
Chairman Tenney. All right, Mr. Combs.
Mr. Combs. I might state for the record, Mr. Chairman, that the committee did
not issue a subpena for Mr. Lavery because it suspected him of any subversive
activities nor because it had any information or suspicion that he was affiliated
with any organization such as the Communist Party or any of its component
subdivisions. The sub^Dena was issued to Mr. Lavery more for informative
purposes.
The Witness. May I say for the record I am delighted at the opportunity
to testify liefore the committee and I hoi)e that the chairman of the conunittee
will find it possible to i-ead into the record, in lieu of an opening statement, a
telegram which I sent him yesterday.
424 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Combs. I will introduce the telegram as an pxhihit in cormcction with your
testimony.
The Witness. That is perfectly satisfactory.
Mr. Combs. And attach it to your testimony.
The Witness. That is all right.
Chairman Tenney. I helieve, Mr. Combs, it was the policy of the committee
in the past not to accept statements except as they are tiled with tiie committee.
I believe we will be able to bring out from Mr. Lavery everything you say in
the telegiam.
The Witness. May I renew my request for the sake of the record? I have
asked that the formal statement I addressed to the chairman of the committee
be introduced into the record along with my testimony.
Chairman Tenney. All such statements will be accepted and filed with the
committee.
The Witness. I don't want it filed. I want it in the minutes.
Mr. Combs. It will be.
The Witness. I want it in the public minutes. I want it in the full report.
Chairman Tenney. It will be attached to the committee records.
The Witness. That is not what I asked. I asked will it appear in the printed
text of the committee's final report.
Chairman Tenney. We cannot assure you of anything like that.
The Witness. That is why I am renewing my motion. If you deny it for
the record that is all right, but I want it clear.
Chairman Tenney. We want everything in the record under oath.
The Witness. I will repeat it under oath right now.
Chairman Tenney. It has been the policy of the committee to accept any
statement which you wish filed. It will be accepted and we will have it as part
of our record, but whether it will be in the report is a matter for the committee
to decide.
The Witness. That is perfectly true.
Chairman Tenney. Continue Mr. Combs.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Mr. Lavery, your name is Emmet G. Lavery? — A. Tiiat is right.
Q. Where did you reside prior to coming to California? — A. I was born and
resided for a good many years in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., where I was president of
the board of aldermen for two terms. I was city editor of the Poughkeepsie
Sunday Courier for 10 years. I practiced law in the city of Poughkeepsie. My
family lived there for many years.
Q. About when did you first come to California? — A. I first came to California
in 1934.
Q. You have resided here ever since? — A. With a few intervals here. I was
here from 1935 to 1937. I was in the East from 1937 to 1941. I returned here in
1941 and liave l)een here ever since, with the exception of a few months in the
East at the end of 1942 and the early part of 1943.
Q. Are you affiliated with the Screen Writer's Guild? — A. I am serving my
second term as jiresident of the Screen Writer's Guild.
Q. You have been affiliated with it for many years? — A. Yes; I first joined the
Screen Writers' Guild when I came to California.
Q. You are familiar, I am sure, with an organization known as the Hollywood
Writers Mobilization Committee? — A. I was their wartime chairman.
Q. And, of course, you are acquainted with Mr. Robert Rossen? — A. Yes; I
know Robert Rossen.
Q. And John Howard Lawson? — A. Yes: I know John Howard Law.son.
Q. Are you acquainted with Pauline Lauber, sometimes known as Pauline
Lauber Finn?— A. Yes : I know Pauline Lauber.
Q. You knew her in 1945 ; did you not? — A. She was secretary of the Hollywood
Writers Mobilization at the time I was chairman.
Q. That was in 1945? — A. Partly in 1945. It may al.so have been in 1944. I
retired as chairman of mobilization in .lanuary or February 1946. It was 1945
when I was in mobilization.
Q. Does she still hold any official position with mobilization, to your knowl-
edge?— A. I think she is still executive secretary. At the moment I don't happen
to be an officer of mobilization, but I believe she is still its executive secretary.
Q. Do you know how much she received as salary at the time she was secretary
in 1945? — A. That I can't say nnw. I could have told you then, but it is nearly
a year since I have been off.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 425
Q. From what source did the funds come from which her salary was
paid? — A. Our revenue in the mobilization came through several sources. During
the war years the Screen Writers' Guild of Hollywood contributed tlie sum of
JflO.OOU annually. I think they did that for 2 years. There was a slight extra
appropriation. I think we might have contributed as much as $24,000. It was
our way of dt)ing war service work. There were other sources of revenue for
the mobilization. The OWI made available certain expense moneys in return
lor the preparation of scripts. The Los Angeles Community Chest last year, I
believe, was a cosponsor of the work of the mobilization.
Q. How much did you receive from the Community Chest, Mr. La very? — A. I
can't tell you oft'hand.
Q. Was it in the neighborhood of twenty some thousand dollars? — A. I think
it was in two sums. It might have gone as high as that, but I don't think that
high in any one period. It seems to me the initial appropriation was around
$13,00U or $10,000. 1 may be wrong about that.
Chairman Tenney. I think that is correct for 6 months.
The Witness. Yes ; for a 6-month period.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Was any portion of that sum allocated to the payment of Pauline Lauber
Finn's salary as executive secretary? — A. Now, I can't say as to that. There
were various sources of revenue. What sources paid what bills I couldn't say
unless I had the accounts before me.
Q. Are you acquainted with her background at all? — A. No, beyond the fact
that she was a very capable secretary. In the mobilization as in the Screen
Writers Guild we ask neither the political nor the religious atiiliation of any of
our employees or members.
Q. I understand th;it, but the question was to test your own familiarity with
her background. — A. No ; I don't know what her background is.
Q. Did she go under the name of Pauline Lauber or Pauline Lauber Finn at
the time she was employed by the Hollywood Writers Mobilization? — A. I believe
her professional name was Pauline Lauber, but we also knew her under her mar-
ried name, Pauline Lauber Finn.
Q. What, generally, were her duties as executive secretary of mobilization,
Mr. Lavery? — A. The correlation of committee work, the supervision of office
detail, duties not unlike, say, the executive secretary of the chamber of com-
merce.
Q. Would she be the official who would have charge of the mailing list of the
Hollywood Mobilization? — A. Only incidentally.
Q. She would have access to it, would she not? — A. Anybody on the staff
would have access to it mechanically, but the mobilization, no less than the Screen
Writers Guild, has always been very careful and very zealous about the use of
its membership list.
Q. Do you know whether or not the Hollywood Writers Mobilization used the
mailing list of any other organization? — A. I have no knowledge that they did.
Q. At least you had no knowledge of that fact ac the time that you were presi-
dent of the organization? — A. No ; but I remember when we premiered the Town
Meeting discussion of Tomorrow the World, and we wanted to reach as many
ipeople as possible, we may have gone to a wide variety of people in Hollywood and
asked them to come — whether or not we had access to their mailing list in the
course of that, I don't know.
Q. What position did Pauline Lauber Finn hold in connection with the Screen
Writers Guild? — A. I don't think Pauline Lauber had any connection per .se with
the Screen Writers Guild except that the Guild was definitely a sponsor of the
work of the mobilization because that was the channel through which we did our
war service work and Mrs. Lauber was executive secretary of the mobilization.
Q. Do you know whether or not she ever held any official position with the
Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences and Profes-
sions?— A. I don't know, but I don't recall her name as officer of that committee.
Q. Is your acquaintanceship with Mr. John Howard Lawson casual or intimate?
— A. I would say that it was casual, but it has extended over a long period of
years. It seems to me I have known Jack Lawson at least 10 years.
Q. You didn't know him in New York?— A. No; I didn't know Jack Lawson
in the East.
Q. Is that a social acquaintance or professional or both, Mr. Lavery? — A. It is
definitely a professional acquaintance. I met Mr. Lawson as I know Mr. Rossen
and as I know most of the people in my profession. I know them as lawyers
know lawvers. I know them through the Screen Writers Guild.
426 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Q. You have never visited in Mr. Lawson's home? — A. No; I have never been
a visitor in Mr. Lawson's home.
Q. You are a member of the executive council of the Hollywood Independent
Citizens Conmiittee, are you not? — A. I was, briefly. I was a member of the
council for some time. I was elected to the executive committee, and the pressure
of other work i)revented me from servinu: on the executive committee, and I
resigned irom the executive committee of the Hollywood Independent Citizens
Connnittee, but I am still a member of the committee generally.
Q. You are, I see. Do you recall in Octob.n- l!i48, that the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization and the University of California at Los Angeles jointly sponsored
a. writers congress? — A. Definitely; I was a speaker at it.
Q. Did you have anything to do with making the initial arrangements for that
congress? — A. I don't knc^w what you mean l)y •"initial arrangements," hut I
had quite a little to do with the plamiing of the schedule as it finally worked out.
(}. No; let me clarify that. By "initial arrangeinents'" I mean contact with the
faculty at the University of California at Uos Angeles for the purpose of initiating
the congress. — A. I don't think I sat in on the preliminary conferences.
Q. Now, there were some articles that appeared in the Hollywood Citizens
News concerning yourself. I don't recall just when they were. Ytm are familiar
with them, are you not? — A. No; not unless you specify the year.
• Q. Well, this year. — A. I must say I have not seen-them.
Q. You haven't seen them? — A. B it like Mr. Jiistice Holmes. I get a great
deal of comfort out of not reading the newspapers sometimes.
Q. Did you see any articles last year accusing you of being affiliated with a
subversive organization? — A. I didn't see them in the Citizens News. Yet I am
well aware that those slanders have been repeated on many occasions, and I
recently threatened to sue for lib?l the editor of the Plollywood Reporter if he
did not retract them, and as a result of which at his own expense he published
a two full page advertisement in which he printed my complete letter of denial,
and my aflSrmation of political and religious faith and my reaffirmation of the
fact that I have never had anything to do with Marxian communism.
Q. Mr. Lavery, about when did those articles in the Hollywood Reporter
appear"? — A. R?cently there have been a series. Actually Mr. Wilk^rson, the
editor of that papn* has been embarked on that project tor about 10 years. I
just happened to be the momentary objective with a few other people. I might
say in passing that INIiss Myrna Loy is suing him for $1,000,000.
Q. That is in connection with the Matthew Woll articles? — A. Yes. It is just
as libelous as what he printed about me except his publication of the retraction
lessened the damage I could collect in the law courts, and that is why he
published it.
Q. Is your suit still pending? — A. I see no point at the moment in suing him
unless he reiterates the libel.
Q. Your suit A. I never filed suit. I filed a demand for retraction. Under
the laws of California since he published the retraction my damage is lessened;
therefore, I have no reason to sue him at the moment.
Q Have you ever been a subscrib?r to the People's Daily World? — A. No.
Q. You have no sympathy with IMarxian doctrines at all, have you? — A. None
at all. I have repeated that on many occasions and I am delighted to do it now.
Let me say parenthetically that the difference between me and other jieople in
Hollywood is that I oppose communism in another way. I think the answer
to the Communist and INIarxian philnsoiihy is to livi^ a better philosophy. Other
people go at it differently. That is my theory.
Chairman Tenney. I would just like to interrupt a second there. Mr. Lavery,
I am glad to hear you make that statement. To elaborate on it f6r the record
The Witness. I will be delighted.
Ciiairman Texney. I don't know how faunliar you are with Marxian philosophy,
but I think you should know, being a writer, that they hate nothing more than
a reformer. A reformer is almost as bad as a Trotskyite. and consequently, to
make things better, while that would be desirable, would not appease them in
their activities for the destruction of our Government and its institutions. Isn't
that correct?
The Witness. I would be delighted to elaborate the point. Let me .say, frankly,
that I take my social essays from the Gospel of the Apostles and not from the
essays of Karl jMarx. In particular I take my social essays from the encyclicals
of Leo XIII. The Catholic Church has a broad affirmative social program which
is rather far reaching, very progressive, and very democratic. T believe in it
very much. To make it more concrete, my approach to the field of social action
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 427
is identical witli that of people such ."rs Archbishop Liicey, of San Antonio ; Bishop
Haas, of Wisconsin ; Bishop Shiel. of Chicago. They believe, and I balieve the
problem at the moment is to integrate Cluistian ideals, Catholic ideals, broad
virtQes of good persuasion in the broad life of a democi-atic community. I see
the tuily real answer to Marxian communism is a live, alert deuKK-racy which is
trying to put in efE<'Ct its own social program. Tlie reason, frankly, that I as an
individual liave never had any great enthusiasm for popular crusades against the
Communist menace is because I, personally, believe in this town the menace is
very small and that if we confine our opposition to communism to public speeches
ami public crusades we simply expose ourselves to thp dangers that Hitler bnmght
about in Germnny where your arbitrarily divide sections of the community, align
group against group. You face that futility of trying to decide who is a Com-
munist and who is not and what you mean by communism. It seems to 'me the
great clsallenge of the moment is to live a democ-ratic life which offers our p;^ople
everything they can legitimately desire. And so I have tried to apply myself in
my life, in my church, and in my plays, particularly my current play on Mr. Jus-
tice Holmes — to which I invite this committee to come when it plays in Los
Angeles — I believe the challenge is to get out and work in the market place and
live a truly American life. I don't see much good to b:^ achieved by debating
generalities, which is very easy, and just saying '"Down with communism."
Chairman Tennett. May I ask one other question in connection with that.
Q. As you watch tlie aggressive impei-ialist policy of Sovh-t Russia by diplo-
matic moves backed up by military threats in its encirclement of all the border
countries in Europe and see that paralysis creeping over Europe, how would you
combat that?— A. I still think. Senator, the answer is to live a better life at home
and live a better life abroad. I think the challenge to civilization at ths moment
is to put the greatest distance possible between World War II and World War III.
I hope with all my heart that we do not have war with Russia.
Q. And so do we all. — A. If we had war with Russia many of us would have
naturally to stand for tho.«:e American principles tliat we believe in.
Q. Let me interrupt you there. — A. But I think, Senator, lire point you are
getting at and the point I want to hit is this: How do we increase that peace
span between World War II and World War I'lV If popular irritations, if popu-
lar dangers are magnified be.vond their true scope, W3 are nf»t adult people trying
to put the greatest distance between AVorld War TI and AVorld War III. I believe
with the Pope it is a great time for prayer. People who are church-going people
should pray for peace. And, incidentally, whether you realize it or not, in
Catholic churches every Sunday for many, many years we have prayed for peace
with a large section of Russia.
Q. That is quite laudable. — A. May I point out how we do it. At the end of
Mass there is a prayer inserted by one of the Popes some years back for a reunion
with the Orthodox Russian Church. Every Sunday those prayers are said in
every Catholic Church the world over. The Catholic Church believes and works
for peace with Russia and so do I if I can get it.
Q. Let me point out this one situation. I would like to have your reaction on
that. We find today as we view the situation in Europe the identical situation
that developed under Hitler, the encirclement policy, the policy of aggression, the
declarations that we are not going to make war. We are seeing in some quarters
the same type of appeasement offered to Hitler. Now, do you feel we should do
the same thing with Stalin? — A. Senator, that is a difficult question. If I were
sitting on the United Nations Council it would not b3 easy to give an answer
to that, "Yes" or "No". All I can say is it puts us on the alert more than ever
at home to preserve the democratic society that we have. Even if we grant
the developing situation in Europe is one to try the patience of saints and great
men, still in trying to get them remedied it .seems to me that we throw in the
sponge prematurely. If in order to prepare for an emergency, a contingency that
has not yet happened, we begin at home to apply the principles of thought con-
trol to smooth everything out to a given line, it seems to me more than ever we
have to make that democratic life work at home where it is a free interplay of
opinions that makes the broad variety of home economic life. If we l)egin to
stamp out all the way along the line then truly we have gone for the Stalin pat-
tern. It seems to me this is the moment when we need the greatest diversity in
home life so that everybody can be heard, everybody can be represented in the
developing pattern of American life. If we go to the opposite and practically
project a wartime situation when there is no war it seems to me that we scrap
the democratic pattern even before we have come to this alleged struggle over
the democratic pattern.
428 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Q. Yon recognize communism as an atheistic evil thing in the ■world, but you
minimize its importance in American life; is that substantially it? — A. Senator,
tliat is almost it, but not quite. Let's take a section of life I know about. After
all, it doesn't get us very far if we sit here and discuss what we think is right
or wrong about the European situation. We are not on the spot and don't know
the facts. But take a small segment of American life that I know something about.
I have always said and I shall always insist that communism in the Hollywood
scene is a small and unimportant minority, and the vast majority of people who
work in tlie picture industry are not Communists, have nothing to do with
connuunism, and have been needlessly smeared in Congress and — —
Chairman Tenney. Our committee has said that many times. We believe the
great majority of people are loyal Americans. But we saw in the developments
before Hitler, the fifth columnists marching in this country with their front
organizations and extending great influence just as the Communists do. They
follow the same technique. That is something you should not overlook. But we
are getting too far afield if we get into a general philosophic discussion. I think
you had better proceed, Mr. Combs.
By Mr. Combs:
Q. Mr. Lavery, you have been engaged in writing in the motion-picture field
ever since you came to California? — A. Oh, yes — not continuously — but off and
on since 1935.
Q. Were you ever regularly employed by any one studio? — A. Oh, j-es ; many
tioies. When I first came out here I was under contract with Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer. Later I worked for Columbia. When I returned in 1941 I was under
contract with RKO. Since then I have been under contract to Walter Wanger
and to Warner Bros. At the moment I am an independent free lance.
Q. How long have you bee a free lance, about? — A. Oh, since perhaps February
or March of the last year, previous March.
Q. Is your anti-Communist sentiment generally known among the writing
fraternity? — A. I think so. Nobody in Hollywood motion pictures — I shouldn't
say nobody, but most people in the Hollywood picture industry have no doubts
as to where I stand.
Q. You have never endeavored to make it a secret, have you? — A. All I can say
my plays speak for themselves.
By Chairman Tenney :
Q. You do know that John Howard Lawson is considered one of the outstanding
Marxian Communists on the Pacific coast? — A. I am aware that that has been
represented.
Q. I don't think he has ever denied it. — A. No; I don't suppose he has.
By Mr. Combs :
Q. Mr. Lavery, have you ever given any thought to the allegation that has been
made many, many times, for example, by Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, head of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, that there are people in authority such as the
United States Attorney General and others say that while the Communist Party
in the United States may have given up its idea or its goal of achieving a revolu-
tion in this country, that the tndy indoctrinated Communist minority, that hard,
disciplined corps of Communist functionaries, small but quite potential neverthe-
less, are of considerable use to the Soviet Union along the lines of espionage?
Have you ever considered that? — A. Speculatively, yes. Dramatically I suppose
we have all considered it.
Q. Let me call your attention to a development we found recently. In our
Oakland hearing which we concluded a week ago Thursday we introduced into
the record photostatic copies of the minutes of the executive committee of an
organization known as the International Federation of Architects, Engineers,
Chemists, and Technicians, a CIO union. That union was started in New York
in 1933. Its president since 1937 has been a member of the Communist Party,
not an inferred member, but the proof is available in written form. The national
organizer for the union, Marcel Surer, ran for alderman in the city of New York
T)n the Communist Party ticket. The organization, locals of which exist in this
country and in Canada, comprise scientists, physicists, chemists, and so on. In
1943 in Berkeley, the place where the cyclotron was developed, it was shown by
the testimony of this hearing that all but two of the employees in the radiation
laboratory were members of this local union in Berkeley. Coincident with the
operation of the local in Berkel.ey, there was operating in San Francisco the Call-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 429
fornia Labor School, typical of similar oues, analogous to the People's Educational
Center, ostensibly a liberal institution for the dissemination of learning to people
in the trade-unions. The head of that school, Mr. David Jenkins, testified that
be had never been affiliated with the Communist Party, but his memory was
refreshed by a copy of a registration ticket in New York which he admitted.
He also admitted he had been arrested for Communist agitation. Witnesses
testified that he had free access to and from the Soviet Consulate in San Fran-
cisco. Teaching in the California Labor School of which he was the director
were certain atomic scientists, some of whom have access to the over-all picture
of atomic development in the United States. In addition to that, the' committee
analyzed and read excerpts from the Royal Commissioner's report in Canada
where proof was introduced coming from the Soviet Embassy itself that top
atomic secrets had been obtained in Canada and in this country. A sample of
uranium 235 was flown directly by plane from Ottawa to Moscow, and Igor
Suresko, whose job it was to code and decode messages between the ambassador's
office in Ottawa and the Soviet Union, took the official documents and made them
available for the Canadian authorities. I don't want to go by the mark by
citing all this matter which, of course, is in the record and which is substan-
tiated by documentary reports and sworn evidence, but I cite it to show how in a
project as important as atomic research infiltration can exist, not because the
vast majority of scientists in the United States are Communists, but where, in a
strategic place, where information is of value, a very small, compact, well-
disciplined, fanatical group can do untold damage. The analogy I am trying
to draw is this : In a situation like Hollywood which exercises such a profound
and widespread influence on the public, a long-range strategy of penetrating two
unions in that industry with the idea of getting control can be productive of
equal damage. — A. May I meet that issue head-on?
Q. Yes. — A. I don't know what the situation is in Berkeley. All I know is the
situation in Hollywood.
Q. Yes. — A. May I point out in passing that the guilds and unions do not employ
people who work in the motion-picture industry. This question in Hollywood
gets into a question this committee should not duck if it wants to follow through.
What ijroducers and what pictures? Now, look, we don't employ people. If
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer wants to employ a certain writer, or Warner Bros, wants
to employ a certain writer, that is the business of those studios. I have not yet
in my 10 years' experience in Hollywood found a man who can finance what you
would call a Communist picture through Loms B. Mayer or Mr. Sam Katz at
Metro. [Laughter.] They are anything but communistic gentlemen. I think the
Skourases, the Schenks, and Mr. Zanuck at Twentieth Century-Fox are as alert
aS this committee to not allow Marxian doctrines in pictures. It begs the ques-
tion to ask, What are the guilds or the unions doing about this? For one thing
they are not the employers.
Now, another thing. You are probably curious why I do not share immediately
your same quality of alarm when a minority with whom we do not agree politi-
cally is active in this or that union, I feel the danger is that in peacetime, when
we are not yet at war, of trying to liquidate a minority with which we may not
agree politically, that we may eliminate a lot of good people along the way.
The danger of generalization
Chairman Tenney. May I interrupt.
Q. Mr. Lavery, as you probably know, I am past president of local 47 of the
American Federation of Musicians, Los Angeles. At the time I was president we
had about 8.000 members and I saw 65 Communists take over the local. — A. All I
can say is I have not seen any Communists take over the Sci'een Writers Guild
at the present time. And as this committee says, my own Americanism and my
faith in this country has not been questioned here. Let me give a specific example
of what I mean by the danger of generalization with relation to minority groups.
At the risk of being jjersonal let me take a case that has concerned this com-
mittee here, a generalization which does a great deal of damage in the life of the
community. I take it that all members of the committee are familiar with the
Sleepy Lagoon case. People v. Henry Lewis. I have been studying the reports
of this committee and reading them with a great deal of interest for a long time.
I have not been able to find the page yet. but maybe counsel can give it to me.
where this committee has taken, shall we say, legislative notice of the fact that
what it cnlls a Conmiunist cause celebre was unanimously reversed by the district
court of appeals, three iudges. Thomas P. Wliite writing the opinion — incidentally,
a Catholic, of whom all Catholics are proud. Now, nowhere in the connnittee
67683—47 28
430 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
reports, even in the 104r» minutes, do I find even a footnote of where it mentioned
the reversal.
Mr. CoMHS. Excuse me. By minutes you mean the 1945 report?
The Witness. I mean the 1045 report to the assembly.
By Chairman Tenney :
Q. The reversal of that case came after the report was published. — -A. Oh, no.
Let me correct that. Senator. I checked that yesterday. The reversal of the
Sleepy Lagoon case came in February 1944 and the volume I am referring to is
April 1945.
Q. That was the date it was submitted to the legislature. I think you are going
far afield there because the real point was that the Communists made it a cause
eelebre.— A. But aren't you going to give the judiciary of California credit for
clearing up the case? The defendants were released.
Q. Do you realize many of them were arrested again and convicted of other
crimes? — A. I realize rhat. But in what minutes do you intend to footnote the
fact that the Api)ellate Court of California found the evidence was so slim and
flimsy that in the unanimous nuuunist^we find
among those people a tendency to lend their names as sponsors and contributors
to a vast nuiltitude of assorted organizations. I can say that we don't find
your name in that category.
The Witness. However, may I say this : The reason you don't find my name
on a lot of those' is because I try to be a little selective. You can only do so
much in 24 hours. But in this oonmiunity it is the inclination of people to partici-
pate in a wide variety of community activities, which I think is very com-
mendable. It would be much more to tlie shame of Hollywood if they stayed
at home in their ivory towers and swimming pools and took no concern of what
VA'as going on in the world.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 435
,Mr. CdMBs. Our criticism. Mr. Lavery— or. at least, mine — is not to the num-
bei- that they alfiliate with ; it is the fact they do not pay any attention to investi-
gating tile or.iianizations hefore they affiliate with them.
Tlie Witness, ^lay I say to tliat, we are now living at a time, and yon must
know on this connnitlee, we have a tendency to accuse being Connmniist anything
we may not liappen to agree with politically.
Mr. Combs. Not this committee.
Th(> Witness. No.
Ciiairman Tenxev. I want to interrupt tiierc to say you are a Fascist if you
don't go along with these things, too.
The Witness. Well, suppose we grant that. The inclination is to cal la man a
Fascist in some quarters as readily as a Communist in other quarters. I would
like to refer this committee to a series of letters I have written for the Tidings,
the Catholic diocese paper of Los Angeles, in which I have tried to analyze what
is the re.siionsibility of a man, a Catholic, in what I call a mixed society, in groups,
guilds, and unions, where you don't meet people of the same beliefs, religious,
I)olitical, or what have you. If the inference is to be in this country that one
withdraws from every guild where a question has ever been used or raised about
their ultimate purpose, then obviously the field of action is going to be left to the
status quo hoys.
Mr. Combs. That is vei-y true. I think you are right.
Chairman Tenney. I agree with you.
The Witness. But here in Hollywood, it .>eople as well who believe in social change.
Mr. Combs. I think you are right.
Chairman Tenney. Let me add there, Mr. Lavery — let me point out for the
sake of the record — that up through your history in the Hollywood motion-picture
Democratic Committee, which undoubtedly was Communist dominated and
inspirwl
The Witness. That, I deny, because I was afhllated with them.
Chairman TENNiri- (continuing). Let me point out to you Melvyn Douglas and
several other people at the time of the Hitler-Stalin pact resigned from the
organization because of its Conununist chai'acter. Then it became the Hollywood
Democratic Committee, the 'same group. And now it is the Hollywood Inde-
pendent Citizens Committee for the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, which every
investigating committee has looked into and has declared it to be a Communist
organization or a ('onnnunist front organization. Let me differentiate. This
comndttee knows probably better than anyone else that a Communist front
organization is composed, for the greater part, of good American citizens who
have no knowledge of the Comnninist control and direction of the organization.
The WiTNES.s. I would like to hit that right on the no.se. I would like to meet
that issue squarely as the Senator raises it. I will give you a thought from Mr.
.Justice Holmes again : "When the going gets tough, we should think things
instead of words." One of the greatest weasel words in modern law is Commu-
nist front, because, the truth of the mattei- is. it destroys organization. Now, let
me follow thrcuigli. Senator. There is hardly an organization in the average
life of an average big city in this country to which you could not apply Commu-
nist front on the theory there was one Communist in it.
Chairman Tenney. I disagTee with you. A Communist front organization is
characterized by the fact its .secretary and board of directors are controlled by
the Communists. You and I were members of Communist front organizations.
I didn't know it at the time, hut T know it now. I was told for years that the
National Lawyers Guild was a Comnumist front organization. I was in Chicago
when a resolution was introduced to condemn nazism, fascism, and conununism.
They were not willing to condemn communism, and 3,000 lawyers threatened to
disaffiliate because of it.
The Witness. Let's take two organizations. I have been identified with the
Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee in its current form.
, ..jChairman Tenney. They would use you because of your reputation.
The Witness. Just a second, Senator. I have sat in on board meetimrs. I was
not part of the first one, hut I was a member of the last one. I have sat in on
meetings there, and I didn't see, even on the basis of hearsay testimony, any
preponderance of Communist thought or couti-ol. Now. I Wiuit to lejive This
thought with you
436 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Chairman Tenney. Before you do that
The Witness. I don't want to 2:et away from that. I want to stick right on it
witli you, Senator, because, believe me, that is tlie big cliallenge of today.
Chairman Tenney. Here is the point. I don't lilce to interrupt, but I want
to bring this to your mind so that you can formulate your answer to it.
By Chairman Tenney:
Q. You don't read the I'eople's Daily World? — A. Not very often.
Q. And you don't read the Conuuunist publications, and if you don't d(» that
you can't know what the Communist Party line is. I do read them. — A. Senator,
I am surprised at you. If yovi keep that up you will be affet-ted by it.
Q. No; because I believe I read it objectively. I don't think I am influenced
by anything unless I have the facts behind it. But the outstanding, almost
amazing, fact is that these organizations never, never disagree with the Com-
nmnist Party line. That couldn't be coincidental. — A. May I hit that question
right on the nose? Senator, as a Catholic, day after day. I meet this question.
It is discussed in our churches all the time. It gets down to something as simple
as this : Shall we be only for those things the Communist oppose? Now, look
at the situation you are in. If the Communist Party says two and two are four,
and we know it to be so, shall we oppose it? If the Communist Party comes out
for the FEPC shall the Catholic Archbishop of Los Angeles come out and say,
"No; it is Communist"? Obviously, in a democracy the Communists are smart
enough from time to time to stand for a good thing. If we are going to de-
termine other than by objective trutli against who is for and who is against,
we are in for a three-ring circus and we will never get the ti'uth.
Q. Let me point out that what you say is partly true. After all, the Com-
munists pick up abuses and grievances and magnify them. — A. Is that bad?
Q. As far as being good, it is all right, because it does .some good. We want
to see things better. They want to make it worse. The real test is this: For
instance, when the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League was organized by V. J. Jerome
and John Howard Lawson and other Communists, it was a good organization as
far as the average American citizen is concerned, because they were against
the persecution of the Jews and the barbaric treatment of people in central
Europe. That was fine. But suddenly Stalin and Hitler got together. Now,
the real Communists went along with the new line. All of the innocent and
good American citizens immediately dropped out. The Hollywood Anti-Nazi
League folded up. Then it became the American Peace Mobilization. They
began to say, "The Yanks are not coming." Picket lines went around the White
House. Roosevelt was a warmonger. It was an imperialist war. Every decent
member in the membership got out, but the real Communists stuck right down
the line, and the Communist front organizations followed that line through.- —
A. But that is ancient history. We are dealing with contemporary history.
Q. But we have to go back to some facts we know about in order to apply
them to conditions that we are not so familiar with. — A. As lawyers, are you
going to be bound by the dead hand of precedent because something happened
in Hollywood 5 years ago?
Q. Not at all.
Mr. Combs. Does a lawyer have to be bound by precedent?
The Witness. No ; not if you are a good lawyer. Sometimes you make yttur
own precedent if you are a good judge and a good lawyer fighting for the truth.
I think the current trial at Nuremberg was a good thing. If it had to wait for
the dead hand of precedent it would never have been held.
Mr. Combs. You would have to wait for a long time.
The Witness. I know; but I want to rnise this question with the committee.
After all, let's be realistic in this thing. As a Catholic. I have been called both
a dupe and a dope for being president of the Screen Writers Guild. Those names
don't bother me a bit. I was brought up as a lawyer to looli for the objective
truth as I see it and not to weigh the Issues who is for or against, becau.se if you
do you become so objective you cannot make an intelligent appraisal of events.
In this town right now, in the Screen Writers Guild, in the mobilization, and in
the independent citizens' committee, there are honest people who are not being
hoodwinked.
Chairman Tenney. We are sure of that.
The Witness. I know. Senator ; but particularly after your committee has
been in session for a long time, it is the feelinc that those of us who linger
overlong in progressive groups are btMng fooled. Believe you me, I would rather
stay home than go to guild meetings every month, but I consider it part of my
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 437
oblif^atioii as an American citizen to pitch in and fight for social justice and
social change within the framework of our Constitution. But if we are going
to tab every questionable organization as a Connnunist-front organization, in
time you will drive out the Communists, but you will drive out a good 30 percent
of solid American citizens along with tlieni, and I think it will be a tragedy in
this country.
Chairman Tknnky. May I say, Mr. Lavery, that as soon as the Communists
fulfill their objectives they dissolve.
The Witness. Then on that basis the Screen Writers Guild should be elim-
inated.
Chairman Tenney. We are not talking about it. We never said the Screen
Writers Guild is a Communist organization.
The Witness. Witnesses have been here. What about private conversation
of people who were up here?
Chairman Tenney. We have said many times, and we say again, your organi-
zation has a lot of Communists in it. You know it, and I know it.
^ The Witness. Yes; but
Ciiairman Tenney. But we don't say the organization is Communist because
of that reason.
The Witness. I want to repeat that, and I will put it in large letters in the
Screen Writer.
Mr. Combs. Nor have we called you a Communist.
The W'Itness. I have been waiting for a long time to get a statement. I see
now the Senator's test of a Communist-front organization is one which comes
into life quickly and is dissolved quickly.
Chairman Tenney. No. Let me give you a full definition. A Communist-front
organization has for its core a group of Communist functionaries who have been
indoctrinated in Communist schools. They go out and get good people who don't
know anything about its Communist affiliation. They address these organiza-
tions with these names. They have used me, and they probably have used you.
All right. Then the organization goes along, and the good members, the Ameri-
can members, don't pay too much attention to it. The directors run it. The
Communist Party tells them what to do, and they carry it out. But the test is
this : Through their public enunciations they follow the party line. I will be glad
if you can show me any time where HICCASP has disagreed with Joe Stalin
or the foreign policy of Soviet Russia on the current Communist line; then I
will go along with you.
The Witness. On a certain point you will have to amend your definition., be-
cause at certain times you could prove the Pope himself was a fellow traveler.
Chairman Tenney. No, Mr. Lavery ; I said consistently, without deviation.
The Witness. All right. Consistently, without deviation.
Chairman Tenney. The true liberal is this : He will go along with the Com-
munist Party for a long time because invariably they pick out things that form
an impact on the public conscience; but occasionally when they get into conflict
with the interests of our own people, say, the foreign policy of Soviet Russia,
and the Byrnes policy at Paris, bringing the troops back from China to help the
Comnninist Chinese overthrow the Chinese Government — when those things run
contrary to the American conscience, the liberal has to leaVe them. The point
I am making is that the Communist-front organization never deviates from the
principles of Marxism or the conscience of Joe Stalin. They follow it very
consistently.
The Witness. One point I want to raise with respect to the Senator's defini-
tion : Who, short of the Supreme Court at Washington, will decide what you
mean by "Communists"?
Chairman Tenney. Referring to Mr. Justice Holmes, I could quote you a few
things he said about communism. I think you will find some quotations in the
1943 report.
The Witness. I am talking about a contemporary definition of communism.
In other words, let's face it. My grandfather, an Irish immigrant, came to the
Hudson Valley in New York State around 1860 or ISoO when the Know-Nothing
Party was ruiming up and down that valley. In those days to be a Catholic was
a dangerous and suhvfisive thing. He sat up nights with a gun on his knee
trying to protect the church against night-raiding Know-Nothings. I heard the
story as a boy. and I have never forgotten it. Now, I say to myself, as a Catho-
lic who believes in democratic American ideals, the wheels can turn very quickly.
Half of the things you receive in this committee against the Communists can be
438 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUHE INDUSTRY
applied ((Hiinrrow in tiic Imiuls of ii (•(iniiiiittcH not si» zciilnus ;if;:iinst ('atholic-a
very t-asily.
Cliiiirniaii Tknney. Would Mr. Fostt^- hp an anthorityV
'I'lie WiTNPTSs. On coinnninisni he may bt\
Chairman Tknnky. We have just jjot page after i)age of quotations.
The WiTNKss. Ye.s. I'>ut this eountry will not conline itself to learning these
definitions set up by AVilliain Z. Foster. You are in politics. I ran for Congress
and lost, happily enough. In politics we must realize the traffic of the ordinary
phra.se. When pfople talk about conununism and Comnninist-front organizations
they are not careful enough to keep Foster's definition in mind; when they !()Ui-
questions,
Mr. Lavei!Y. I liad one more
The Chairman. Oh, go ahead.
Mr. Lam:ry. I wanted to have a notation made for tlie record that
in October 1946, a few weeks after I appeared before the Tenney com-
mittee, I appeared vokmtarily before the office of the FBI in Los
Angeles — the office of Mr. Richard B. Hood — and I iisked him to make
a notation on liis record at that time that as president of the guild I had
appeared before the FBI voluntarily and had offered to put myself
and any records of our guild completely at his disposal at any time. I
have not heard fi'om him.
The Chairman. When was that?
Mr. Lavery. That was in October 194G. I think the records of ^Ir.
Hood in the Los Angeles office of the FBI will bear me out on that.
I would also ask the chairman to permit me to have a notation
made for the record that when the committee held its hearings in Los
Angeles, in the spring of last year. I was not subpenaed then, nor were
any records of my guild subpenaed, and this is the first opportunity
that I have had.
Mr. Chairman, I won't l)other you with anything more about it,
except it
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, just to keep the record straight ■
Mr. Lavery. Surely.
Mv. Stripling. The subcommittee was in Los Angeles this year.
Mr. Lavery. Oh, I am sorry.
Now, Mr. Chairman — and this will dispense with my preliminary
motions — I have a piece of information that I w^ould like to put in
the record on my owni motion and on my volunteering, because I am
not sure as a student of constitutional law whether the committee does
have the authority to demand it of me, but let me break the suspense
immediately and tell you that I am not a Communist. I never have
been. I don't intend to be. I will make open confession and admit
that I am a Democrat who in my youth was a Re])ublican. And if the
committee wants to know why I changed from Republican to
Democrat
Tlie Chairman. No; we are not interested in why you changed.
[Laughter.] Go ahead, Mr. Stripling, with the questions. Proceed
with the questions,
Mr. Lavery. This is the [handing statement to Mr. Stripling]— —
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman
The Chairman. Just a minute.
(The chairman confers with Mr. Lavery.)
The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Stripling, wath the questions,
Mr. Lavery. The Chair suggested I might leave that.
Mr. Striplin(}. ]\Ir. Chairman, I think in the interest of orderly
])rocedure it would be nuich better if the witness answered the questions
which the committee is going to ask him.
The Chairman. The witness has already agreed.
Mr. Lavery. I have agreed.
INIr. Stripling. All right. You are now the president of the Screen
Writers Guild; is that true?
Mr. Lavery. That is correct.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 443
Mr. STUiiM.ixr;. How many times liavo yon bctMi piesidont ?
Mr. Lavehy. I am servino; my third and last term.
Mr. STiurLiNG. And when were yon hist elected?
Mr. Lavery. a year ago this November.
INIr. Stritlixg. How many members are there of the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. Lavery. I think our active voting members number approxi-
mately 9o7. Onr nonvoting- associate members number approxi-
mately 5P>1.
Mr. Stripling. And what is the purpose of the guild?
Mr. Lavery. We are the official bargaining agency for screen
writers in Hollywood. We correspond roughly to the position of
the Dramatists Guild in the theater and are unaffiliated with either the
A. F. of L. or the CIO. Our only affiliation is with the Authoi-s
League of America.
Mr. STRirLiNG. Now, the Authors League of America, was that
established by the guild ?
Mr. Lavery. No. The Authors League of America is a much older
organization. It has been in existence for some time. It is a, you
might call it, federation which unifies the Radio Writers Guild, the
Authors League, the Dramatists Guild, and ourselves, although we
are not full members of the league. We are merely an affiliate.
Mr. Stripling. What is the purpose of the American Authors Au-
thority ? What does it seek to do ?
Mr. Lavery. Well, the American Authors Authority, which is not
in existence, was a licensing plan proposed by the Screen Writers
Guild to get better terms for the marketing of original material sold
for the screen. At the present time the Screen Writers Guild has a
minimum basic agreement with produ.cers, under which various terms
of employment are stabilized. But that is definitely an employment
situation. We have no contract which covers the sale of original
material.
The AAA was an attempt to establish a plan of licensing under
which authors would not sell outright their material for the screen,
but would license it for a certain term of years, for various per-
centages of profit.
Mr. Stripling. You stated that the American Authors Authority is
not now in existence. Was it originally formed ?
Mr. Lavery. No. It was a plan that was offered to the Authors
League of America.
There was a great deal of discussion among the member guilds of
the league, and the AAA as such was never adopted. But I think the
principle of licensing, which was the core of AAA, is still very much a
live issue and will be continued to be discussed in the Authors League
of America and member guilds for many years to come.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Lavery, as president of the guild, have
you ever noticed or observed or are you aware of any Counnunist in-
filtration within the Screen Writers iGruild?
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Stripling, I have said many times — I make it as a
general assumption — that there are probably Communists in the
Screen Writers Guild. I can't particularize that assumption as to
individuals, but I am walling to make the assumption generally that,
I think, there are Communists in the Screen Writers (niild.
444 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. What influence do you think they exert within the
guild?
Mr. L AVERY. Well, Mr. Stripling, I think it is not half as much as
they make out. I think that our Screen Writers Guild is not much
different from most guilds, most unions in this country. It has what
this committee would probably consider an extreme left and it has an
extreme right, but the great rank and file of the membership is what
I call liberal center. And, like any guild, we have our discussions.
We try to keep them in the f amih^ We try to solve them in the family,
as long as we can. I think we keep our guild on a good, even keel.
My only concern with respect to this whole proceeding, Mr. Chair-
man, is merely that people might go back home and think that they
have been political martyrs. An election in November which is com-
ing up in our Screen Writers Guild might be seriously affected, and
not for the better, if people thought that perhaps government had
interfered any more than was necessary in the normal operations of
the guild.
I think our guild has been competent in the past and is now com-
petent to manage its own affairs, to keep it definitely in the American
order of things, and to do well by the country and by its own guild.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with Mr. John Howard Lawson?
Mr. La VERY. Yes. I have known John Howard Lawson for some
years.
Mr. Stripling. Is it true that he was the first president of the guild ?
Mr. La VERY. I think way back in the early days, prior to reorgan-
ization of the guild in 1937, John Howard Lawson was president, in
those very early days ; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Is he now a member of the guild?
Mr. La VERY. Yes ; I believe Mr. Lawson is obviously still a member
of the guild.
Mr. Stripling. Do you think that John Howard Lawson is a mem-
ber of the Communist Party ?
Mr. La VERY. Mr. Stripling, I have no information beyond what I
have heard read into the record here during the few days that I have
been in Washington. I don't know whether he is or not. I have never
seen his card. But I have heard the testimony that has been offered
here this week.
Mr. Stripling. Does Mr. Lawson conduct himself in guild affairs-
along the Communist Party line?
Mr. Lavery. Well, the truth of the matter is, Mr. Stripling, that
Mr. Lawson hasn't been as active in the affairs of the guild, at least on
the floor of meetings that I have chaired, as he was in years gone by.
Mr. Stripling. What about Mr. Dalton Trumbo? Do you know
Mr. Dalton Trumbo?
Mr. L WTERY. Yes ; I Imow Mr. Trumbo.
Mr. Stripling. And Mr. Trumbo was editor of the Screen Writer,
the official publication of the guild, was he not ?
Mr. Lavery. That is true. At one time Mr. Dalton Trumbo was
editor of the Screen Writer, the monthly publication of the Screen
Writers Guild.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know if he holds any other position in the
Screen Writers Guild at this time?
Mr. Lavery. I don't think so at this time.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 445
Mr. Stripling, Do you think Mr. Dalton Trumbo is a Communist ?
Mr. Lavery. Mr. Stripling,' 1 have no information beyond what I
have heard here this week. I mean, I have heard the memoranda read
and the charge made tliat there was a membership card in his name.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the statement which the Hol-
lywood Reporter carried, asking Mr, Trumbo and others wdio are
members of the Screen Writers Guild to deny that they held party card
so and so ?
Mr. Lavery. Yes. But the reason that perhaps I don't attribute too
much weight to what the Hollywood Reporter says, Mr, Stripling, is
that one time they said the same thintis about me and until I threat-
ened to sue ^Ir. Wilkerson for libel. He published a two-page retrac-
tion, at his own expense. He was making the same charge against
me.
Mr. Stripling. Well
The Chairman. Isn't it quite strange, then, that they don't threaten
to sue?
Mr. Lavery, Well, maybe I like to sue more than other people, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. These daj^s everybody likes to sue, I can tell you
that,
Mr, LA\TiRY. I meant to make a notation in the record earlier, Mr.
Chairman, with respect to the credibility of witne'-ses who have pre-
ceded me, that I have a libel suit pending in the State of California
against one of the star witnesses of this committee, I have sued Mrs,
Lela Rogers in the Superior Court of California for $1,000,000, in libel
and slander, for remarks made about a play of mine, which has been
mentioned here. The Gentleman from Athens, in a Town Hall broad-
cast on September 2,
The Chairman, Wasn't that all in the newspapers?
Mr, LA^T.RY. It was also in the records of this committee, Mr, Chair-
man,
The Chairman, Well
Mr, Laat>ry, Everything except the fact that I sued her for libel.
The Chairman. Well, is it pertinent to this inquiry?
Mr, Lavery. I think it is pertinent as to the credibility of whatever
Mrs, Rogers said.
Mr. Stripling. I don't think Mrs. Rogers made any mention of it
during her testimony, Mr. Lavery.
Mr, Lavery. No; but she talked about communism in Hollywood,
Mr. Stripling. But we are now asking you about communism in
the Screen Writers Guild, of which there is apparently quite some
activity.
Mr. Lavery. All right, let us discuss communism in the Screen
Writers Guild.
Mr. Stripling. I think that is the purpose for having the witness
here.
Mr. La%tery. All right.
Mr. Stripling, As president of the Screen Writers Guild, we would
like to know just what influence the Communists exercise in the Screen
Writers Guild, because the people whom we have had here the last
several days and who have refused to answer whether or not they
were Communists have long associations with the Communist Party.
67683—47 29
446 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
There has been introduced documentary evidence to show that
Communist membership.
Now, what influence do the six people who have been here in the
last 3 days exercise in the guild ?
Mr. La VERY. Mr. Stripling, I say they do not have control of the
guild, and if they did have control of the guild I would have stayed
home long ago.
Mr. Stripling. Did they ever have control of the guild?
Mr. La VERY. Not while I have been president.
Mr. Stripling. Did Mr. Trumbo, who was the editor of the Screen
Writer, the ofKcial organ of the guild?
Mr. La VERY. Yes ; that is true, but I think
Mr. Stripling. I think some of these others have held prominent
positions in the guild.
Mr. La VERY. Yes ; but we are a guild of many, many members, Mr.
Stripling — 937 or 931 active members. You have mentioned the names
of perhaps a half dozen.
Mr. Stripling. There will be others.
Mr. La VERY. I will be glad to discuss them, if I can.
Mr. Stripling. Would you think it is possible for a few Commu-
nists to exert tremendous influence within unions and organizations?
Mr. La VERY. . I think it is possible for them to try. I don't think in
a group of writers it is possible for them to get away with it. Have
you ever tried to organize a group of writers to do anything?
[Laughter.]
(The chairman pounds gavel.)
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, are you familiar with an organization
known as the Hollywood Writers Mobilization?
Mr. Lavery. Yes. I was its wartime chairman. And may I point
out for the record that there was an error made the other day in
one of the dossiers describing the organization the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization. I don't know much about the personal careers of Mr.
John Howard Lawson or the political careers of Mr. Lawson and
.Mr. Trumbo. I know something about the Writers Mobilization. I
don't know where your investigators got their information, but I am
sure the FBI in Los Angeles can tell you that the Hollywood Writers
Mobilization was not the successor of the League of American Writers.
Nobody who knows the Hollywood scene would ever make that ob-
servation. The Hollywood Writers Mobilization was roughly wdiat
you might call a writers' war board, formed on the west coast during
the war, to service the agencies of the Government in their need
for various scripts in various parts of the war effort.
And I have brought with me here today, if the committee is in-
terested, a medal [indicating] — not an important medal, but a medal
anyway — which the Treasury Department of the United States sent
to me as chairman of the Writers Mobilization in return for the work
that I did in the war years.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, if the members have any questions
at this point. I would like a few moments to review certain notes I
have.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDoAVELL. No questions.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 447
The Chairman. Mr. Laveiy, the committee has gone over your
statement. In view of the fact that you have indicated your atti-
tude very fully up to now — and you will probably have more to add —
plus the additional fact that there is much in your statement that is
not pertinent to the inquiry, we decline to have you read the state-
ment in these hearings.
-Mr. LvvEHY. May 1 have a notation made for the record, Mr. Chair-
man, that I respectfully dissent ?
The Chairman. That is all right. That is your right.
Mr. La VERY. And may I carry the further notation that I am al-
ways available and at the service of the committee for any questions.
I don't want to leave this stand, Mr. Chairman, without going ex-
haustively into any questions
The Chairman. Oh, we are not asking you to leave the stand.
Mr. La VERY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. We want you to go into the matter very thoroughly.
Mr. La\t:ry. I will be glad to.
The Chairman. Very thoroughly.
Mr. La VERY. I will be glad to.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lavery, can you tell me what position, if any,
you ever held in the Hollywood Writers Mobilization ?
Mr. Lavery. I was its wartime chairman.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether the Writers Mobilization ever
attempted any censorship ?
]\Ir. Lavery. I don't see how they would be in a position to, Mr.
Stripling. They wrote literally on assignment to Government agen-
cies. The production of
Mr. Stripling. Would you describe for the committee just what the
Wiiters Mobilization did do — its entire functions?
Mr. La\^ry. Yes. As a matter of fact, some of it is here in my
record. I have the full report, which was once put in the Congres-
sional Record. But, briefly, it was a clearing house set up by six
or seven guilds in Hollywood, to pool their common functions as
writers, actors, directors, and producers, in the preparation of scripts
for War bond drives ; docimientaries for use of the Army or Navy or
Treasuiy Departments; and similar activity — the preparation of
speeches during the war drive. But this was definitely what you
might call a cooperative research agency placed at the disposal of
the Government.
The speeches or films or scripts were ij;rn-
ment.
I believe it was brought out at the hearing that Mr. Eisler received
$26,000 for various scores whicli he had written for RKO-Keiths.
Now, as an executive of RKO-Keiths, what is the policy of your
company with regard to the employment of people who are notoriously
international Communists ?
Mr. Schary. That policy, I imagine, will have to be determined by
tlie president, by the board, and by myself. I can tell you personally
what I feel. Up until the time it is proved that a Communist is a man
dedicated to the overthrow of the Government by force or violence,
or by any illegal methods, I cannot make any determination of his
employment on any otlier basis except whether he is qualified best to
do the job I want him to do.
Mr. Stripling. If Mv. Eisler, himself, stated in writing that he was
working for the overthrow of this Government by force and violence,
would that be sufficient evidence for you?
Mr. Schary. That would be ; yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. I will give you a copy of the hearings with the evi-
dence in them
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. And ask that you read them.
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 471
Mr. Stripling. Regarding Mr. Eisler.
Mr. ScHARY. Where is that, sir? Where would I find it ?
Mr. Stripling. I would be glad to find it.
Now, Mr. Schary
The Chairman. May I ask a question right there?
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. In view of the testimony that was presented to the
Un-American Activities Committee concerning Hanns Eisler and
knowing him now as a Connnunist, and knowing also the record of
both Gerhart Eisler and Hanns Eisler, would you as a studio executive
be willing to hire him now ?
Mr, Schary. As I told Mr. Stripling, if there is evidence to support
the charge that he is dedicated to the overthrow of the Government by
force I would not hire him. I would hire no such man because I be-
lieve he would not be dedicated to the best interests of America.
The Chairman. Just let's forget that for a second, and think of
Hanns Eisler.
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. You have read a lot about Hanns Eisler lately ?
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Would you be willing to rehire Hanns Eisler?
Mr. Schary. I think, Mr. Thomas — and I really don't want to be
evasive, and I don't want you to assume that I am — I can only judge
in terms of the record. Now, I have been asked by Mr. Stripling that
if, on the record, I was shown that this man had been definitely proven
that he was dedicated to the overthrow — that the Communist Party
was dedicated to the overthrow of the Government — of course I would
not hire him. But I cannot judge that until it is part of a proven
record. I think I must do that as a citizen.
The Chairman. All right. Well, supposing it is not called to your
attention that the Communist Party is dedicated to the overthrow of
the Government by force or violence, but knowing the record of Hanns
Eisler — just think in terms of Hanns Eisler — having read what you
have about Hanns Eisler, aro you willing to rehire Hanns Eisler?
Mr. Schary. Well, you get into a completely different area. You
are confusing me between a matter of a principle and a matter of
whether I would, as an executive in charge of motion pictures, hire
Hanns Eisler.
The Chairman. I am talking about you now as an executive.
Mr. Schary. As an executive, I can only repeat and maintain that
position, Mr. Chairman, which I think is a very rational position as a
citizen. I will hire only those people I believe best qualified for their
jobs until it is proven, until it is a matter of record, and if that record
is shown to me of course I would not hire anyone who is dedicated to
the overthrow of the Government by force.
The Chair:man. All right, but supposing we can prove that Hanns
Eisler was a Communist and was very active as an international Com-
munist
Mr. Schary. Yes.
The Chairmax. But there has never been any proof, we will say, that
he advocated, ])ersonally advocated, the overthrow of the Government
by force or violence.
Mr. Schary. Yes.
472 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman". Knowing the record as you do — in all newspapers
now-^would you rehire Hanns Eisler ?
Mr. SciiARY. I have to answer that in two parts, and I again don't
want to seem evasive.
One part is that I don't know whether I would hire Mr. Hanns
Eisler because of his particular qualifications as a musician. The
second, there has been a ruling, I believe, in the Supreme Court which
prohibits me as an American to arbitrarily refuse employment to a
man purely because of his politics. I believe that was adjudicated by
the Supreme Court and I cannot, as an American, refuse that.
What I might feel personally about that would be another thing.
The Chapman. Therefore, assuming that Hanns Eisler is a great
artist; assuming also that he is a Communist, you would not hesitate
to rehire him ?
Mr. ScHARY. I would not hesitate to rehire him if it was not proven
that he was a foreign agent. I would still maintain his right to think
politically as he chooses.
The Chairman. Have you ever heard of Rip Van Winkle?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir ; many years ago.
The Chairman. Well, I want to tell you something. If some people
in the United States don't wake up and get out of the long sleep we
will find some of the difficulties here that they have encountered in
France and Italy and Yugoslavia and Poland and Finland, and some
of these South American countries. It is the Rip Van Winkle opinion
that has been permitting communism to grow throughout the world
the way it has.
That is all.
(Loud applause.)
Mr. S< 'hary. ]\Iay I comment for a moment on that, Mr. Chairman ?
The Chairman. Your answers need no comment. They are very
clear.
Mr. ScHARY. I don't think you are being fair and I think I should
be permitted to comment on that.
The Chairman. Well, go ahead and comment, then.
Mr. Sciiary. What I feel about that is this: That I have been
opposed to Communists. I am not a Communist. I have never been a
Communist. I never contemplated becoming a Communist, and I am
opposed to Comnumists. I have fought the Communist line at any
time that I have seen it become appaient. I fought in 19^0 when it
was very apparent, and I have fought it in any possible way I can, and
I shall continue to fight it, but I believe, along with most American
citizens, as Mr. Vail pointed out today, that it is not as great a danger
as some people believe it to be. I think the American people resent it.
I don't think communism has anything to offer the American people,
and that is why I don't think it is as dangerous as some people do.
Mr. Stripling, Mr. Schary, what is your attitude regarding the
Communist Party of the United States? Do you think that it is a
domestic ])olitical party or do you consider it to be a party which takes
its direction from a foreign government and acts in strict conformity
with the policies of that government, namely, the Soviet Union?
Mr. Schary. Whether it is under orders from Moscow, of course I
don't know, but I do say that there is a great similarity, very often,
between Russian foreign policy and the Communist Party line in
America.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 473
Mr. Stripling, There is an exact similarity, isn't there?
Mr. SciiARY. As I say, I liave noticed there has been that.
Mr. Stripling. Yon conldn't give the committee any deviations from
it, could you, exact deviations?
Mr. ScHARY. Not to my knowledge ; no.
Mr. Stripling. Now, are Mr. Scott and Mr. Dmytryk, who preceded
you, employed in your studio?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes ; they are under contract.
Mr. Stripling. You heard them refuse to answer the question
whether or not they are members of the Communist Party, did you not ?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Will you continue to employ them?
Mr. ScHARY. They are under contracts to RKO. They were em-
ployed by RKO before I came there. My association with both Mr.
Scott and Mr. Dmytryk has been very professional. As an executive
I have consulted with them on films, t can only say this, Mr. Stripling,
I do not know what these men in their minds are pledged to.
It would come to me as a very terrible shock if I found out that these
charges being made here in terms of their being foreign agents are
true. That would come to me genuinely as a very surprised shock, but
I must say, not in defense but in honesty, that at no time in discussions
have I ever heard — or films — these men make any remarks or attempt
to get anything subversive into the films I have worked on with them.
I must say that in honesty.
Mr. Stripling. Well, INIr. Schary, you saw them here this afternoon
given every opportunity to answer the questions
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Whether or not they were ever a member of the
Communist Party.
Mr. Schary. That is right, sir.
Mr. Stripling. You have heard the investigator for this committee
read the name, date, number, and place of their Communist member-
ship.
Mr. Schary. That is right, sir.
Mv. Stripling. There has been no denial from these two gentlemen.
ISIr. Schary. That is right, sir. I can perhaps disagree with their
method of answering this question. I must say that there probably
remains some area of doubt about their right to answer that way. I
personally would disagree with their method.
Mr. Stripling. Now, have you employed at your studio a person by
the name of Bertholcl Brecht ?
Mr. Schary. Repeat that, please ?
Mr. Stripling. Berthold Brecht, B-e-r-t-h-o-l-cl B-r-e-c-h-t.
Mr. Schary. No, sir ; I never have.
Mr. Stripling. He has never been employed at RKO ?
Mr. Schary. No, sir ; not while I have been there, not that I know
of ; no, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Getting back to Mr. Eisler again, Mr. Schary. If
Mr. Eisler, as one who had taken out citizenship papers in the United
States, were to send a cablegram to a foreign government in which he
quotes :
It gives us courage in the struggle and binds us to give all our strength in
the defense of the Soviet Union.
474 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Would you say that his allegiance was completely with the United
States or possibly with the Soviet Union?
Mr. ScHARY. No, sir. If that is a fact, then, of course
Mr. Stripling. He sent the following message.
Mr. ScHARY. Then there is no doubt about that, sir.
Mr. Stripling. Then would you consider that Mr. Eisler should
remain employed in the motion-picture industry ? I am not relating
it to your studio, but do you think, for example, that a man with the
notorious record Mr. Eisler has, and who has written the most revolu-
tionary music, and — I am speaking from the standpoint of words in
the music; I am not speaking of the score
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
Mr. Stripling. If he attacks our entire system over and over again,
a man who heads up a bureau with headquarters in Moscow with the
avowed purpose of destroying capitalism throughout the world, do
you think he has a place or is entitled to draw as much as $26,000 a
year from the motion-picture industry and to write the score for pic-
tures as prominent as None But the Lonely Heart, and others?
Mr. ScHARY. Well, Mr. Stripling, as 1 stated, if this is fact, of
course I agree with you and, of course, he shouldn't be.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Schary, I have here a letter written on
the letterhead of the Vanguard Films, Inc., Culver City, Calif., office
of Dore Schary, dated April 17, 1915. It is written to Mr. Emmett
Lavery, care of Mrs. Pauline Lauber, Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion. Subject: Writers' assignments for Hollywood Bowl memorial
program, April 23.^* It states :
Dear Emmett : I am enclosing herewith a list of the writing assignments of
the Hollywood Bowl memorial program to be presented April 23. Following the
list of assignments we will state the tentative continuity for the show. We are
rushing these assignments to you by messenger so that you can contact the
writers. The continuity of the show will follow in a couple of hours after we
have completed work on it. The writers who will do the over-all narration and
who will be most concerned with the complete continuity of the show are Helen
Deutsch, Maxwell Anderson, and Leonardo Bercovici.
Then it states :
Mayor Bowron's speech, 2% minutes, to be written by Mary McCall.
T>^ you know Mary McCall?
]VIr. Schary. Yes.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
County Representative Smith's speech, 2^2 minutes, to be written by Maurice
Rapf.
Do you know Maurice Rapf ?
Mr. Schary. That is right. .
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Federal Judge .T. T. F. O'Connor, 2^^ minutes, to be written by Faragob.
Do you know Francis Faragoh?
Mr. Schary. Yes.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
Gov. Earl Warren, 5 minutes, to be written by Emmett Lavery.
Do you know Mr. Lavery ?
Mr. Schary. Yes, sir.
^* See appendix, p. 548, for exhibit
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 475
Mr. STKirLixo (reading-) :
Note to Mary McCall : Mayor Bowron's speech will open the program and will
include the theuie of the program.
Dramatization of President Roosevelt's record. The details of tiiis will be
discussed at a general meeting for all the writers, 10 minutes, to be written by
Alvah Bessie — •
Do you know Mr. Bessie?
]\Ir. ScHAKY. No; I did not know liim at the time. I knew him
after that.
Mr. STRiPLi>rG (reading) :
Leon Meadows and Abe Polansky.
The United Nations Section (this section will also be detailed at the writers'
conference), 15 minutes, to be written by Vladimir Pozner and King Lardner.
Mr. SciiARY. .Yes.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
The Human Side of President Roosevelt, 5 minutes, to be written by Harry
Trivers, Abe Burroughs, Harry Kurnitz, and Abe Polansky.
The section of the program that will segue from
Mr. ScHARY. Segue.
Mr. Stripling (reading) :
from the memorial to President Roosevelt to the pledge of support to President
Truman, 3 minutes, to be written by Paul Green.
Pledge of Allegiance to the Ideals of Mr. Roosevelt and to the Future, 1 minute,
to be written by Dalton Trumbo. Introduction to the Pledge of Allegiance, 2
minutes, to be written by Dalton Trumbo.
By the time you get this letter we will have called you on the telephone and
asked for your help in arranging a meeting for all the writers this afternoon.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
DORE SCHARY.
Mr. ScHARY. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Schary, I read this letter for one purpose.
Several of the writers who are assigned here to do certain portions
of the program have been identified before this committee as being
members of the Communist Party. They have likewise refused to deny
that they are members of the Communist Party. If you had such an
assignment to do over again, would you call upon men who had been
identified before a Committee of Congress and men who had refused
to deny before a conmiittee of Congress, to write these various assign-
ments ?
Mr. SciTARY. If I were assigned today as I was at that time by the
city to do a memorial program to President Roosevelt, some of my
selections on that list might be ditferent.
At the time that memorial was written it was shortly after the death
of Franklin Roosevelt. These writers were all people connected with
the War Mobilization Board and I asked for help in the arranging of
this program because we were desperately in need of time.
I can only say again that these men at that time wrote speeches that
I thought were very American and very much in tribute to the Presi-
dent. They had nothing subversive in them.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Schary, do you think or do you consider that
threre is any Comnmnist influence in tlie motion-picture industry in
any field, which is definitely a disrupting influence or force within
the motion-picture industry?
476 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. ScHARY. I think there are Communists in Hollywood. No one
at any time would care to deny that. That has been testified here,
and I would be glad to testify that I believe there are Communists
in Hollywood, but again testimony has revealed that these people at
any time they have tried to dominate guilds and unions have been
defeated.
I think the large segment of Hollywood, represented, I think, very
ably this morning by Mr. La very, like most Americans of a middle-
of-the-road group — some of them may be left of center, some right,
but essentially middle-of-the-road people. ^
Whenever the Communist attempts to dominate any organization in
Hollywood he is defeated and for that reason, while I believe there
are Communists, I don't think they have any weight either in the
organizations of Hollywood or in tlie actual things that appear on
the screen.
I think that since we are investigating im|)artially — and I shall be
very happy to continue that investigation impartially — we should talk
about the actual things that get on the screen and I think to that end,
I don't know of any subversive films ever made, I just don't.
The Chairman. I want to say to you in answer, in the first place,
I want to make it very clear that your appearance here today is no
reflection on you.
]Mr. ScHARY. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. We are very pleased to have you. In regard to the
scripts and the pictures, investigators of this committee now are
making a very thorough study of some of the pictures.
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. It is very likely that in another phase of these hear-
ings we will devote all of our time to just that thing.
I feel as you do, Mr. Schary, that your industry is just like many
other industries, there are a number of Communists in it. The influ-
ence of the Communists in the industry — the influence is far out of
proportion with the number of Communists in the industry, let me put
it that way. But the mere fact that it is there deserves our attention.
I know you and your associates out there want us to give it our atten-
tion. That is our job so we are going to do that, we are going to con-
tinue to do that.
Mr. Vail, do you have something?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, on that point, could I
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Could I ask you this question, Mr. Schary?
Mr. Schary. Yes, Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripling. Are you now producing, is your company producing
a picture based upon the book entitled, "Rachael" written by Howard
Fast?
Mr. Schary. Yes, that is a short story called "Rachael."
Mr. Stripling. Written by Howard Fast?
Mr, Schary. Yes. It was purchased — I think the studio has owned
it since 1936.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the Communist record of
Howard F'ast ?
Mr. Schary. I am familiar with it, yes.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 477
Mr. SiTtiPLiNG. He is a publicly avowed Communist?
Mr. ScHARY. Yes; that is right.
Mr. Stripling. You have no objection, then, to producing the works
of Communists?
Mr. ScHARY. The point I want to make, Mr. Stripling, is that I did
not purchase the story Rachael. That was purchased before I got
there. When I got there and reviewed the material there was a script
already written, a script of Rachael, and I found it, I must say, a very
charming story, not political whatsoever. It is a picture of American
pioneer life in the early 1800's and, as a mater of fact, the film has
been completed. There is nothing whatever political in it.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions I have.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. Mr. Schary, I have been very much interested in your
testimony, and I am in complete accord with your temperate and tol-
erant attitude. I think we all feel that way, but to my way of thinking
a new situation has arisen in America today that is not covered com-
pletely by the law. As a matter of fact, this committee is sitting for
the purpose of considering the situation as it applies to Hollywood, so
that we may get a general picture of what is going on in the country so
that it can make its recommendations with respect to legislation to the
Congress when it convenes.
It is my thought that the American people, while maintaining an
attitude of tolerance, should also maintain an alert attitude to prevent
further inroads of this menace to its welfare.
Now, in your own case, you have admitted that Hanns Eisler was
employed in your studio for some little time ; you associated with him,
and yet it took this connnittee to alert you insofar as the real nature
of his activities were concerned; isn't that true?
Mr. Schary. Yes. As I said, I did not know Hanns Eisler was a
Communist until — or reputedly a Communist, I should say, until this
record was shown me — until, rather, I heard it before. The point I
make, however, was that he was not employed by me at the time. The
question of em})l()yment then came up later on with Mr. Stripling.
As far as the other points you make, Mr. Congressman, certainly
I believe that America and the American people should be alerted and
very vigilantly alwut their prerogatives.
My point is that they are. I believe they are very alert and very
vigilant and this is why conmiunism, I believe, has not gotten any
kind of a hold politically in the United States whatever. I don't think
it has anything to offer the American people.
Mr. Vail. I appreciate the fact that it has nothing to offer the Amer-
ican people, but when you say it has made no progress in this country,
of course I disagree with you. Perhaps we have more information
concerning the development of communism in this country than you
have.
Mr. Schary. That is right.
Mr. Vail. And certainly we are quite watchful. We are well aware
of the connnunistic activity in Government circles, incidentally. It is
our business to be alert to those things and it is your business, ap-
parently, to follow your screen duties. That is one of the reasons
why the activities of Mr. Eisler escaped your attention, but they did
not escape ours. That is the point I am bringing out.
67683 — 47 31
478 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTHY
Mr. ScHARY. Yes, sir.
Mr. Vail. And I think we have made you more coniscious since your
experience with Mr. Eisler and the knowledge you now possess con-
cerning Mr. Eisler, of the fact that Communists exist where you
perhaps didn't think they existed before, and if we perfoi-m the same
service with others, with other Americans, we will have done the jol>
to which we were assigned.
Mr. ScHAKY. I respect that. Mr. Congressman. I would only like
to nuike one connnent, if I may, sir, that I honestly believe tJuit the
people in Holywood, management, labor groups, guilds themselves,
are vevy, very conscious and very aware of their heritage as Americans.
They are called upon by the Government of the United States very
often to express and perform those prerogatives.
I just want you to know that our concern about it and our desire
to keep all American rights is just as keen as yours.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
Mr. McDowell. I have no questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Schary, and don't for-
get what I said about Rip Van Winkle. [Laughter.]
Mr. ScHxVRY. Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. The committee will stand adjourned to meet at
10 : 30 tomorrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 3 :10 p. m., an adjournment was taken to 10 : 30 a. m.
of the following day, Thursday, October 30, 1947.)
"^ See appendix, p. , for exhibit 93.
HEAR1N(} REGARDING THE COMMUNIST INFILTRA-
TION OF THE MOTION-PICTURE INDUSTRY
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1947
House of RErKESENTAxivEs,
('o:M.MriTEE ox Ux- American Activities,
Wa^'ihingfon, D. O.
The coniiiiittee met iit 10: 'M) a. ni., Hon. J. Parnell Thomas (chair-
man) presiding.
The CHAiiniAX. The meeting will come to order. Everyone please
be seated.
Tlie reconl will show thai a snbcomniittee is sitting, consisting of
Mr. McDowell. Mr. Vail, and Mr. Thomas.
Statt' members present : Mr. Kobert K. Stripling, chief investigator;
Messrs. Louis J. Russell and Robert B. Gaston, investigators; and
Mr. Benjamin Mandel. director of research.
Mr. Kennv. Is Mr. Kenny in the room?
Mr. Kexxy. Yes. sir.
The C'liAiK.AiAX'. Ml". Crum t
Mr. ('him. Yes. sii-.
Tlie Chaiioiax'. Will you please come to the chairman's desk.
(Conference at bench.)
'riie CiiAiRMAx. The committee will go into executive session. We
will be in recess for about 10 minutes.
Mr. Stripling, will you come with the committee?
Mr. Stkipeixo. Yes, sir.
( There was a recess taken from 10 : 35 to 10: 42 a. m.)
The CnAiK:\rAx. The committee will come to order.
Mr. Stripling, first witness.
Mr. Striplix(;. Mr. Ring Lardner. Jr.
The CiiAiRMAX. Mr. Ring Lardner, Jr.
Ml'. Lardner. Avill you raise your right hand, please. You solemnly
swear the testimony you are about to give is the truth, the whole truth,
and nothing but the truth, so help yon God ?
Mr. Larox'er. I do.
The C'liAiRMAX. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF RING LARDNER, JR., ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL,
MR. KENNY AND MR. CRUM
Mr. STRipr,ixG. Mr. Lardner, will you please state your full name
and present address?
Mr. Lardxer. Ring W. Lardner, Jr., 325 Georgina Avenue, Santa
Monica. Calif.
479
480 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born. Mr. Lardner?
Mr. Lakdxek. On August 19, 1915, in Chicago. 111.
Mr. Stripling, AVhat is your occupation?
Mr. Lardner. A writer.
Mr. Stripling. Hoav long have you been a writer?
Mr. Lardner. I have been a writer about 10 years.
Mr. Chairman, I have a short statement I would like to make.
The Chairman. Have you completed the identification?
Mr. Stripling. That is sufficient.
(The witness hands statement to the chairman.)
Mr. Crum. Have you a co]3y for Mr. Stripling?
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
^(The witness hands statement to Mr. Stripling.)
The Chairman. Mr. Lardner. the committee is unanimous in the
fact that after you testify you may read your statement.
Mr. Lardner. Thank you.
JVlr. Stripling. Mr. Lardner, you are here before the committee in
response to a subpena served upon you on September '22; is that
correct ? ^^
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lardner, are you a member of the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. Lardner. Mr. Stripling, I want to be cooperative about this,
but there are certain limits to my cooperation. I don't want to help
you divide or smash this particular guild, or to infiltrate the motion-
picture business in any way for the purpose which seems to me to be
to try to control that business, to control what the American people
can see and hear in their motion-picture theaters.
The Chairman. Now, Mr. Lardner, don't do like the others, if I
were you, or you will never read your statement. I would suggest
Mr. Lardner. Mr. Chairman, let me
The Chairman. You be responsive to the question.
Mr. Lardner. I am
The Chairman. The question is, and I will ask it ; I will repeat the
question.
Mr. Lardner. All right.
The Chairman. The question is: Are you a member of the Screen
Writers Guild?
Mr! Lardner. But I understood you to say that I would be permitted
to read the statement, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Yes; after you are finished with the questions and
answers
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
The Chairman. But you certainly haven't answered the questions.
Mr. Lardner. Well, I am going to answer the questions but I don't
think you qualified in any way your statement that I would be allowed
to read this statement.
The Chairman. Then I will qualify it now. If you refuse to an-
swer the questions then you Avill not read your statement.
Mr. Lardner. Well, I know that is an indirect way of saying you
don't want me to read the statement.
'^ See appendix, p. 548, for exhibit 89.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 481
The CiiAuniAx. Tlieii you know ii<>lit now you are not going to an-
swer the question : is tliat correct 'I
Mr. L'ardxer. No ; I am going to answer tl)e question.
The CiiAiHMAx. AH right, then; answer that question.
Mr. Lakdxer. All right, sir. I think these points I am bringing
out are relevant to the question because I have to ccmsider why the
question is asked
The Chairman. We will determine why the question was asked.
We want to Icnow whether you are a member of the Screen Writers
Guild.
Mr. Laruxkr. Yes
The Chairmax. That is a very simple question. You can answer
that "yes" or ''no.'' You don't have to go into a long harangue or
speech. If you want to make a speech you know where you can go out
there.
Mr. Lardxkr. Well, I am not very good in haranguing, and I won't
try it, but it seems to me that if you can make me answer this question,
tomorrow you could ask somebody whether he believed in spiritualism.
The CiiAiRMAX'. Oh, no; there is no chance of our asking anyone
whether they believe in spiritualism, and you know it. That is just
plain silly.
Mr. Lardxer. You might
The Chairmax. Now, you haven't learned your lines very well.
Mr. Lardner. Well
The Chairmax^ I Avant to know whether you can answer the ques-
tion "yes" or "no."
^Ir. Lardx'er. If you did, for instance, ask somebody about that you
might ask him
The CiiAiRMAX'. Well, now, never mind what we might ask him.
We are asking vou now, Are vou a member of the Screen Writers
Guild?
^Ir. Lardxer. But
The Chairman. You are an American
Mr. Lardxer. But that is a question-
The Chairmax'. And Americans should not be afraid to answer
that.
Mr. Lardxer. Yes ; but I am also concerned as an American with the
question of whether this committee has the right to ask me
The CiiAiRisiAX. AVell, we have got the right and until you prove
that we haven't got the right then you have to answer that question.
Mr. Lardxer. As I said, if you ask somebodj^ say, about
spiritualism
The Chairman. You are a witness, aren't you? Aren't you a
witness?
Mr. Lardxer. ]\Ir. Chairman
The CiiAiR^iAx. Aren't you a witness here?
Mr. Lardxer. Yes ; I am.
The Chairmax. All right, then, a congressional committee is ask-
ing you : Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild ? Now you
answer it "yes"' or "no."
Mr. Lardxer. Well, I am saying that in order to answer that
The Chairmax-. All right, put the next question. Go to the $64
question.
482 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Witness. I haven't
The Chair:max. (io to the next question.
Mr. Strii'Lin(j. Mv. Lardner, are you now oi- have you ever been a
//jnember of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Lardnek. Well, I would like to answer that question, too.
Mr. STRiPLiNCi. Mr. Lardner, the charjje has been made before this
committee that the Screen AVriters Guild which, according: to the
record, you are a member of, whether you admit it or not, has a num-
ber of individuals in it who are members of the Communist Party.
This committee is seeking to determine the extent of Connnunist in-
filtration in the Screen Writers Guild and in other g:uilds within the
motion-picture industry.
Mr. Lardner. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. And certainly the question of whether or not you
are a member of the Communist Party is very pertinent. Now, are you
a member or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Lardner. It seems to me you are trying to discredit the Screen
Writers Guild through me and the motion-picture industry through
the Screen Writers (hiild and our whole practice of freedom of expres-
sion.
Mr. Stripling. If you and others are members of the Connnunist
Party you are the ones who are discrediting the Screen Writers Guild.
Mr. Lardner. I am trying to answer the question by stating first
what I feel about the purpose of the question which, as I say, is to
discredit the whole motion-picture industry.
The Chairman. You won't say anything first. You are refusing
to answer this question.
Mr. Lardner. I am saying my understanding is as an American
resident
The Chairman. Never mind your understanding. There is a ques-
tion: Are you or have you ever been a member of the Commimist
Party?
Mr. Lardner. I could answer exactly the way you want, Mr. Chair-
man
The Chairman. No-
Mr. Lardner (continuing). But I think that is a-
' The Chairman. It is not a question of our wanting you to answer
that. It is a very simple question. Anybody would be proud to an-
swer it — any real American would be proud to answer the question,
"Are you or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party" —
any real American.
Mr. Lardner. It depends on the circumstances. I could answer it,
but if I did I would hate myself in the morning.
The Chairman. Leave the witness chair.
Mr. Lardner. It was a question that would
The Chairman. Leave the witness chair.
Mr. Lardner. Because it is a question
The Chairman (pounding gavel). Leave the witness chair.
Mr. Lardner. I think I am leaving by force.
The Chairman. Sergeant, take the witness away.
( Applause. )
The Chair:man. Mr. Stripling, next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russgll, will you take the stand, please?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 483
TESTIMONY OF LOUIS J. RUSSELL
Mr, STKii'LiN(i. Mr. Russell, you are an investigator for the Com-
luittee on Un-American Activities?
Mr. RussEix. I am, sir.
Mr. Stripling. You have previously been sworn in this hearing?
Mr. Russell. I have.
Mr. Stripling. You were detailed to make an investigation to deter-
mine whether or not Ring Lardner. Jr., vas ever a member of the
Communist Party?
Mr. Russell. I was.
Mr. Stripling. Will you give the committee the benefit of your
investigation ?
Mr. Russell. l)in-ing the course of my investigation I obtained in-
formation regarding the Comnmiiist Party registration card of Ring
Lardner, Jr. This card bears the nuuiber 47180. It is made out in
the luime of Ring L., which, during the course of the investigation,
developed to be the name of Ring Lardner, Jr., as contained on his
Communist Party registration card.
This card contains a notation : "1944 Card No. 46806."
The address of Ring Lardner is given as 447 Loring, L-o-r-i-n-g;
city, Los Angeles; county, Los Angeles; State, California.
' The card contains a notation, "New card issued on November 30,
1944.'- '« ■
Tlie description of Ring Lardner as contained on the card is as
follows: "Male: occupation, writer; industry, M. picture."
The question is then asked : "Member of CIO, A. F. of L., independ-
ent union, no union" ^ "Inde[)endent union" is checked.
Another (]uestion asked is: "Is member club subscriber for Daily
Worker" ? The answer, "Yes" is checked.
Mr. Stripling. That is all, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, the committee has prepared a memorandum concern-
ing the Connnunist affiliations of Ring Lardner, Jr.
Ac-coi'diiij'' to the International Motion Picture Almanac and other sources.
King Lardner, Jr., has written the followins; films: Meet Dr. Christian, RKO,
1!».S'.»; Tlie Courageous Dr. Christian. KKO, 1940; Arkansas Judge, Repuhlic. 1941 :
W< man of tlie Year, MGM, 1942; The Cross of Lorraine, MGM, 1044; Tomorrow
the World. United Artists. 1944: Cloak and Dagger, Warner Bros., 1946.
The files, records, and imhlications of the Committee on Un-American Activities
contain th<' following information concerning the Communist-frt)nt affiliations of
King Lardnei-. Jr. :
1. Under date of August 22, 1940, the Hollywood Reporter, a puhlication in
Los Angeles, Calif., carried an editorial headed "More Red Commissars." This
cditos Angeles in
November 1944. Among those listed as sponsors were Ring Lardner, Jr., John
Howard Lawson, Mrs. Charlotta A. Bass, Mrs. Dalton Trumho, and Edward
Dmytryk.
3. Geoi'ge Dimitroff, the former general secretary of the Communist Inter-
national, was honored by a declaration issued by the Reichstag Fire Trial Anni-
versary Committee. According to the New York Times of DcM-ember 22, 1943,
page 40, Ring Lardner, Jr.. was a signer of this declaration which paid honor to
Dimiti-off The Reichstag Fire Trial Anniversary Committee was cited as a
Conimuin'st front by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities in the
repoi't of March 29, 1944.
4. The California Action Conference for Civil Rights was cited by the California
Joint Fact-Finding Committee as being "Communist inspired and dominated."
The People's Daily World of September 27, 1941, lists Ring Lardner, Jr., as ^^
sponsor of the California Action Conference for Civil Riffhts.
In the spring of 1946, the Civil Rights Congress, 205 East Forty-second Street,
New York City, issued a pamphlet entitled "Urgent Summons to a Congress on
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 485
Civil Rights." This paiiiphlt't c.-ilk'd upon civil rights, labor, religious, racial,
and other organizations and individuals to attend a Congress on Civil Rights
in I>etroit on April 27-28, 1940, to formulate and agree upon a national program
to defeat the offensive and reactionary and Fascist forces and to assure the
maxiiHum ututication of effort to advance that program. The summons con-
tained a partial list of sponsors. This list included the name of Ring W.
Lardner, Jr.
The Civil Rights Congress is the successor to the International Labor Defense,
legal arm of the Communist Party.
;"). The American Friends of Spanish Democracy and the Veterans of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade were a part of the Comnnniist Party program to
provide aid and assistance to the Spanish Loyalists in response to instructions
received from the Conmiunist International at the Seventh Communist Inter-
natitmal Congress held in 1035 in Moscow. The American Friends of Spanish
Democracy was cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on
Un-American Activities in the report of March 29, 1944, and by the Committee
on Un-American Activities in the rei>orts of June 12, 1947, and September 2, 1947,
The Daily Worker of April 8, 1939, page 4, states that Ring Lardner, Jr., was
affiliated with this organization as a signer of a petition to lift the arms embargo
which the American Friends of Spanish Democracy sponsored. His affiliation
with the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade is shown by the New Masses
of April 2, 1940. page 21, which lists him as a signer of a letter which that
organization sent to the President of the United States. The Veterans of
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade was cited as a Comnnmist front by the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities in the report of March 29, 1944, and as
"under Communist control" by Professor John Dewey, chairman of the Com-
mittee for Cultural Freedom, April 1940.
6. The League of American Writers was affiliated with the International Union
of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, and has been jiledged
to the defense of the Soviet Union and the "Use of art as an instrument of the
class struggle." The Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited it as a
Conmuuiist front in the reports of January 3, 1940, June 25, 1942. and March 29,
1944. It was also cited by former Attorney General Francis Biddle in these
words: "The overt activities of the League of American Writei"s in the last 2
years leave little doubt of its Communist control" (Congressional Recoi-d, Sep-
tember 24. 1942, page 7686). Ring Lardner, Jr., according to the Daily Worker
of Septenibei' 14, 1942, page 7. and People's Woi'ld of September 23, 1942, page 5,
was a signei* of a statement of tlie League of American Writers in behalf of a
second front. He was also affiliated with the Hollywood ci)ai)ter of the league
of American Writers as a signer of the cable sent to Leon Blum, President Roose-
velt, and Secretary Hull for supplies to Loyalist Spain, as shown bv the New
Masses of Mai-ch 29, 1938, page 21.
7. The Writers Congress was sponsored by the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion which is the successor to the Hollywood bi-anch of the League of American
Writers. The program of the Writers Congress, 1943, lists Ring Lardner, Jr.,
as the chairman of the panel on minority groujis.
8. Tlie Oi)en Letter to American Liberals was a denunciation of the efforts
made to defend Leon Trotsky and a reaffirmation of faith in the Soviet Union.
It also defended the Moscow triiils which were characterized by forced confes-
sions and \v'ere staged as political deuionstrati(»ns rather than trials, in our sense
of the term. The Open Letter to American Liberals, of which Ring Lardner, Jr.,
was a signer, according to Soviet Russia Toda.v, March 1937, pages 14 and 15.
was cited as a Communist-front pro.iect by the Special Committee on Un-American
Activities in the rei)oi-t of June 25, 1942. Soviet Russia Today was formerly the
publication of the Friends of the Soviet Union and has l)een cited as a Com-
munist-front publication by the Special Committee on LTn-Ameriean Activities
on June 25, 1942, and March 29. 1944. and by the Committee on Un-American
Activities on June 12. 1947, and Seiiteinl)er 2. 1947.
9. The Progressive (^itizens of America has been described as an "allege:, the next witness.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Lester Cole.
The Chairman. Mr. Lester Cole. Raise your right hand, please.
You solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give is the truth,
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help yott God?
Mr. Cole. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
TESTIMONY OF LESTER COLE
Mr. Strii'lin(;. Mr. Cole, will you please state your full name and
})resent address?
Mr. Cole. Lester Cole, 15 Courtney Avenue, Hollywood, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. When and where were you born, Mr. Cole?
Mr. Cole. I was born June 19, 1904, in New York City.
Mr. Stripling. "\Yliat is your occupation?
Mr. Cole. I am a writer.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been a writer?
Mr. Cole. For a])proximately 15, 16 years.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you been in Hollywood?
Mr. Cole. Since — I fir.st came to Hollywood in 192(5 ; I left and went
back to New York in 1929; returned in 1932, and have been there ever
since.
Mr. Stripling. Are you a member of the Screen Writers Guild?
Mr. Cole. Mr. Chairman, T woidd like at this time to make a state-
ment (handing statement to the chairman).
Mr. McDowell. I think it is insulting, myself.
The Chairman. This statement is clearly another case of villifica-
tion and not pertinent at all to the inquiry. Therefore, you will not
read the statement.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 487
Mr. Cole. Well, Mr. Chinrinaii
The Chairman. Mr. Striplin<>\ ask the first question.
Mr. Cole. Mr. Chairiiiaii, may I just ask if I do not read my state-
ment
The Chairman. You will not ask anything.
Mr. Cole. Is the New York Times editorial pertinent — the editorial
in the Herald Tribune pertinent?
The Chairman. Go ahead and ask the question.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cole, are you a member of the Screen Writers
Guild?
Mr. CoLE. I would like to answer that question and would be very
happy to. I believe the reason tlic (piestion is asked is to help en-
lighten
The Chairman. No, no, no, no, no.
Mr. Cole. I hear you, Mr. Chairman, I hear you, I am sorry, but
The Chairman. You will hear some more.
Mr. Cole. I am trying to make these statements pertinent.
The Chairman. Answer the question, "Yes" or ">Jo."
Mr. Cole. I am sorry, sir, but I have to answer the question in my
own way.
The Chairman. It is a very simple question,
Mr. Coi>E. What I have to say is a very simple answer.
The Chairman. Yes; but answer it "Yes" or "No."
Mr. Cole. It isn't necessarily that simple.
The Chairman. If you answer it "Yes" or "No," then you can make
some explanation.
Mr. Cole. Well, Mr. Chairman, I really must answer it in my own
way.
The Chairman. You decline to answer the question ?
Mr. Cole. Not at all, not at all.
The Chairman. Did you ask the witness if he was here under
subpena ?
Mr. Cole. What is it, Mr. Chairman? I beg your pardon?
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Cole, you are here under subpena served upon
you on September 19, are j-ou not?
Mr. Cole. Yes: I am.
Mr. Stripling. And the question before you is: Are you a member
of the Screen Writers Guild ?
Mr. Cole. I understand the question, and I think I know how I can
answer it to the satisfaction of the committee. I wish I would be
permitted to do so.
The Chairman. Can't you answer the question ?
Mr. Cole. You wouldn't ])ermit me to read my statement and the
question is answered in ni}^ statement.
The Chairman. Are you able to answer the question "Yes" or "No,"
or are 3'()U unable to answer it "Yes" or "No?"
Mr. Cole. I am not able to answer "Yes" or "No." I am able, and I
would like to answer it in my own way. Haven't I the right accorded
to me, as it was to Mr. McGuinness and other people who came here?
The Chairman. First, we want you to answer "Yes" or "No," then
you can make some explanation of your answer.
Mr. Cole. I understand what you want, sir. I wish you would
understand that I feel I nuist make an answer in my own way, because
what I have to sav
488 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
The Chairman. Then you decline to answer the question?
Mr. Cole. No ; I do not decline to answer the question. On the con-
trary, I would like very much to answer it; just : The Affairs of Cappy
Ricks, Republic, 19;i7 ; Beware of Ladies, Republic, 1937: P\»llow Your Heart,
Republic, 19;:J7; The President's Mystery, Republic. 1937 ; The Man in Blue, 19:^7 ;
The Jury's Secret, W4H; Midnight Intruder, Universal, 19;:i8; The Crime of Dr.
Hallet, Universal, 1938 ; Sinners in Paradise. Universal. 19:^8 ; Secrets of a Nurse,
Universal, 1938; Winter Carnival, United Artists, 1939; The Big Guy, Universal,
1939; The Invisible Man Returns, Universal, 1939; The House of Seven Gables.
Universal, 1940; Pacific Blackout, Paramount, 1941; P'ootsteps in the Dark,
Warner Bros., 1941; Night Plane for Chunking. Paramount. 1943; Hostages,
1943-44; None Shall Escape, 194:^—14; Ob.iective Burma, Blood on the Sun. and
Romance of Rosey Ridge.
Mr. Stkiplinu (readino:). The files, records, and publications of the
Committee on Un-American Activities contain the following concern-
ing the Comnumist-front affiliations of Lester Cole :
1. While the records of this committee do not indicate tliat Lester Cole has
publicly admitted membership in the Communist Party, it is known that he has
supported a Communist Party candidate for election. The People's World of
October 22, 1942, page 2, and October 31, 1942, page 3, reveal that Lester Cole
supported LaRue McCormick, the Communist Party candidate for the office of
State senator in California from the thirty-eighth senatorial district, Los Angeles
County.
2. Lester Cole has revealed his sympathies with the Soviet Union as witnessed
by his signature to the statement made by American Progressives in defense of
tlie Moscow trials. (See Daily Worker, April 2S. 19:iS.) The Moscow trials
aroused world-wide condemnation. They were characterized by fon-ed con-
fe.ssious and were staged as political demonstrations rather tliati trials in our
sense of the term.
3. The Hollywood Reporter, edited and owned liy William Wilkerson, charged
Lester Cole with holding Communist Party membership book No. 4G805 in the
northwest (propaganda) section of the Communist Party, according to the Holly-
wood Reporter of August 19, 1946. To tlie best knowledge of this committee,
this charge was never denied or refuted by ]\Ir. Cole.
4. The Communist press was active in the support of the petition for the
pardon of Festus Coleman, of which Lester Cole was a signer, according to the
People's World, November 24, 1942, page 1.
."). The I^eague of Araerican Writers, an affiliate of the International Union
of Revolutionary Writers, with headquarters in Moscow, has been pledged to
defend tlie Soviet Union and "use of art as an instrument in the class struggle."
On three occasions it was cited as a Communist front iiy the Special Committee
on Un-American Activities (i-eports of January 3, 1940, June 25, 1942, and March
29, 1944) as well as by Attorney General Francis Biddle, who said in the Con-
gressional Record of September 24, 1942, page 7686. "The overt .activities of the
League of American Writers in the last 2 years leave little doubt of its Ccmi-
muiust control." The People's World of February 11. 1943. page 5, lists Lester
Cole as a speaker at the League of American Writers School. Also. New Masses
of April 22, 1941. page 25 and the Daily Worker of April 5. 1941. page 7. carry
the name of Lester Cole as a signer of the Call to the Fourth Congi-ess of the
League of American Writers, June 6-8. 1941, New York City. This conference
whicli was held a few days prior to Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union, de-
nounced tlie war as imperialistic, attacked President Roosevelt and endorsed the
American Peace Mobilization which was then picketing the White House, and
denouncing President Itoosevelt as a war monger.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, without objection, we will suspend
-with further reading of this report and place it in the record at this
point.
Mr. Stritltng. All right. •
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 491
(The bahuR'o of the statement is as follows:)
6. According to the People's World, October 22, 1942, page 2, and October 31,
1942, page 8, Lester Cole was active in the Hollywood Writers' Mobilization, the
snccossor of the Hollywood branch of the Loague of American Writers.
7. One of tlie (»rganixations particii»ating in the Hollywood Writers Mobiliza-
tion is tho Scr^-en Writers' (luild, of which Lester Cole is a member of the ex-
ecutive board, according to the Daily Worker of August 10, 1947, page 11-m and
the Sci-een Writer of July 1!)47,. page 28. John Howard Lawson, who was identi-
fied by tile Daily Worker, officijil organ of the ('ommunist I'arty (issue of August
28, 1987, page 7), as a Communist Party memlier, is a leading figure in the Screen
Writers' Guild.
The Ch.mkm.vx. Now, the Cliair would like to advise that by iinaiii-
nious vote this siibcoinniittee recommends to the full committee that
Ring Lardner, Jr., and Lester Cole be cited for contempt of Congress
and that aj)i)ropriate action be taken immediately.
Xext witness.
Mr. Stkii'Ltng. Mr. Berthohl Brecht.
The Chairman. Mr. Brecht. will you stand, please, and raise your
riji^ht hand t
i)o yon solennily swear the testimony you are about to give is the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Brecht. 1 do.
The Chairman. Sit down, please.
TESTIMONY OF BERTHOLD BRECHT (ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL,
MR. KENNY AND MR. CRUM)
Mr. STHirLix(i. Mr. Brecht. will you })lease state your full name and
present address for the record, please? Speak into the microphone.
Mr. Bhecht. iNIy name is Berthohl Brecht. I am living at 34 West
Seventy-third Street. New York. I was born in Augsburg, Germany,
February 10, 1898.
Mr. STRirLixG. Mr. Brecht. the committee has a
The Chairman. What was that date again?
Mr. Stripling. AVould vou give the date again ?
The Chairman. Tenth'of Februarv 1898.
Mr. McDowEix. 1898?
Mr. Brecht. 1898.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, the conmiittee has here an inter-
preter, if you desire the use of an interpreter.
Mr. Crcm. Would you like an interpreter?
The Chairman. Do you desire an interpreter?
Mr. P>recht. Yes.
The Chairman. Mr. lnteri)reter. will you stand and raise your
right hand, j^lease^
Mr. Interi)reter. do you s()lend\ swear you will diligently and cor-
rectly transhite from English into German all (juestions which may
be proi)ounded to this witness and as diligently and correctly trans-
late from (irerman into English all answei-s made by him, so help vou
Ood?
Mr. Bacmcjardt. I do.
The Chairman. Sit down.
(Mr. David Baumgardt was .seated beside the witness as intei--
])reter. )
492 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Strii'I^ini;. Would you identify yourself for the record, please,
sir?
Mr. Baumgardt. David Baumgardt.
Mr. Stripltng. Where are you eniplo3'ed, Mr. Baumgardt?
Mr. Baumgardt. In the Libiary of Congress.
Mr. Bkkciit. Mr. Chairman, may 1 read a statement in English?
The Chaii;max. Yes; but has the chief investigator (•omi)leted his
investigation of both the interpreter and the witness ?
Mr. Striplix(j. No, sir; I have not.
Now, would you speak into the microphone, Mr. Bauuigardt ?
Are you employed in the Congressional Library ?
Mr. Baum(jakdt. I am employed in the Congressional Library, yes.
Mr. Strii'ling. AVhat is your position in the Congressional
Library ?
Mr. Baumgardt. Consultant of philosophy of the Library of Con-
gress.
Mr. Stripling. Now, Mr. Brecht, will you state to the ccnnmittee
whether or not you are a citizen of the United States?
Mr. Brecht. I am not a citizen of the United States; I have only
my first ])apers.
Mr. Stripling. When did you acquire your first papers?
Mr. Brecht. In 1041 when I came to the coiintry.
Mr. Stripling. When did yon arrive in the United States?
Mr. Brecht. May I find out exactly? I arrived Jvdy 21 at San
Pedro.
Mr. Stripling. July 21, 1941 ?
Mr. Brecht. That is right.
Mr. Strpling. At San Pedro. Calif.?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. You were born in Augsburg, Bavaria, (iernmny. on
February 10. 18S8; is that correct?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Striplinc;. I am reading from the immigration records
Mr. Crum. I think, Mr. Stripling, it was 1898.
Mr. Brecht. 1898.
Mr. Stripling. I beg your i)ardon. •
Mr. Cri':m. I think the witness tried to say 1898.
Mr. Stripi>in(;. I want to know whether the innnigration records
are correct on that. Is it '88 or '98?
Mr. Bre(tit. '98.
Mr. Stripling. Were you issued a quota immigration visa by the
American vice consul on May 8, 1941, at Helsinki, Finland?
Mr. Brecht. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. And you entered this country on that visa?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Where had 3^ou resided prior to going to Helsinki,
Finland?
Mr. Brecht. May I read my statement? In that statement
The Chairman. First, Mr. Brecht, we are trying to identify you.
The identification won't be very long.
Mr. Brecht. I had to leave Germany in 1933, in February, when
Hitler took power. Then I went to Denmark but when war seemed
imminent in '39 I had to leave for Sweden, Stockholm. I remained
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUKE INDUSTRY 493
there tor 1 year aiul then Hitler invaded Norway and Denmark and
I had to leave Sweden and I went to Finland, there to wait for my
visa for tlie United States.
Mr. Sthii'Ling. Now, Mr. Brecht, what is your (K'cn[)ation?
Mr. Uhixh r. I am a playwright and a poet.
Mr. Sthii'lino. A playwi-ight and a poet?
Mr. Bkkc'ht. Yes.
Mr. STKiri.iNo. Where are you presently emi)loyed?
Mr. BinxnrT. I am not employed.
Mr. Stkii'ijxo. AVere you ever em[)l()yed in the motion-picture
industry?
Mr. Bkeciit. Yes; I — yes. I sold a story to a Hollywood firm,
Han<2;man Also Die, but I did not write the screen play myself. I am
not a professional screen-play writer. I wrote another story for a
Hollywood firm but that story was not produced.
Mr. Stripijno. Hangmen Also Die — whom did you sell to, what
studio?
Mr. Brfx'ut. That was to. I think, an independent firm, Pressburger
at United Artists.
Mr. Stripling. United Ai'tists?
Mr. Brfx'ht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. When did you sell the ])lay to United Artists?
Mr. Brfxtit. The story — I don't remember exactly, maybe around
'4-5 or '44 ; 1 don't remember, quite.
Mr. Striplinc;. And what other studios have you sold material to^
Mr. Breciit. No other studio. Besides the last story I spoke of ]
wrote for Enterprise Studios.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiiir with Hanns Eisler? Do you
know Johannes Eisler?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. How long have you known Johannes Eisler?
Mr. Brecht. I think since the middle of the twenties, 20 years
or so.
Mr. Stripling. Have you collaboiated with him on a number of
Avorks ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht. are you a member of the Conmiunist
Party or have you ever lieen a member of the (\)mmunist Party?
Mr. Brecht. ]May I read my statement? I will answer this ques-
tion but may I read my statement?
Mr. STRn>LiN(;. Would you submit your statement to the chairman?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
The Chairman. All right, let's see the statement.
( Mr. Brecht hands the statement to the chairman.)
The (^hairman. Mr. Brecht. the committee has carefully gone over
the statement. It is a vei-y interesting story of (irerman life but it
is not at all ])ertinent to this inquiry. Therefore, we do not care to
have you read the statement.
Mr. Stripling.
Mr. Stripi-ing. Mi-. Brecht. before we go on with the questions. I
would like to ])Ut into the record the subi:)ena which was served upon
07683—47 32
494 COMMUNISM IN MOTION' PICTURE INDUSTRY
you on September 1!), calling for your ap[)earance bel'ttre the foinniit-
tee. You are here in response to a sub})ena. are you not <' •"
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Striplixo. Noav. I will rejjeat the original questi(^n. Are you
now or have you ever been a member of the Connnunist Party of any
country ?
Mr. Brix^ht. Mr. Chairman, I have heard my colleaiiues when they
considered this question not as ])roper. but I am a guest in this country
and do not want to enter into any legal arguments, so I will answer
your question fully as well I can.
I was not a member or am not a member of any Communist Party.
The Chairman. Your answer is. then, that you h-.ive never been a
member of the Communist Party ^
Mr. Brecht. That is correct.
Mr. Stripling. You were not a member of the Connnunist Party in
Germany ?
Mr. Brecht. No; I was not.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Brecht, is it true that you have written a num-
ber of very revolutionary poems, plays, and other writings?
Mr. Brecht. I have written a number of poems and songs and plays
in the fight against Hitler and, of course, they can be considered,
therefore, as revolutionary because I, of course, was for the overthrow
of that government.
The Chairman. Mr. Stripling, we are not interested in any works
that he might have written advocating the overthrow of Germany
or the government there.
Mr. Stripling. Yes; I understand.
Well, from an examination of the works which Mr. Brecht has
written, particularly in collaboration with Mr. Hanns Eisler, he seems
to be a person of international im})ortance to the Comnnniist revolu-
tionary movement.
Now, Mr. Brecht, is it true or do you know whether or not you have
written articles which have appeared in publications in the Soviet
zone of Germany within the ])ast few months?
Mr. Brecht. No ; I do not remember to have written such articles. I
have not seen any of them printed. I have not written any such articles
just now. I write very few articles, if any.
Mr. StripliN(;. I have here, Mr. Chairman, a document which I will
hand to the translator and ask him to identify it for the connnittee and
to refer to an article which refers on page 72.
Mr. Brecht. May I speak to that publication?
Mr. Stripling. I beg your pardon ?
Mr. Brecht. May I explain this publication ?
Mr. Stripling. Yes. Will you identify the publication?
Mr. Brecht. Oh, yes. That is not an article, that is a scene out of
a i)lay I wrote in, t think, 1937 or 11)38 in Denmark. The play is
called Private Life of the Master Race, and this scene is one of the
scenes out of this i)lay about a Jewish w(mian in Berlin in the year of
'36 or '37. It was. I see, printed in this magazine Ost und West, Julv
194G.*'
'■' See apixMidix, p. 549, for PxliiMt 9."..
"" Sfp appendix, p. r^rtO, for exhibit 04.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 495
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Translator, would you translate the frontispiece
of the magazine, please?
Mr. Baumgardt. "East and West, Contributions to Cultural and
Political Questions of the Time, edited by Alfred Kantorowicz, Berlin,
July 1947, first year of publication enterprise."
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, do you know the gentleman who is the
•editor of the publication whose name was just read?
Mr. Brkciit. Yes; I know him from Berlin and I met him in New
York again.
Mr. STRii'LiN(i. Do you know him to be a member of the Communist
l*arty of Germany ?
Mr. Breciit. AVhen I met him in Germany I think he was a journalist
on the Ullstein Press. That is not a Communist — was not a Com-
munist— there were no Communist Party papers so I do not know
^^xactly whether he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany.
Mr. Stripling. You don't know whether he was a member of the
'Communist Party or not?
Mr. Brkciit. I don't know, no ; I don't know.
Mr. Stripling. In 1930 did you, with Hanns Eisler, write a play
entitled, "'Die Massnahme"?
Mr. Brkciit. Die Massnahme.
Mr. Stripling. Did you write such a play ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes ; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Would you explain to the committee the theme of
that play — what it dealt with?
Mr. Brecht. Yes ; I will try to.
Mr. Stripling. First, explain what the title means.
Mr. Brkciit. Die Massnahme means [speaking in German].
Mr. BAr:M(iARnT. Measures to be taken, or steps to be taken — meas-
ures.
Mr. Stripling. Could it mean disciplinary measures?
Mr. Baumgardt. No; not disciplinary measures; no. It means
measures to be taken.
Mr. McDowell. Speak into the microphone.
Mr. Baumgardt. It means only measures or steps to be taken.
Mr. Stripling. All right.
You tell the conmiittee now, Mr. Brecht
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling (continuing). What this play dealt with.
Mr. Brecht. Yes. This play is the adaptation of an old religious
Japanese play and is called No Play, and follows quite closely this old
story which shows the devotion for an ideal until death.
Mr. Stripling. What was that ideal, Mr. Brecht?
Mr. Brecht. The idea in the old play was a religious idea. This
young peoi)le
Mr. Stripling. Didn't it have to do with the Communist Party?
Mr. Brecht. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. And discii)line within the Communist Party? j
Mr. Brecht. Yes, yes; it is a ncAv play, an adaptation. It had as a j
'background the Russia-China of the years 1918 or 1919, or so. There i
some Communist agitators went to a sort of no man's land between j
the Russia which then was not a state and had no real
496 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, may I interrupt you ? Would you con-
hider the play to be pro-Coiiiniuiiist or anti-Commuuist, or would it
take a neutral position reT, published by the State Literary Art Publishing House in Moscow
had an article by Sergi Tretyakov, leading Soviet writer, on an inter-
view he had with Mr. Brecht.''^ On page 60, it states :
He is quoting Mr. Brecht —
"I was a member of the Angsburjj Revolutionary Committee,'' Breebt con-
tinued. "Nearby, in Munich. Levine raised the banner of Soviet power. Aug.s-
liurg lived in the reflected glow of Munich. The hospital was the only military
unit in the town. It elected me to the revolutionary committee. I still re-
member Georg Brem and the Polish Bolshevik Olshevsky. We did not boast
a single Red guardsman. We didn't have time to issue a single decree or
jiatiitnalize a single bank or close a church. In 2 days General Epp's troops
tame to town on their way to .Munich. One of the members of the revolu-
tionary committee hid at my house until he managed to escape."
He wrote Drum at Night. This work contained echoes of the revolution.
The drums of revolt persistently sunnnon the man who has gone home. But
the man prefers (juiet i>eace of his hearthside.
The work was a scathing satire on those who had deserted the revolution
and toasted tliemselves at their fireplaces. One should recall that K-ipp
^ See appendix, p. .")50, for exhibit 9.'
498 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTUHE INDUSTRY
launched his drive on Cliiistmas Eve. cak-uhitiujj that many Ivcd ^iuaidsnu'ii!
would have left their detachments for the family Chi'istmas trees.
His play. Die .Massnahme, the first of Bretcht's plays on a Connnunist theme,
is arranged like a court where the characters try to Justify tiiemselvcs for
having killed a comrade, and judges, who at the same time represent the audi-
ence, sununarize the events and I'each a verdict.
When he visited in Moscow in 1932, P>recht told nic his plan to organize a
theater in Berlin which would reenact the most intei'e.sting court trials in the
history of mankind.
Breeht conceived the idea of writing a play idxmt the terrorist tricks resorted
to by the landowners in oi-der to peg the price of grain. But this recjuires a
knowledge of economics. The study of economics Itrought Breeht to Marx iind
Lenin, whose works became an invaluable part of his library.
P.recht studies and quotes Lenin as a great thinker and as a gi*eat master
of prose.
The traditional drama portrays the struggle of class instincts. Breeht de-
mands that the struggle of class instincts be replaced by the struggle of social
consciousness, of social convictions. He maintains that tlie situation must not
only be felt, but explained — crystallized into the idea which will overturn the
world.
Do you recall that interview, Mr. Breeht (
Mr. Brecht. No. [Laughter.] It must have been wiiften 20
years ago or so.
Mr. Stripling. I will show you the magazine, Mr. Brecht.
Mr. Brecht. Yes. I do not recall there was an interview. | Book
handed to the witness.] I do not recall — Mr. Stripling. I do not recall
the interview in exact. I think it is a more or less joiii'tiaiistic suin^
mary of talks or discussions about many things.
Mr. Striplin(j. Yes. Have many of your writings been based upon
the philosophy of Lenin and Marx?
Mr. Brecht. No; I don't think that is quite correct l)ut. of course.
I studied, had to stiuh^ as a playwright who wrote historical plays.
I, of course, had to study Marx's ideas about history. I do not think
intelligent j^lays today can be written without such study. Also, his-
tory now Avritten now is vitally influenced by the .stiulies of Marx
about history.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, since you have been in the Uiiiteif
States, have you attended any Communist Party meetings?
Mr. Brecht. No ; I don't think so.
Mr. Stripling. You don't think so?
Mr. Brecht. No.
The Chairman. Well, aren't you certain ?
Mr. Brecht. No — I am certain; yes.
The Chairman. You are certain you have never been to Connnunist
Party meetings?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; I think so. I am here 6 years — I am here those — •
1 do not think so. I do not think that I attended i)olitical meetings.
The Chairman. No : neA^er mind the political meetings, but have you
attended any Communist meetings in the United States?
Mr, Brecht. I do not think so ; no.
The Chairman. You are certain?
Mr. Brecht. I think I am certain.
The Chairman. You think you are certain ?
Mr. Bkecht. Yes; I have not attended sucli meetings, in my opinion.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, have you since you have been in the
United States, have you met with any officials of the Soviet Govern-
ment ?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 499
Mr. Bkecht. Yes, yes. In Hollywood 1 was invited, sometimes
three or foui- times, to the Soviet consulate with, of course, many other
Avr iters.
Mr. Si'iui'ijxci. AA'hat otliers?
Mr. Bkeciit. AVith otlier writers and artists and actors who the}"
gave some receptions at special Soviet [speaking in German]
Mr. BAUMO.MtDT. Festivities.
Mr. Bkecht. Festivities.
Mr. STKirLiNG. Did any of the officials of the Soviet Government
ever come and visit you '.
Mr. Bkecht. I don' think so.
Mr. Stripling. Didn't Gregory Kheifets visit you on April 14, 1943,
vice consul of the Soviet Government ? Yon know Gregory Kheifets,
don't you %
Mr. Bkecht. (Gregory Kheifets?
The CiiAiHMAX. Watch out on this one.
Mr. Bkecht. I don't remember tliat name, but I might know him;
yes. 1 don't remember
Mr. Striplixo. Did he come and visit you on April 14, 1913?
Mr. Bkecht. It is (juite possible.
Mr. Stkiplino. And again on A])ril 27, and again on June 16,
1944^
Mr. Bkecht. That is cjuite ])ossible, yes; that somebody — I don't
know. I don't remember the name, but that somebody, some of the
cultural attaches
Mr. Stkiplix(;. Cultuial attaches.
Mr. Bkecht. Yes.
The Chairman. Spell the name.
Mr. Stkiplix(;. (iregory, (j-r-e-g-o-r-y Kheifets, K-h-e-i-f-e-t-s.
I will s})ell the last name again, K-h-e-i-f-e-t-s.
Mr. Bkecht. Kheifets?
Ml'. Striplixo. Yes. Do you remember Mr. Kheifets?
Mr. Bkecht. I don't remember the name, but it is quite possible.
But I remember that from the — I think from the — yes, from the con-
sulate, from the Russia^ consulate some people visited me, but not
only this man, but also I think the consul once, but I don't remember
his name either.
Mr. SrKiPEiX(;. What was the nature of his business?
Mr. Brecht. He — it must have been about my literary connections
with German writers. Some of them are friends of mine.
Mr. Striplixt;. (xerman writers^
Mr. Brecht. Yes: in Moscow.
Mr. Striplin(;. In jMoscow?
Mr. Brecht. Yes. And there appeared in the Staats Verlag the
Sergei Tretyakov translations of my jilays, for instance, this Private
Life of the blaster Race. A Penny foi' the Poor, and poems, and so on.
Mr. Stkipmxc;. Did Gerhart Eisler ever visit you, not Hanns, but
Gerhart ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes: I met Gerhart Eisler, too. He is a brother of
Hanns and he visited me with Hanns and then three or four times
without Hanns.
Mr. Strh'lixo. Could you tell us iu what year he visited you?
Wasn't it the same year that Mr. Kheifets visited you?
Mr. Brech r. I do not know, but thei-e is no connection I can see.
500 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTUKE INUrsiHY
Mr. SrinrM.\(;. Do you ivcall liiin visiting y()ii on ,Jiimi;ny IT, ]'.>44?
Ml". Bkix'iit. No; I do uol recall such (late, l>ut he uiijjfht have
visited nie on such date.
Mr. Stkiplixc;. Where did he visit you '.
Mr. Bkkciit. He used to ask for his hrother who, as I told you, is an
old friend of mine, and we phiyed some <2;ames of chess, too, and we
spoke about politics.
Mr. Si'RiPLixG. About politics?
Mr. Brecjit. Yes.
The Chairman. What was the last auswei'!' I didn't <:et the last
answer?
Mr. Stripling. They spoke about politics.
In any of your conversations with Gerhart Eisler, did you discuss
the German Communist movement?
Mr. Brectit. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. In Germany %
Mr. Brecht. Yes; we spoke about, of course, German politics. He
is a specialist in that, he is a politician.
Mr. Stripling. He is a politician?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; he, of course, knew very nuich more than I knew
about the situation in Germany.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Brecht, can you tell the committee when you
entered this country, did you make a statement to the Immi<^ration
Service concernino- your past affiliations?
Mr. Brecht. I don't remember to have made such a statement, but
I think I made the usual statements that I did not want to or diet not
intend to overthrow the American Government. I might have been
asked whether I belonged to the Communist Party, I don't remember
to have been asked, but I would have answered what I have told you,
that I W' as not. That is what I remember.
Mr, Stripling. Did they ask you whether or not you had ever been
a member of the Communist Party?
Mr. Brecht. I don't remember.
Mr. Stripling. Did they ask you whether or not you had ever been
to the Soviet?
Mr. Brecht. I think they asked me, yes ; and I told them.
Mr. Stripling. Did they question you about 3'our writings?
Mr. Brecht. No; not as I remember, no; they did not. I don't
remember any discussion about literature.
Mr. Stripling. Now% you stated you sold the book, the story, Hang-
men Also Die, to United Artists ; is that correct?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; to an independent firm; yes.
Mr. Stripling. Did Hanns Eisler do the backgrouiul nuisic for
Hangmen Also Die?
Mr. Brecht, Yes; he did.
Mr. Stripling. Do you recall who stan-ed in that picture ?
Mr. Brecht. No ; I do not.
Mr, Stripling. You don't even remember who played the leading
role in the picture?
Mr. Brecht. I think Brian Donlevy played it,
Mr, Stripling, Do you reuiember any of the other actors or
actresses who were in it?
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 501
Mr. Bkecut. No ; I do not. You see, I had not veiT much to do with
the filniization itself. I AAi'ote the story and then to the script writers
some advice about tlie back<2:round of Nazis, nazism in Czechoslovakia,
so I had nothinj^ to do with the actors.
The Chairman. ISIr. Stripling, can we hurry this along? We have
a very heavy schedule this afternoon.
Mr. Stripling. Yes*
Now, Mr. Bi'echt, since you have been in the United States have you
contributed articles to any Communist publications in the United
States ?
Mr. Breoht. I don't think so; no.
Mr. Stripling. Are you familiar with the magaziiie New Masses?
Mr. Brecht. No.
Mr. Stripling. You never heard of it ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; of course.
Mr. Stmpling. Did you ever contribute anything to it?
Mr. Brecht. No.
Mr. Stripling. Did they ever publish any of your work ?
Mr. Brecht. That I do not know. They might have published some-
translation of a jioem, but I had no direct connection with it, nor did
I send them anything.
Mr. SiTiiPLiNG. Did you collaborate with Hanns Eisler on the song'
In Praise of Learning?
Mr. Brecht. Yes; I collaborated. I wrote that song and he only
wrote the music.
Mr. SiTiiPLTNG. You wrote the song?
Mr. Brecht. I wrote the song.
Mr. Sti^ipling. Would you recite to the committee the words of
that song?
Mr. Brecht. Yes ; I would. May I point out that song comes from
another adaj)tation I made of Gorky's play. Mother. In this song a
Russian worker woman addresses all the poor people.
Mr. Stripling. It was produced in this country, wasn't it ?
Mr. Brecht. Yes, 35, New York.
Mr. Stripling. Now, I will read the words and ask you if this
is the one.
Mr. Brecht. Please.
Mr. Stripling, (reading) :
Learn now the simple truth, you for whom the time has come at hist ; it is not
too late.
Learn now the ABC. It is not enough but learn it still.
Fear not, be nf)t downhearted. Again you must learn the lesson, you must be
ready to take over —
Mr. Brecht. No, excuse me. that is the wrong translation. That is
not right. [Laughter.] Just one second, and I will give you the cor-
rect text.
Mr. Stripling. That is not a correct translation?
Mr. Brecht. That is not correct, no; that is not the meaning. It is
not very beautiful, but I am not speaking about that.
Mr. Stripling. What does it mean? I have here a portion of The
People, which was issued by the Communist Party of the United States,
published by the Workers' Library Publishei-s. Page 24 says :
In praise of learning, by Bert Brecht ; music by Hanns Eisler.
502 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
It says here :
You must be ready to take over; learn it.
Men on the {U)le, learn it; men in the prisons, learn it; women in tin- kitchen,
learn it ; men of Gf), learn it. You nnist be ready to take over —
and "Toos right on throu^jh. That is the core of it —
You nnist be ready to take over.
Mr. Brecht. Mr. Stripling, maybe his transhition-
Mr. Baumgardt. The correct translation -vvouhl be. "Yon mnst take
the lead."
The Chairman. ''Yon mnst take the lead"'?
Mr. Baumgardt. ''The lead." It definitely says, '"The lead." It is
not ''You mnst take over." The translation is not a literal translation
of the German.
Mr. Striplin(;. Well. Mr. Brecht. as it has been published in these
publications of the Communist Party, then, if that is incorrect, what
did you mean ?
Mr. BRECirr. I don't remember never — I never got that book myself.
I must not have been in the country when it was published. I think
it was published as a song, one of the songs Eisler had written the
music to. I did not give any permission to publish it. I don't see —
I think I have never saw the translation.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have tlie words there before yon (
Mr. Brecht. In German, yes.
Mr. Stripling. Of the song?
Mr. Brecht. Oh, yes; in the book.
Mr. Stripling. Xot in the original.
Mr, Brecht. In the German book.
Mr, Stripling, It goes on :
You nuist be ready to take over ; you must he ready to take over. Don't
hesitate to ask questions, stay in there. Don't hesitlale to ask questions,
-
audiences in many towns and cities.
Frontier Films: Its Heart of Spain ;ind China Strikes hack.
Associated Film Audiences stopped the showing of Siege of Alcazar.
Choruses, nuisicians, d;mcers, entertainment unions. WPA projects: camiiaigu
for the enactment of Federal art hill is now in full swing and shouli! h.Mvr the-
full support of the party.
Puhlications : New .Ahisses, Daily Worl^er. colninu of .Mike (Jold.
PROBLEMS
How can we coordinate cultural activities witli the movement as a whole.
We need a far more positive approach to cultural work : to realize the opjiortuni-
ties of cultiu'al movements that mass agitation otTer to our pai-ty. This ap-
proach of necessity will lead to the solution of the second problem, th;it of de-
veloping cultural persoiuiel in our part.v.
We liave made advances; yet in regard to the opportunities and in general
needs we have scarcely made a turn. AVe have still in our party a certain
evil remaining from the past — tlie evil of pulling up stal^es. We should recog-
nize that there is still a tendency in the committees, units, etc., to divert the
comrades doing cultural work to assign them to new work. It is an indication
of development when a comrade shows himself tit to be transferred to varied
activities. We should not discourage such transfers. But we sliould bear in
mind — concern must always he given to condition of the work that tlie comrade
has heen doing so there will not he pulling up of stakes, which we have got rid
of successfidly in many tields of our endeavor.
In dealing further with the question of coordinating the work, we can only
speak experimentally. We have done so little because actually we are groping
for particulars, methods in building UTp coordinating activity.
We liave liad in certain districts, and in certain sections, certain enterprising
districts ami swtions, cultural committees that have undertaken to do work set
up by districts and committees. In the course of recent months we have made a
survey of certain of these committees. We found in many instances that these
committees, while doing certain valuable worlv, did not always yield the fruits
that the planters had looked for; and in examining causes we foiuid that com-
mittees were left to drift for themselves. They were invested with too much
autonomy. Expei'ience would show us that where .such cultural committees
are established by sections it is best to regard them as subcommittees, let us
say, of the education and organization committees, or if a separate counnittee,
apart from the eeralism, or to round out the word, rotten liberalism, su'h traits as aca-
demicism, viewing a topic, an issue, almost witli a Hamletic waver, between
yea and na.v. What has this in common with the Communist theory and prac-
tice? But we find it still in oui' midst — i»ure and simple professionalism. It
it merely a cari'y-over of an organized notion of our function in which one
has not yet learned to make the synthesis between his political program and
his pi-ofessional conti-ibution to the carrying out of that progi-am.
And, of course, hyjiei-individualism. that direct cur.se of them all — all of which
constitutes susceptibilities to Trotskyism and other alien classes.
Certain examples which will illusti-ate at the present moment the danger of
jiermitting such notions to remain in oui' midst. How often do we come across
certain individuals mingling with us who advance the following idea about the
people's front : for examiile, that Dimitrov's rejtort finally recognized that they
wei'e right all the time. In other words, that Dimitrov's report is a concession
to the petty bourgeoisie — the party in the past is now repudiating hy the seventli
congn'ss line, and now that the party has ]iroved itself worthy they may .join it.
What doe.s this mean'/ Can we allow such notions to manifest themselves politi-
call.v':' We have written extensively in our writings and jieriodicals — Comrade
Browder's people's front illustrated for us to see that the adoption of a new line
does not constitute a repudiation but. on the contrar.v. it constitutes a necessary
historic transition to a new tactic rendered requisite hy a develoiiing situation.
Now. he who is oj'posed to the adoption on the part of the working-class party
of the correct tactic stands on the side lines sneering that "They liave changed
their line." This sneering reflects itself in shadows of grimaces on the part of
some of our weaker comrade.s. We must overcome such notions in our midst.
We welcome them Cthe comrades) b\it we do not welcome their interest on tlie
508 COMMUNISM IX MOTION PICTUHE INDUSTRY
basis of tlu'ii- uiKlcistandinjj that that which they arc joiiiiiii:' is imt a pai'ty (»f
coniiiiunisni. It is our duty to chirify theso comrades.
We have a task to perform ; we are educators ; we are traiisforuiers of conscious-
ness ; and tliat transformation of consciousness does not end with the roj^istration
of a .iriven candiiiate to tlie party but be.iiins with tliat moment, for then we liave
the administrator — the channel throu;,di whicli to do it.
Anotiier manifestation of this — the tendency to abuse and distort the criticism
contained in tlie word ".sectarianism." How often do we not tind that when a
certain liberalism begins to insinuate it.self and when it is criticized correctly that
very often we find countercharges that criticism is sectarianism. Yes ; we have — ■
we hope for good — thrown sectarianism out the window. \Ve have established
ourselves as being on the highroad to becoming a mass party. We hope before
very long to count our nmnbers in terms of hundreds of thousands. 'I'liat is a
.prospective with a program.
We built qualitatively as well as quantitatively, and we cannot, and should
not, permit the charge contained in the word "sectarianism" to cover the employ-
ment of opportunism, conscious or unconscitms.
To illustrate this with an in.stance: The book Red Star Over China, which
has created confusion in the party and around the party. The action of the
party in adopting a critical attitude to the book, in keeping the boctk from
circulation in our party bookshops, has not been completely understood by many
comrades. I think it should be stated in all due fairness to tho.se comrades that
the party did not come out quickly enough with an authentic opinion on the
book; and, of course, there were many speculations. It was necessary and im-
perative to have prompt reviews of the book, to make the matter clear before
our members. Of course, the party has an attitiide to the book : there were
reviews in several periodicals. Here is a book written by a man who undoubtedly
is disposed as a friend and well-wisher of the Chinese people. A man who is,
you might say, profoundly sympathetic, and attached to the Chinese Soviets, and
who wrote a boi>k that is in many pages inspiring. I'et those who have read the
book carefully, those wh(» have followed the review in the Communist, will conisa
to the conclusion that the book brings forward Trotskyite conclusions that actually
damage an otherwise valuable documentary accoiuit. In fact, the philosophy of
the book is that comnnmism is adorable if it arises as a Chinese phenomenon. A
.sort of new except ionalism cut off from international communism — not only cut
off, but Snow's thesis seems to be that wherevei- the Comm-unist International
enters as a factor it brings about tragedy and ruin in the wake of the Chinese
revolution. And as for the Soviet Union, that is the villain of the piece. Snow
maintains that the Communist International is, or is used as, a sort of vest-pocket
bureau of the Soviet Foreign Office. This is purveying Trotskyism. W'e do
not say that Snow is a Trotskyite. We do not say that Snow is a Trotskyite,
but we do say that by his unclarity and by his failure, his professional failure,
to check on data, a responsibility wliich he owes to himself as a foreign corre-
spondent, he has made hin^self a vehicle for carrying Trotskyite poi.son into his
book; and, therefoi'e, notwithstanding the great value of his book in many other
ways, we have to register this deep-going criticism in the hope that thereby be
will i)erhaps put forth a new edition in which he will make the corrections that
we have indicated.
I mention this as an instance in the party of sectarianism. The word is used
by friends and comrades. W^hyV Because they abuse the word "sectarianism."
In fact, it would be extremely sectarian to Trotsky not to have taken the attitude
that we have taken to such a word. There is an antitoxin to drive out this re-
maining poison in the system of certain of the people that come toward us. This
antitoxin is the valuable fiow of education — of study of Marxism, Leninism, which
we owe as educators, as members of the party, to those who come toward us.
We have to devi.se the necessary methods to help overcome this. Of course, we
don't mean in the book learning; we mean practice.
Far too many of these people somehow or other are members at large, not
because they have been assigned due to their strategic posts that they may occupy
in the camp of the enemy, in Wall Street or other places. Tliey have sort of
placed themselves at large.
I cite an instance where a i-epresentative of the central committee set out to
visit a certain group at large to conduct an instructive talk on a vital political
subject and he was told that they couldn't reveal themselves. In other words,
they don't know us and we don't know them. They missed the study, the work,
the'activity, the helpful guidajice, and the contact with the life of the basic party
•organizations.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 509
There are two ways for intellectuals to come into the party. One is the way of
perennially skirting the fringe. The other is the way to come — weave himself
right into the cloth of the banner of Leninism. Every one of us knows what the
results of two such ways of coming are.
For instance, I think that in certain places and in certain professions it is
advisable to have special units of workers in a given profession established in
WPA units, or perhaps units of a given establisliment. But, to say, as we have
observed in certain cities not fartlier than a stone's throw from here, tliat everyone
who wields a pen shall therefore belong to our writers unit — and there are such
demands I notice, in Chicago, in Philadelphia and here — I think this means
isolating themselves from the party. It means a life of inbreeding, failure to live
the life of the party. There is no blanket judgment on this. In every district
or section the leadership exercices its due discretion to see where in special
places professional units can be and should be set up. They have their place and
should function where they have their place; but where they have no reason for
being, there is absolutely nothing l)ut loss in such an arrangement.
I was in Los Angeles last year and came upon a unit consisting of one or two
lawyers, one or two medicos, publicity agents, a couple of storekeepers and
teachers. I visited that unit, and I was told that this is an industrial unit.
That was not the opinion of the county leadership. Actually it seemed that it was
some sort of mushroom growth ; and in investigating the basis upon which they
had built themselves — -they had not a single profession, let alone an industrial
profession — the common denominator upon which they existed, I found, was the
desire to keep from being open party members. In other words, the negative
policy of concealment was the basis for joint work.
Certainly, we have to safeguard professionals. We cannot adopt the same
methods of work, nor can we always nor should we always have the genei'al policy
of open work, dependent upon who the professionals are. P>nt to say that there
can be such a thing as a basis of work which hasn't a positive program, but rather
a negative program of withdrawal, is the opposite. Well, as to that unit, tliey
disbanded, and some of them became attached to factory groups and units, helped
put out factory papers, and began to find themselves in the party, making them-
selves useful. They gave their equipment to basic party units, began to register
their party attitude to things. Before leaving I spoke to some of those comrades.
There was a different light in their eye in speaking of the party.
Promote the. party press among our professionals. I don't like to embarrass
gatherings of professionals by asking how many have really read the Daily
Worker, and I don't mean page 7 only. How many read the Party Organizer?
How many read the Communist? Very few, comrades. And where will this
transformation come about? Where shall we equip ourselves for further educa-
tion? * * * It is a very important question. Ask yourselves; probe your
consciences tonight. I think if we can all answer in the afBrmative there would
be a much wider circulation of the Daily Worker and of the entire press.
We must begin to educate through the medium of study groups. The question
of study groups is a fundamental problem, of course, not only educational work
in the units, but actual study groups where groups of party comrades build
around themselves nonparty people, and begin bringing in the policies of our
party through a program of education related to the current topics of the houi*.
I would say that if the comrades of the section could see their way to instituting
such study groups around the professional units it would really be a basic
achievement — it would be a preparation for the bolshevizing of the comrades —
for making genuine Communists of the entire circle of party comrades and their
familiars. The leading committees should actually do the building of these
study gi-oups.
And further, we must more than ever impress the professionals — our friends
and sympathizers, that we have a positive approach also to their work. It isn't
just a question — they shouldn't imagine that they are just brought into the party
as tliough to be turned into instruments apart from their work, but on the con-
trary, that their coming into the party was their b^ing friends of the party and
sympathizers as in terms of their actual work. We do not always make this
clear. The party increasingly clierishes and values sp'^cific qualities that the
professionals bring into our midst. Gone is the day when we just took a pro-
fessional comrade and assigned him to do nondescript party work. We say, on
the contrary, comrades, you have something specific to give. You have the
general contril)utions to make, in your loyalty, in your dues payments, your at-
tendance, and your various duties and tasks to perform. But you have also a
67683—47 33
510 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
different contribution to nuilce, wliether yon are a writer, a tilm artist, a radio
performer. We need Ihis no matter how valuable you are to the party on the
picket line, and If in your turn you do not contribute, you would not i*eally be
valuable to us. Tliis is important to register. And we must also register the
fact that the party is not satisfied with anything save the best in terms of
quality and caliber and talent that the comrades can produce. Our motto is:
Nothing is too good for the working class — and not, as some say, and possibly by
their inferior work, not ))ecause they are unable to do better, but a sort of sloppy
arrangement, that anything is good enough for the working class. We want
quality. We want good leaflets, splendid posters, such as tlie Communist Party
of Germany used to put out when artists such as Kathe KoUwitz gave of their
best to poster production. And, of course, murals, and everything that is good.
We want our basic agitational work to reflect that we have talented professionals
in our midst — good sketches, good plays. In fact unless the form is there the
content is not there.
I came across something recently — a translation of a poem — Rossett's transla-
tion of Francois Villon — "Where are the snows of yesteryear?" An American
paper carried in translation of that same line : "What's become of last year's
snow?" Is it really the same? The form is not there. And as Marxists, as
dialecticians, we believe in the daily unity and interpenetration of form and
content.
I was present last night at a cabaret — TAG. I want to say that I think the
comrades of TAG deserve a cheer for this innovation that they have brought
into our movemnt ; it opens an avenue for very fine achievements. Speaking in
terms of medium as to its possibiliites, it possibilities are great. There was
some fine singing, good schnitzelbank, and yet at the end we had something tacked
on the end of the program about Mayor Hague in the form of a round. The
form, the words particularly, and music, were nothing to write home about.
And I feel that, although tlie content was intended with the form, especially I
was a little ashamed of the thing, because these comrades can do so much better.
The content wasn't there because there wasn't that medium of presenting the thing
effectively. I say that as party comrades we must be the first to demonstrate
that it is not true what the Eastmans say, "Artists in uniform, crashing art out
of creation." On the contrary, we have to demonstrate by our creations that we
are the ones that are the guardians of art. Quality. Stimulate; criticize. And
we demand the best that the comrades can offer.
We have Iiad another tendency, comrades. A tendency — part of the same
thing — of utilizing certain names of notables for public statements. Very good,
and we need more of such names. But I think, comrades, that if we get these
signatures and let it go at that we are not really doing the right thing by these
people : for who will deny the fact that if they are prepared to give their signa-
tures for a progressive cause, even for a direct Communist cause, they are also
prep'ired in one way or another to vitalize those signatures into action? Don't
we shy off? Just leave them and then call upon them again? We don't want to
use these people for window trimming. These are people who demonstrate by that
t'^at tliey want to do something. We are the stimulators. We should draw them.
Do we? You will find that very often we neglect these people. To draw them
means to draw them to do something. Why can't we draw some of these people
and asl^ them to become pamphleteers for our cause. Have we a great overage?
Certainly not.
We can ask them to become poster artists, mural makers. They can embellish
onr shop papers and do various performances in our day-to-day work and struggle.
Thev are waiting for their invitations. Let's give them a ring. I think we
Itave neglected some very important and useful people in America. We need
and we can get cultural workers to temper the press with protests, with letters,
to write to Congressmen in behalf of various causes that we promulgate. These
are important activities, and these are the beginnings to bring these people
closer, and this has to become a systematic activity. Units should put this on
the agenda — how to draw these people and for what occasion. This will help
to Americanize our work. It will help to bring our message to greater numbers;
and not only will the party gain but we will thereby make use of the special
tnlents which are remaining idle in our midst, and we shall be making happier
and more devoted party comrades of these professionals. Let us remember that
the enemy class bludgeons the masses with every form of clubbing — the radio,
press, and so forth. Let us bear in mind the demagogic use to which they are
put. Let us not abandon a single cultural field to reaction. The Communist
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 511
Party is by its valiUTit leadership administering its role as vanguard of progi-essive
humanity. Let our party demonstrate its role of vanguard of modern culture.
Mr. Stwrlixg. Mr. Rtissell, will you name the bulletins of the
International Theatre which you have referred to?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
Bulletin No. 2 of International Theatre published in 1934, pages 1,
3, 4, 5, and T.*- The October 1934 issue of International Theater, on
page 3,^*^ contains an article describing the growth of the revolutionary
theater in the United States. This particular article states that such
dramatists as Alfred Kreymbourg, John Wexley, Albert Maltz, George
Sklar, Lee Simonson, and others are coming over to the revolutionary
theater. John Wexley and Albert Maltz have been employed by the
Hollywood motion-picture industry.
Page 56 of issue 3 and 4 of International Theater for the year 1934
contains information concerning the training of cadres in the United
States.**
We might also at this time discuss very briefly an article entitled
"Straight From the Shoulder," which appeared in the November
1934 issue of the New Theater, on page 11, which was written by John
Howard Lawson, the movie w^riter, *^ the comment of the editors of the
New Theatre regarding this article by Lawson is as follows :
However, John Howard Lawson's argument that a united-front theater cannot
produce specitically Communist plays is certainly true, and he has brought up
real but not insurmountable difficulties facing playwrights, whether Socialists,
Communists, or just sympathetic, who write for such united-front organization
and audience. His article indicates the immediate need for a Communist pro-
fessional theater that will produce plays as Lawson and others will write, plays
with a clear Communist line and straightforward political statements and
references.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, can you tell the committee whether or
not the Soviet Government has ever sent an official representative to
the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Russell. Yes. During the summer of
The Chairmax. Just a minute.
This testimony is very important to the committee. The commit-
tee wants to hear every word of it. We will just have to maintain the
best order that we possibl}^ can.
Go ahead, Mr. Russell.
Mr. Russell. During the summer of 1943, one Mikhial Kalatozov
made his appearance in Hollywood. According to the Soviet Em-
bassy in Washington, D. C, the purpose of Kalatozov's being in Holly-
wood was to strengthen the artistic and commercial ties with the
cinema people of the United States and those of the Soviet Union.
Just prior to Kalatozov's arrival announcement of the fact was
made by Miss Pauline Swanson of the National Council of American-
Soviet Friendship, 814-816 Broadway, Arcade Building, Los Angeles,
Calif. According to this announcement, Mr. Kalatozov was to be
presented to the Hollywood film colony at a reception and cocktail
party given at the Mocambo Restaurant on the afternoon of August
22, 1943. An article in the west coast organ of the Communist Party,
^- See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 96.
f See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 97.
^ See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 98.
=» See appendix, p. 550, for exhibit 99.
512 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
the People's World, carried the following item concerning Kalatozov
in its issue of September 10, 1943. This article is quoted as follows :
MOSCOW LIAISON
Mikhial Kalatozov, Soviet film director, is in Hollywood to give first-hand
advice on pictures dealing with Russia and to study Hollywood methods. They
are starting him off with a reception at the Mocambo.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, can you tell the committee where Mr.
Kalatozov resided while he was in Los Angeles, the address?
Mr. liussELL. Yes. While in Hollywood, Kalatozov resided at
4744 Los Feliz Boulevard, which is located close to the Soviet Con-
sulate and near the homes of some of Hollywood's best-known stars.
Mr. Stripling. Mr, Kussell, to what extent did Mr. Kalatozov com-
municate or contact people in the motion-picture industry?
Mr. Russell. During the course of my investigation I became
familiar with the content of several cablegrams which indicated that
Kalatozov had contacted various motion-picture studios in Hollywood.
Mr. Stripling. AVoulcl you read the content of those telegrams to
the committee?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
One of these cablegrams was dated December 7, 1943, wherein it is
indicated that Kalatozov cabled his superior, Alexander Andrei vsky,
in Moscow, as follows :
Lawrence agrees to distribute our films in Africa, Italy, France. Agreement
advantageous to us. Imperative that we receive immediate reply.
As yon know, Mr. Chairman, we are presently investigating this
matter and there will be an identification made of Lawrence at the
time a report is submitted.
Mr. Stripling. Do yon have other cablegrams, Mr. Russell?
Mr. Russell. Yes. A copy of a cablegram which was received by
Mikhial Kalatozov on January 20, 1944, from his superior in Moscow,
Alexander Adreivsky, reads as follows:
Agreement RKO not received. Will cable after receipt. Regarding radio
concert you should receive detailed cable.
This cablegram indicates an agreement with the RKO studios in
Hollywood had been reached between Kalatozov and that studio.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have cablegrams indicating connection with
other studios in Hollywood?
Mr, Russell. Yes.
In a cablegram dated January 23, 1944, addressed to Alexander
Andreivsky, of the cinema committee in Moscow, is stated :
Immediately inform if Warner Brothers films brought to Moscow were seen
by you.
Mr. Stripling, Mr, Russell, do you recall that several weeks ago the
committee held a hearing on Hanns Eisler?
Mr, Russell. Yes,
Mr. Stripling. Did you assist in the investigation of Hanns Eisler?
Mr. Russell, Yes, sir.
]\Ir. Stripling. Did you go to California early this year to assist in
that iiivestigation ?
Mr. Russell, I did.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 513
Mr. Stripling. Could you furnish the committee with some infor-
mation reofarding the association of Hanns Eisler with certain indi-
viduals in Hollywood?
]\Ir. Russell. Yes.
On October 13, 1943, Hanns Eisler and his wife, Louise, attended a
gathering in the home of Paul Jarrico, 727 Linda Flora Drive, Los
Angeles, Calif., which was addressed by Joseph North, former editor
of the New Masses.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
Mr. Russell. Yes.
]Mi-. Stripung. I believe it has been placed in the testimony here,
Mr. Chairman, that Paul Jarrico was one of the original script writers
of the picture Song of Russia, about which there has been considerable
said during this hearing.
Mr. Russell. On November 9, 1943, the Hanns Eislers were invited
to an affair given by the Russian vice consul in Los Angeles, Calif.,
by V. V. Pastoev, who at that time was the Soviet vice consul in Los
Angeles. On November 16, 1943, the Eislers entertained the Pastoevs
at a party in their home.
On January 10, 1944, Gregori Kheifets, a Soviet vice consul from
San Francisco, Calif., visited Hanns Eisler.
]Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of the record Hanns
Eisler is now subject to deportation, and the Immigration and Natu-
ralization Service has arrested him and he is out on bond awaiting a
hearing on a deportation order. At the time of the hearing he was
shown to be the head of the International Music Bureau with head-
quarters in Moscow.
Mr. Russell, did you receive any information during your investi-
gation regarding the brother of Hanns Eisler, Gerhart Eisler, who
has been convicted in the court in the District of Columbia for being
in contempt of Congress and also for violation of the passport regula-
tions ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
During the year 1940 certain people in the United States were en-
gaged in a campaign to purchase Gerhart Eisler's way out of a con-
centration camp in France. This campaign started when Hanns
Eisler, the brother of Gerhart Eisler, received a cablegram from Ger-
hart asking him for money which he needed for an operation. This
money was actually to be used for the purpose of buying Gerhart
Eisler's way out of the concentration camp in France.
Mr. Stripling. Could you give the committee the details regarding
this matter ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
One person active in this matter was Charles A. Page, who was in
1940 a free-lance writer in Hollywood. Also active
The Chairman. Now, how do you spell that name?
Mr. Russell. Page, P-a-g-e.
Also active, Louise Bransten.
Mr. Stripling. That is Louise, L-o-u-i-s-e, Bransten, B-r-a-n-
s-t-e-n?
]\lr. Russell. That is right.
Both of those persons engaged in considerable activity on behalf
of Gerhart Eisler. It is a known fact that Page requested Louise
514 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Bransten's advice as to how the situation could be handled and it was
resolved that the best way of securing information concerning the
method of handling the situation would be to contact an individual
known as Otto Katz, who was then in Connecticut. It might be re-
called at this point that Gerhart Eisler
The Chairman. How do you spell that last name ?
Mr. Russell. Katz, K-a-t-z.
It might be recalled at this point that Gerhart Eisler when he first
entered the United States stated before the immigration officials who
examined him that he was en route to see Otto Katz who was at that
time residing in Mexico.
Mr. Stripling. Could you further identify Otto Katz, Mr. Russell?
Mr. Russell. Yes. Otto Katz, whose real name is Andre Simone,
and who has numerous other names and aliases, is a known agent of
the Soviet Government who was very active in Mexico City during
the period of the late war. At present he is in Czechoslovakia. He
was also very active in Hollywood at one time, particularly during the
year 1935.
At this point I would like to introduce a telegram received from the
chief of police in Los Angeles, Calif., pertaining to Charles A. Page
and Hanns Eisler.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, was Mr. Page ever employed in the
Department of State?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; he was an employee of the Department of State.
Mr. Stripling. I will come to that in just a moment. Could you
further identify Louise Bransten as soon as you put the telegram into
the record ?
Mr. Russell. Yes, I will.
During the testimony of Joseph Savoretti in the hearing regarding
Hanns Eisler, Mr. Savoretti made several statements regarding a war-
rant which had been issued for the arrest of Hanns Eisler. In one of
these statements he made the following statement, and I quote from
the record of the hearing :
The warrants were thereupon sent to our district office in Philadelphia by the
New York office under date of August 15 for service. The investigator of the
Philadelphia office learned that the aliens had proceeded to 2738 Outpost Drive,
care of Page, Hollywood, Calif.
Yesterday the committee dispatched a telegram to the chief of police
to determine whether Charles A. Page, who has been mentioned hereto-
fore, was identical with the person mentioned in the testimony of
Charles A. Savoretti regarding the warrant which had been issued for
the arrest of Hanns Eisler. The reply of V. B. Horrall, chief of police,
Los Angeles, Calif., states :
Re tel Charles A. Page and Marv Page. Page registered at 273fi Outpost Drive,
Hollywood, from 1938 to 1941.
I believe this establishes the residence of the Pages at 2736 Outpost
Drive when this address we requested was 2738 Outpost Drive, Holly-
wood, Calif.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, will you identify Louise Bransten?
Mr. Russell. Yes. She was born on October 10, 1908, at Berkeley,
Calif., the daughter of Abraham Rosenberg and Alice Greenlmum.
She is the former wife of Richard Bransten, also known as Bruce
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 515
Minton, former owner of New Masses, and at present the husband of
Until INIcKenney, the writer, botli of them were recently expelled from
the Communist Party of the United States on a charge of revisionism.
McKinney and Bransten have both been employed in the movie indus-
try. Louise Bransten's father died in 1929 and left an estate valued
at over $2,000,000. Louise was the beneficiary of a $500,000 trust fund
which provided that $250,000 be given to her on her twenty-fifth
birthday and the other half upon reaching the age of 45. At the age
of 25 she made an agreement with the executors of her father's estate
to accept shares of stock in a particular company in lieu of $250,000
in cash. Li view of the fact that I have made no investigation regard-
ing the company mentioned I would rather furnish its name in execu-
tive session because if the name of the firm is mentioned there might
be an unjust reflection on its character.
In 1943, after her mother's death, Louise Bransten inherited a large
sum of money, some of which is held in trust.
Li June 1933 Louise Bransten, accompanied by her husband Richard,
made a 6 weeks' tour of the Soviet Union. During the water-front
strike in San Francisco Louise and Richard Bransten carried out
assignments for the Communist Party, working with Earl Bi'owder
and Gerhart Eisler. In 1944 Louise Bransten made a loan of $50,000
to the People's World, which is the west coast organ of the Communist
Party. She has also contributed through the Rosenberg Foundation,
of which she is a member of the board of directors, $6,000 to the
American-Russian Institute, and $10,000 to the California Labor
School. She has also contributed to the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee
Committee. At present she is living in New York City and is married
to Lionel Berman, who is interested in documentary films. Bransten
is now employed by the New York Committee To Win the Peace.
Mr. Stripling. Now, would you identify Charles A. Page?
Mr. Russell. Yes. The last-known address of this person, insofar
as I know, is the Jeiferson Apartments, Sixteenth and M Streets NW.,
Washington, D. C. He was employed by the State Department from
about the year 1928 through the year 1933, During the years 1934
through 1941 he was a free-lance writer in Hollywood, Calif. When
he discontinued this type of work he returned to the State Depart-
ment. He has been in contact with Louise Bransten, Haakon Chevalier,
Vassili Zublin, a Soviet diplomatic ofhcial, Herbert Biberman, John
Howard LaM'son, Gerhart Eisler, Otto Katz, and Hanns Eisler. He
at one time attempted to obtain a position for Haakon Chevalier.
INIr. Stripling. Do you know where he attempted to obtain such
position?
]Mr. Russell. Yes ; with the Office of War Information.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know through whom he tried to get the job?
Mr. Russell. Through Robert E. Sherwood.
The Chairman. Through Robert E. who?
Mr. Russell. Sherwood, S-h-e-r-w-o-o-d.
Mv. Stripling. Do you know whether or not he obtained a position ?
Mr. Russell. No; he did not obtain a position.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee what commission Page
held in the State Department? Is he in the State Department at this
time, INIr. Russell ?
]Mr. Russell. No ; he is not in the State Department at the present
time.
516 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Striplincx. Do you know whether or not he was ever contacted
in Washington by Louise Bransten while he was in the State De-
partment?
Mr. Russell. Yes. On January 3, 1944.
Mr. Stripijng. Can you tell the committee the nature of work or the
place of employment of Page wliile he was in the State Department?
Mr. Russell. Yes. At one time he was assigned to the American
Embassy in Montevideo, Uruguay. During this employment he cor-
responded frequently with Herbert Biberman and John Howard Law-
son, of the Hollywood movie colony. This person was referred to
upon one occasion by a leading Connnunist in Mexico as being "one
of our men," and this Communist in this connection said of Page, "We
have one of our men right inside the American embassy and we get
the real inside dope from there."
I could name the person who said this, if the committee considers it
necessary.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, Page was also attached to the cul-
tural— he was the cultural attache at the embassy in Paris for a while.
Mr. Russell. He was also in New York with the cultural section of
the State Dejoartment.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, during your investigation of Louise
Bransten did you determine whether or not she was in. communication
with various officials of the Soviet Government ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
On April 25, 1945, Louise Bransten was contacted by Stepan Apre-
sian, of the Soviet consulate. Apresian was attached to the Soviet
consulate in San Francisco. She, Louise Bransten, was contacted by
this individual in San Francisco at the Hotel Canterbury on April 25,
1945. The purpose of this meeting, which was arranged by a Mr.
Khrameev, of the Soviet consulate, was to arrange for the distribution
of 40,000 copies of a speech to be made by Molotov before the United
Nations Conference at San Francisco.
On the 24th of April 1945 Bransten was requested to work on the
translation of this speech at the Soviet consulate in San Francisco,
Calif. Ten thousand copies of Molotov's speech were purchased by
the International Workers Order, as a matter of information. The
40,000 copies of Molotov's speech were to be distributed after they had
been printed by a particular lithographing and printing company in
San Francisco.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell.
Mr. Chairman, we prefer to give the name of the company in execu-
tive session.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Sti?ipling. Can you tell the committee whether or not your
investigation disclosed ^vhether or not Louise Bransten entertained
any of the officials of the Soviet Government?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
On May 19, 1945, Dmitri Manuilsky, the Ukraine Communist leader,
was the guest of honor at a dinner given by Louise Bransten in her
home. Dimitri Manuilsky was a member of the three-man board
which functioned as the Communist International during the late war.
This was during the time that the Communist International had sup-
posedly been dissolved. Other persons who attended the dinner given
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 517
by Bransten for Maniiilsky were Frederick Thompson, Holland
Roberts, president of the California Labor School, and Max Yergan.
Mr. Stripling. That was Holland Roberts ?
Mr. Russell. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. H-o-l-l-a-n-d?
Mr. Russell. Yes. Roberts, R-o-b-e-r-t-s.
INIr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, will you tell the committee the various
connections between Louise Bransten and persons in Hollywood or
the motion-picture industry ?
Mr. Russell. Yes.
First, we have the direct connection between Louise Bransten and
Charles A. Page, who operated as a free-lance writer in Hollywood for
a period of 7 years. Then tliere is the association of Gregori Kheifets,
the Soviet consul, with Hanns Eisler and Louise Bransten.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, I would like to point out that Mr.
Bsrthold Brecht, the witness this morning, admitted having met with
Kheifets on several occasions and of Kheifets coming to his liome.
Mr. Russell. Hanns Eisler, of course, was employed by the Holly-
wood moving-picture industry. Then there is a tie-up between Page,
tlie associate of Bransten, and Herbert Biberman and John Howarct
Lawson of the movie colony. Also it might be stated at this point
that when Louise Bransten went to New York City in November
1945 she was contacted by an individual known as George George, a
member of the Communist Party, and a contact of Hanns Eisler in
Los Angeles, Calif. George at one time worked for one of the studios
in Hollywood as a free-lance writer.
Mr. Stripling. Did he work for Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Mr.
Russell ?
Mv, Russell. Yes.
Mr. Stripling. Can you at this point furnish the committee with
any information concerning contacts in Hollywood, Calif., which
have been made by outstanding or notorious leaders of the Communist
Party?
jNIr. Russell. Yes.
On May 3, 1942, Alexander Stevens, also known as J. Peters, and
whose real name is Goldberger, visited Los Angeles, Calif. When he
arrived in Los Angeles he was met by Herbert Biberman at the Union
Station. During that day a meeting was held by Alexander Stevens,
Waldo Salt, and Herbert Biberman. Also on tliat same date another
metting was held at Herbert Biberman's home, which was attended by
Paul Jarrico, Morton Grant, Robert Rossen, and Hyman Kraft. Ros-
sen, Biberman, Salt, and Jarrico are also associated with the motion-
picture industry. Also on that same date a third meeting was held by
Alexander Stevens, J. Peters, R. Goldberger, as he is known, Morton
Grant, John Howard Lawson, and Vera Harris, the wife of Lou Harris,
a screen writer.
During the evening of May 3, 1942, another meeting was held in
Herbert Biberman's home between Stevens or Peters, John Howard
Lawson, Lester Cole, Madeline Ruthven, and Herta Uerkvitz. Lester
Cole is a screen writer while Ruthven and Uerkvitz are Communist
Party functionaries in Los Angeles, Calif. Ruthven, Lawson, Stevens,
and Salt also held a meeting on the same date, late at night, in the
home of Waldo Salt. During this visit, among other things, Stevens
518 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
was working on the Communist-inspired movement to secure the re-
lease of Earl Browder, Communist l^arty president at that time, from
a Federal penitentiary, where he had been incarcerated on a charoe of
usin<>; a false passport to travel to the Soviet Union.
Stevens also had a very successful financial trip since he collected
$1,500, or furnished this sum to Communist Party functionaries in
California, which he had received from Louise Bransten. He also
received the sum of $2,200 from a Ruth Wilson, whom I can identify
in executive session, the reason being that she at present may have a
connection with a leading department store in the United States and
I am certain that any mention of her name in connection with that
department store would cast an unjust reflection upon the particular
store, because I know its reputation.
The Chairman. Without objection.
Mr, Stripling. Mr. Chairman, with reference to J. Peters, or Stev-
ens, I should like to state that the committee issued a subpena calling
for his appearance before the committee yesterday. However, we have
been unable to serve the subpena. It was issued several months ago.
He was arrested by the immigration authorities about 3 weeks ago
in Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
The committee has evidence to show that J. Peters, or Alexander
Stevens, or Isadore Boorstein, as he is also known, has for years been
the leader of the underground section of the Communist Party in
the United States.
The committee has the passport, a fraudulent passport, by the way,
which he traveled to the Soviet Union on on October 7, 1931, under
the name of Isadore Boorstein. When and if we can obtain Mr.
Peters and have him before the committee we will go into great detail
concerning his activities.
The Chairman. Well, I would like to make this point, and that is
that the Government agencies that we have asked to aid us in getting
Mr. Peters haven't been either very alert or cooperative. They have
known that we have wanted Peters for a long time.
Go ahead, Mr. Stripling.
But I do want to point out right at that point that the Govern-
ment agencies that I have in mind do not include the Federal Bureau
of Investigation.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, did your investigation disclose whether
or not Louise Bransten was ever contacted by Gerhart Eisler?
JNIr. Russell. Yes. On December 29, 194:3, she was a guest at a
dinner given by Lenient U. Harris, of Chappaqua, N. Y., at his home.
Gerhart Eisler was present at this dinner.
Mv. Stripling. Could you identify Lenient Harris further for the
committee?
]Mr. Russell. Yes ; Lement Harris is high in the Communist Party
circles of the United States. He has charge of the party's work
among the agricultural workers in the United States as well as the
Western Hemisphere. He also has something to do with Communist
Party financing in the United States, since it is known that he at-
tempted to persuade Louise Bransten to invest $10,000 in the Salute
magazine.
Mr. Stripling. S-a-1-u-t-e?
Mr. Russell. S-a-1-u-t-e.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 519
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether your investiga-
tion disclosed whether or not Peters was, or Alexander Stevens was,
very successful in raising funds among various people in the motion-
picture industry when he was out there in behalf of Earl Browder?
Mr. Russell. Well, the donations that I know about are those re-
ceived from Louise Bransten and Ruth Wilson. However, it is known
that Bransten — or, that Stevens, or Peters, as he is known, visited a
bank with Herbert Biberman and that Biberman entered a safety
deposit box in the bank. However, I can't state whether or not he
got money from the box.
Mr. Striplixg. He did enter the bank with Peters ?
Mr. Russell. That is right.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, do you have any information regarding
further contacts on the part of Louise Bransten with other persons
associated with the Soviet Government?
Mr. Russell. Yes; she has been associated with Vassili Zublin, or
the Soviet Embassy in Washington, D. C. She has also been asso-
ciated with Gregori Kheifets, of the Soviet consulate in San Francisco,
and Mr. V. V. Pastoev, of the Soviet consulate in Los Angeles, Calif.
For instance, on May 12, 1944, Gregori Kheifets, Aubrey Whitney
Grossman, and John Tripp McTernan, were in attendance at a party
in San Francisco which was given by Louise Bransten.
Mr. Stripling. Did your investigation disclose whether or not
Bransten is an important figure in the Communist set-up in the United
States?
Mr. Russell. Bransten is what would be termed in a confidence game
lacket as the sharper or the loader. That is, in Communist Party
circles she directs the manner in which contacts with certain people
are to be made, whether or not these persons are connected with the
Communist Party of the United States or other countries, or whether
they are connected with the Communist Party at all. She has con-
tacts, did have them, in numerous Government agencies. However,
there are so many names that
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment, Mr. Russell, on that point. Could
you tell the committee whether or not Louise Bransten was in com-
munication or put in communication with certain individuals who
were approached by an agent of the Soviet Government, or representa-
tives of the Soviet Government, regarding certain espionage activities?
Mr. Russell. Yes. Louise Bransten was closely associated with
Peter Ivanov, the Russian vice consul in San Francisco, Calif. He
was also a secretary in that consulate. I understand Mr. Ivanov has
returned to Soviet Russia. I have some information regarding his
stay in the consulate at San Francisco, Calif., if you want it read into
the record.
Mr. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether or not Louise
Bransten was associated with a man by the name of George Charles
Eltenton ?
Mr. Russell. Yes; she was very closely associated with George
Charles Eltenton, and his wife Dolly.
Mr. Stripling. Could you identify George Charles Eltenton ?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; Charles Eltenton was an employee of the Shell
Development Corp. in Emoryville, Calif., from 1938, and I know that
during, that is, as late as July 1946. He possibly is still employed
there.
520 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. Stripling. Do you know wliether or not George Charles Elten-
ton ever made any trips to the Soviet Union ?
Mr. Russell. Yes; it is known that he spent some time in Soviet
Russia and that he lived in the vicinity of Leningrad. While there
he became very familiar with the Russian language and as the result
w^as asked to translate several Russian works into the English language.
For instance, he was requested to translate a book written by a
Victor Konratiev, a book written by V. Konratiev, entitled, "The
Free Hydroylem." Konratiev is a friend of Joffe, who developed
the first atom smashing machine in the Soviet.
Mr. Eltenton, along with his wife Dolly, attended a party given
by Louise Bransten on November 10, 1944, and at the time Eltenton
was trying to educate a scientist along Soviet lines since he had
loaned this particular scientist a copy of the Soviet Constitution
which he asked him to read. I can identify that scientist if
necessary.
Mr. Stripling. Was this scientist employed at the radiation lab-
oratory in California?
Mr. Russell. He was employed at the radiation laboratory at tlie
University of California.
Mr. Stripling. At Berkeley?
Mr. Russell. At Berkeley.
Mr. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Eltenton attended a
reception in the honor of Molotov in the St. Francis Hotel in San
Francisco on May 7, 1945?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; he did attend the reception for Molotov in the
St. Francis Hotel on May 7, 1945, during which he held quite a con-
versation with Mr. Molotov.
Mr. Stripling. Do you have any information regarding further
association between Bransten, Louise Bransten. and Eltenton ?
Mr. Russell. Yes; it is known that Louise Bransten at one time
attempted to secure employment for Dolly Eltenton with the Ameri-
can-Russian Institute through Gregory Kheifets. Also Louise Bran-
sten requested Eltenton to send a telegram of congratulations to a
Russian scientific society in the Soviet Union and during the month
of July 1940, it was sent. The person in charge of this scientific
gathering in Soviet Russia was an individual known as Peter Kapitza.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, tell the committee whether or not
Eltenton was ever contacted by an official of the Soviet Government
regarding espionage activity.
Mr. Russell. Yes; during the year 1942, the latter part, Eltenton
was contacted by Peter Ivanov, whom I have identified as a vice
consul of the Soviet Government and a secretary in its consulate in
San Francisco. Ivanov requested Eltenton to secure information
concerning some highly secret work which was being carried on at
the radiation laboratory at the University of California. Ivanov
offered Eltenton money in return for his cooperation in securing in-
formation regarding the secret Avork which was being conducted at
the University of California and Berkeley in its radiation laboratory.
M'r. Stripling. Do you know whether or not Eltenton, in further-
ance of this offer, contacted anyone else?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; in order to cooperate with Ivanov he approached
Haakon Chevalier, who was a professor at the University of
California
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 521
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment. Is he the same person who was a
Avriter in the fihn industry for several years ?
Mr. K,ussp:ll. I have no information concerning his occupation in
tlie fihn industry.
Mr. Stripling. All right, proceed.
Mr. Russell. And requested him to find out what was being done
at the radiation laboratory, particularly information regarding the
highly destructive weapon which was being developed through re-
searcli. Eltenton told Chevalier that he had a line of communication
with an official of the Soviet Government who had advised him that
since Russia and the United States were allies Soviet Russia should
be entitled to any technical data which might be of assistance to that
nation.
At the time of this particular conversation Chevalier advised Elten-
ton that he would contact a third person who was working in the
radiation laboratory and attempt to secure information regarding the
type of work conducted there or any information which he could re-
garding technical developments which might be of assistance to the
Soviet Government.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Russell, can you tell the committee whether or
not Mr. Chevalier did contact a scientist employed in the radiation
laboratory?
M'r. Russell. Yes; Chevalier approached this third person.
Mr. Stripling. Was that third person J. Robert Oppenheimer?
Mr. Russell. That is' right ; Chevalier approached this third person,
J. Robert Oppenheimer, and told him that George Charles Eltenton
was interested in obtaining information regarding technical develop-
ments under consideration by the United States and also that Eltenton
was interested in obtaining information regarding the work being
performed at the radiation laboratory at the University of California.
This third person
Mr. Stripling. Just a moment. Did Chevalier tell J. Robert Oppen-
hiemr that he had the means of communication whereby he could
transmit such information to the Soviet Union 'i
Mr. Russell. Yes; he did. He told J. Robert Oppenheimer that
Eltenton had a source through which he could relay the information
to the Soviet Government.
Mr. Stripling. What did Mr. Oppenheimer reply to this approach
on the part of Mr. Chevalier ?
Mr. Russell. He said that he considered such attempts as this to
secure information a treasonable act and that he certainly would not
have anything to do with such a thing.
M'r. Stripling. Can you tell the committee whether or not J. Robert
Oppenheimer subsequently worked on the atomic project at Los
Alamos, N. Mex., in the development of the atomic bomb?
Mr. Russell. Yes ; he did. He was in charge of it.
Mr. Stripling. Mr. Chairman, there are further questions here
regarding this matter which involve various individuals which I think
that the committee should consider in executive session before w^e
make their name's public.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
Mr. Stripling. Those are all the questions that I have at this time
from Mr. Russell.
The Chairman. Mr. McDowell.
522 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Mr. McDowell. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Vail.
Mr. Vail. No questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Russell, just sit right there, please.
Mr. Russell. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. The Chair would like to make this statement.
The hearings today conclude the first phase of the committee's
investigation of communism in the motion-picture industry. While
we have heard 39 witnesses, there are many more to be heard. The
Chair stated earlier in the hearing he would j^resent the records of 79
prominent people associated Avith the motion-picture industry who
were members of the Communist Party or who had records of Com-
munist affiliations. We have had before us 11 of these individuals.
There are 68 to go. This hearing has concerned itself principally with
.spotlighting Communist personnel in the industry.
There is, however, an equally dangerous phase of this inquiiy which
deals with Communist propaganda in various motion pictures and the
techniques employed. At the present time the committee has a special
stalf making an extensive study of this phase of the committee's in-
quiry. Either the full committee or a subcommittee will resume hear-
ings on this matter in the near future, either in Washington or in Los
Angeles, at which time those persons whose Communist records the
committee has will be given an opportunity to appear before the
committee to confirm or deny those affiliations. We will also have a
number of witnesses who will deal with propaganda in the films and
the techniques employed.
I want to emphasize that the committee is not adjourning sine die,
but will resume hearings as soon as possible. The committee hear-
ings for the past 2 weeks have clearly shown the need for this investi-
gation. Ten prominent figures in Hollywood whom the committee had
evidence were members of the Communist Party were brought before
us and refused to deny that they were Comuumists. It is not neces-
sary for the Chair to emphasize the harm which the motion-picture
industry suffers from the presence witliin its ranks of known Com-
munists who do not have the best interests of the United States at
heart. The industry should set about immediately to clean its own
house and not wait for public opinion to force it to do so.
The hearings are adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 3 p. m., the committee adjourned.)
APPENDIX
The following were introduced with testimony in the course of the
hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, October
20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, and 30, 1947, and are retained in the files
of the Committee on Un-American Activities as exhibits :
Exhibit 1. Statement of Jack L. Warner.
Exhibit 2. Testimony of Jack L. Warner in executive session before the Sub-
committee on Un-American Activities, May 15, 1947, in Los Angeles, Calif.
Exhibit 3. List of 43 tilms introduced by Jack L. Warner.
Exhibit 4. Motion Picture News, March 23, 1918; review written by Peter
Milne of the film. My Four Years in Germany, based on book under same title
by James W. Gerard.
Exhibit 5. List of 39 films, pro-American short subjects, submitted by Jack L.
Wtirner.
Exhibit 6. Statement by Senator Martin, of Pennsylvania, United States
Senate, Congressional Record, July 16, 1947, on education in patriotism through
motion pictures.
Exhibit 7. List of 26 pro-American short subject films produced by Warner
Bros, studio in cooperation with the United States Armed Forces.
Exhibit 8. New York Times. D?cember 8. 1941, page 1 ; January 3. 1942, page
1 ; January 7, 1942, page 1 ; January 23, 1942, page 1 ; February 11, 1942, page 1 ;
F(*ruary 16, 1942, page 1 ; Feln-uary 19. 1942, page 1 ; March 2, 1942, page 1 ;
March 10, 1942, page 1 ; March 15, 1942. page 1 ; March 27, 1942, page 1 ; April 9,
1942, page 1; April 10, 19. '2, page 1 ; Mav 1, 1942, page 1; May 7, 1942, page 1;
May 12, 1942, page 1 ; May 27, 1942. page 1 ; June 5, 1942, page 1 ; June S, 1942,
page 1 ; June 12, 1942, page 1 ; June 13, 1942, page 6 ; June 22, 1912, pag^ 1 ; July
2, 1942, page 1 ; July 11, 1942, page 1 ; July 25, 1912, page 1 ; August 8, 1C42, page
1 ; August 19, 1942, page 1 ; August 26, 1942, page 1 ; September 1, 1942, page 1 ;
September 9, 19^2. page 1 ; September 10, 1942, page 1 : September 13, 1942, page
1 ; September 17, 1942, page 1 : Septemlier 27, 1942, page 1 : October 5, 1942, page
1; October 13, 1942, page 1: October 17, 1942, page 1; October 27, 1942, page 1;
November 8, 1942. page 1 ; November 23. 19^2, page 1 ; December 5, 1942, page 1 ;
December 20, 19J2, page 1 ; December 22, lf^42. page 1 : December 30, 1942, page 1.
Exhibit 9. Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., Employment Application and Personnel
Record, first us"d in 1936.
Exhibit 10. Warner Bros. Pictures, Inc., Employment Application and Per-
sonnel Record, first used in 1941.
Exhibit 11. Photograph showing John Howard Lawson in film-strike picket line
at Warner Bros, in 1945.
Exhibit 12. Pamphlet issued by the National Federation for Constitutional
Liberties.
Exhibit 13. Leaflet, Who's Next, in connection with the film strike in 1945,
issued by the Communist Party of Los Angeles County.
Exhibit 14. Flyer, The Issue in the Strike, issued to picket lines in the film
strike of 1945 by the North Hollywood Communist Club.
Exhibit 15. N?w Misses, October 23, 1945, page 20, open letter to Jack Warner.
Exhibit 16. lATPE Bulletin, November 2, 1945, Los Angeles, Calif.
Exhibit 17. lATSE Bulletin, November 13, 1945, Los Angeles, Calif,
523
524 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 18. Subpena — Jack L. Wakneb
Marslial's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the CoNGitEss of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby coirimanded to .summon .Jack L. Warner, Warner Bros. Studios,
40;h) W. Olive, Burbank. California (business), to be and appear before the Un-
American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of which the Hon. J. I'arnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and
there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and
he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
( Signed ) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 19. Subpena — Sam Wood
Marshal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Represj ntatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Sam Wood, Universal Studios, Universal
City, California (business), to be and appear before the Un-American Activities
Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the
Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber in the
city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there to testify
touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart
without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 20. Subpena — Louis B. Mayer
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, page 48G
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Louis B. INIayer, 910 Benedict Canyon
Road (residence) ; Metro-Goldwyn-]\Iayer Studios, Culver City (business), to be
and appear before the Un-American Activities (Committee of the House of Repre-
sentatives of the Unit<'d States, of which the Hon. .1. Parnell Thomas of New
Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, Forthwith, at the
hour of then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed
to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 525
Herein fail not, and make return of tliis summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
( Signed ) J. Paknell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 21. Statement of Louis B. Mayer.
Exhibit 22. Loew's Inc., Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Pictures, salary paid and scripts
worked on by Dalton Trumbo from 1943 to October 4, 1947.
Exhibit 23. Loew's Inc., Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Pictures, salary paid and scripts
worked on by Lester Cole from 1945 to October 4, 1947.
Exhibit 24. Loew's Inc., Metro-Goldwn-Mayer Pictures, salary paid and scripts
worked on by Donald Ogden Stewart from 1943. to October 4, 1947.
Exhibit 25. Congressional Record, July 15, 1947, page 3727, copy of address
made by Mr. Louis B. INIayer before the Newspaper Advertising Executives Asso-
ciation, San Francisco, July 7, 1947.
Exhibit 26. Letter : Ayu Rand to the Committee on Un-American Activities,
November 1, 1947.
Exhibit 27. Subpena — Adolph Menjou
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the United States of
America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Adolphe Jean IMeujou, 722 North Bed-
ford Drive, Beverly Hills, California (residence) to be and appear before the
Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, Forthwith, at the hour of , then
and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ;
and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 28. Photostatic copies of Communist Party documents and exemplars
of the handwriting of Herbert K. Sorrell in connection with the testimony of
the noted examiners of questioned documents : Clark Sellers and John L.
Harris * * * before the Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American
Activities in California of the California Legislature, at hearings in Los Angeles,
Calif., January 4, 1946.
29. Subpena — John Charles Moffitt
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 82080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon John C. MoflStt, 463 S. McCadden, Los
Angeles (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American Activities Com-
mittee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the Hon.
J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the city of
Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of ■ then and there to testify
touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he is not to depart
without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
67C83— 47 34
526 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, tliis 2r)th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Paknell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest : John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 30. Letter
New York London Chicago Hollywood
Executive OflSees Telephone Circle 7-2160
Established 1898
William Mokris Agency, Inc.
Rockefeller Center, 1270 Sixth Avenue, New York 20, N. Y.
October 27, 1947.
Mr. J. P. Thomas,
Chainnan, House Committco, Washington, D. C.
Dear Sii: : On behalf of John Weber of California I am handing you herewith
a photostatic copy of a sworn-to statement made by him. 1 am also including a
ph(;tostatic copy of a similarly sworn-to statement by Helen Straus of New York.
1 will send to you the originals of these statements as soon as I can have copies
of them made for the members of your committee.
1 ask that you immediately p. ace these statements into the record of the
present hearings and that you acknowledge to me at my office at the adtlress
above given, that this has been done.
Yours truly,
William Morris (Signed).
William Morris, President.
Cable : "Willmorris" New York. "Willholl" Hollywood.
Exhibit 31. Affidavit
State of California,
County of Los Angeles, ss:
John Weber, being first duly sworn, deposes and says :
I am a resident of Los Angeles, California, and a literary agent employed as
such by the William Morris Agency, Inc., since shortly after my honorable dis-
charge from the Army on October 'IS, 1944.
Around the beginning of the year 1947 I met Chalmers "Slick" Goodlin, who
was introduced to me as a client of the William Morris Agency, Inc. At this
time Mr. Goodlin advised me that he was interested in securing publication of
material concerning his e.xploits as a rocket pilot. He also told me of interviews
which he had had concerning thij in the past with a number of magazines, in-
cluding Time, Newsweek, Life Magazine, and the American Magazine, and he
stated tliat other national magazines, such as Collier's Magazine and Look Maga-
zine appeared interested in securing articles. I told him that I thought that the
market for such magazine stories should be very good, and I assured him that
my associates who handle magazine matters would do everything they could to
help him.
Since this meeting I have only met Goodlin on no more than one or two other
occasions wlien he happened to be in the office to discuss his business affairs with
the persons in the office who were handling them. In these conversations, which
were very brief, I merely inquired how things were progressing in a very general
way, and he seemed to be optimistic concerning the possibility of publication. He
did not in any of my conversations with him ever give me any written material,
nor did he orally discuss in any detail his material or his experiences as a test
pilot. I understand that Mr. Goodlin did submit to my associates certain written
material which he had prepared with the knowledge of the Army Air Forces and
I5ell Aircraft Corporation, and that this material, which was never read by me
and which was not, in fact, sold through me or the William Morris Agency, Inc.,
is appearing in the January issue of Air Trails Magazine and in a condensed ver-
sion in Reader's Digest for that month.
I am attaching herewith a newspaper report of the true facts as related by
Goodlin to the Los Angeles Herald Express on October 22, 1947.
I categorically deny the entire story reported in the local newspapers as the
testimony of John C. Moffitt before the House Un-American Activities Committee
ihat I obtained or attempted to obtain from Chalmers "Slick" Goodlin secrets
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 527
concerning the supersonic experimental plane, the XS-1, and that such secrets
were communicated by me to Communist Headquarters.
The statements attributed to Mr. Moffitt are entirely and completely false.
(s) John Weber.
John Weber.
Sworn and subscribed to before me, Pearl Leiba, this 22nd day of October 1947.
(s) Pearl S. Leiber,
Pearl Leiba,
Notary Public, Los Angeles, State of California.
My Commission expires Aug. 21, 1951.
[Clipping, Express, October 2. (s) John Weber, (s) Pearl S. Leiba]
Test Pilot Denies Secret Data on Stories on U. S. Plane
Test Pilot Chalmers "Slick" Goodlin emphatically denied today that the
aviation article he wrote contained any secret information on snpersonir- bomb-
ers and declared it was cleared by the Army Air Force in Washington, D. C.
Writer John Chai-les Moffit yesterday told the House Un-American AlTairs
Committee that Goodlin emphatically denied today an article which revealed
secrets of the supersonic Bell XS-1 and which was dispatched by a literary
agent, uncensored, to Communist Party headquarters in New York.
sheer nonsense, charged
"I don't know where this man Motfit got his information, but he certainly
got it all wrong," said Goodlin today at his Rosmond, Calif., home. It's the
sheerest kind of nonsense."
Goodlin also denied that he had any dealings personally with Literary Agent
John Weber, head of the literary department of William Morris Theatrical
Agency, concerning the article.
"I brought tlie article, which had been approved both by the AAF and Bell
Aircraft, to Weber's office last June and gave it to one of his associates," he
said. "I don't even know that Weber ever saw it.
"After they sent the article to their New York ofHce and kept it for three
months, I finally sold it m.vself. It will appear in the January issue of Air
Trails magazine, and also a condensed version in Reader's Digest for that
month.
"I certainly would welcome an FBI investigation of the whole thing," he
said.
Goodlin also denied Moffit's statement that he was fired by Bell Aircrp.ft as
a result of the article, declaring a check of Bell records would show he re-
signed last June.
Weber also said charges that he sent secrets about supersonic aircraft to
Communist headquarters were "malicious slander."
FILM FIGURES PROTEST
Thirty-five top movie personalities also protested testimony at the investi-
gation in full-page trade paper advertisements.
The celebrities, who said they were "Disgusted and outraged." included
Eddie Cantor, Norman Corwin, Henry Fonda, Ava Gardner, Paulette Goddard,
Benny Goodman, Van Heflin, Paul Henreid, Katharine Hepburn, Myrna Loy,
Dorothy McGuire, Gregory Peck, Cornel Wilde, Norman Krasna, Edward G.
Robinson, Alexander Knox, and Hume Cronin.
Exhibit 32. Affidavit
State of New York,
County of New York, ss:
Helen Strauss, being duly sworn, deposes and says:
I am employed by William Morris Agency, Inc., at the head of the Literary
Department in its New York office. I have been so engaged for a period of
528 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
approximately four years. Prior to that time, I was associated with the Storj
DepartiiiPiit of Paramount Pictures, Inc., for approximately nine .vears.
My first associatidti with Clialnicrs "Slirli" Goodlin was tliron;;!! his manager,
Frank Xicliol.s, and tliat was in approximately March 1947. Prior to that time,
I had been informed about Mr. Goodlin by our California office throufjh memo-
randa that I received and telephone and teletype messages I had exchanged.
I had learned from these conversations that Mr. Goodlin was a test pilot for
the Bell Aircraft Corp. and he was preparing to pilot a rocket plane through
the supersonic structures and that he was a most distinctive pilot and, there-
fore, one about whom the public would be anxious to learn and whose articles
or stories would have considerable interest to the public. From the ixnnt of
view of capitalizing on the reputation of Mr. Goodlin and his knowledge and
ability, I was asked to endeavor to sell articles or stories written, or to be
written, by Mr. Goodlin or others in association or collaboration with him.
In order to carry this ,out, I met with Mr. Nichols, and he gave me the names
of the various magazines tiiat had approached him or Mr. Goodlin with regard
to obtaining articles from Mr. Goodlin. As I recall, he stated that these maga-
zines were Collier's and Look. There may have been some others, but I don't
recall their names at this time. The one I thought most desirable for Mr. Goodlin
was Collier's Magazine. In this connection, I endeavored to bring about some
association between Mr. Goodlin and Collier's Magazine. Collier's had ap-
proached Mr. Goodlin directly through Bell Aircraft Corp- before we ever entered
into the situation. I, William Morris Agency, and our California agency were
acting in this transaction solely in the capacity of agents and advisors to Mr.
Goodlin, for which we would receive a commission of 10% of the amount
Mr. Goodlin earned by reason of the services we were to render.
I communicated with the Managing Editor, Joe Alex Morris, with whom I had
many transactions in my capacity as agent for various authors, to inquire as
to the interest of Collier's in an article or story from Mr. Goodlin. He in turn
communicated with Frederick R. Neely, their Aviation Editor in Washington,
who in turn informed me that he had been in touch with Walter Bonney, who
was in charge of public relations for Bell Aircraft, regarding a possibility of
supersonic flight by Goodlin, that they would be interested in publishing an
article on the flight, if it were successful. Actually, they were not interested in
Goodlin and had originally asked for an exclusive story on Woolems, who was
Bell Aircrait's test pilot before Goodlin and who had been killed in a plane
crash last year.
The only material that I saw pi-epared by Mr. Goodlin or anyone associated
with him was sent to me by our California office. It consisted of generalized
statements which had no relationship whatsoever with the supersonic flight. I
just have a general recollection of this material, but I am positive that it did
not contain any secret information or any confidential information or any
technical information of any kind. I submitted this to Collier's Magazine, and
Collier's turned it down.
The only other contact I had with Mr. Goodlin or his manager, Mr. Nichols,
came in the form of a telephone conversation between ]\Ir. Goodlin and my
assistant, Esther Mrus, which was relayed to me by Miss Mrus, and that was
to the effect that Mr. Goodlin stated that he had been successful in selling this
article to the Air Trails Magazine. I am informed Miss Mrus advised him
that, we were pleased that he had been successful in selling the article and
wished him well. No conmiission or compensation of any kind was ever paid
to William Morris Agency for our efforts on liis behalf.
We do not act for anyone at the present time in the file of aviation. Further-
more, we do not have any information of any kind which by any stretch of the
imagination would be deenuMl to be confidential, .secretive, or which in any way
involves the safety or welfare of the United States Government.
/S./ Helen Stkauss.
Sworn to before me this 25th day of October 1947.
/S./ Leon Kellman,
Leon Keixman,
Notarif Public New York City, Reg. No. S37-K.
Commission expires March 30, 1949.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 529
Exhibit 33. Subpena — Rupert Hughes
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of REPRESENTATI^'Es of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Rupert Hughes, 4751 Los Feliz Blvd.,
Los Angeles, California (residence), to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of ■. — , then and there to
testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is
not to dejiart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Cfiairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 34. New Masses, February 12, 1946, pages 19-22 ; article, What Shall
We Ask of Writers? by Albert Maltz.
Exhibit 35. Daily Worker, February 12, 1946; article by Mike Gold, Change
the AVorld, condemning Albert Maltz for writing article designated in exhibit 34.
Exhibit 36. The Worker, April 7, 1946; article, Moving Forward, by Albert
Maltz.
Exhibit 37. Subpena — James K. McGuinness
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of RbjpresentxVtives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark United States Marshal.
You are hereby coinmanded to summon James K. McGuinness, 911 N. Rexford
Drive, Beverly Hills, California (residence) ; Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios,
Culver City, California (business), to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of , then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnexl Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 38. Telegram, Sam Wood to the Committee on Un-American Activities,
October 22, 1947.
530 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 39. Subpena — Robert Taylor
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authobfty of the House of lUa^RESENTATivEs of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Robert Taylor, 807 N. Rodeo Drive,
Beverly Hills, Calilornia (residence), to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of , then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Commitee ; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of tliis summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parneix Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 40. Subpena — Howard Rushmore
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Stripling.
You are hereby commanded to summon Howard Rushmore to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of tlie United States, of which the Hon. .7. Parnell Thomas is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, on October 22, 1947, at the hour of forthwith,
then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said (]'om-
mittee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 22nd day of October 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairina?i.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk..
Exhibit 41. Subpena — Morrie Ryskind
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32060, Vol. 58, Page 48G
By Authority of the Hoxtse of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Morrie Ryskind, 605 N. Hillcrest Ave-
nue, Beverly Hills, California (residence), to be and appear before the Un-
American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of wliich the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their
chaml>er in the city of Washington, on Forthwitli, at the hour of then and
there to testify touching matters of inquiry conuuitted to said Committee; and
he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 531
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Paknell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 42. Letter: Harold J. Salemson to Fred Niblo, October 31, 1946.
Exhibit 43. Subpena — Richard Macaulay
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Richard Macaulay, Metro-Goldwyn-
Mayer Studios (writer). Culver City, California (business) to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at tlie
hour of then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed
to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest ;
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 44. Letter: Harold J. Salemson to Mr. Richard Macaulay, March 9,
1946.
Exhibit 45. Letter : Dalton Trumbo to Mr. Richard Macaulay, March 22, 1946.
Exhibit 46. Variety, October 14, 1946, article entitled, 'Who Censors What?''
by Richard Macaulay.
Exhibit 47. Subpena — Robert Montgomery
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : H. A. Smith.
You are hereby comnmnded to summon Robert Montgomery to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the Ht)use of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23, 1947, at the
hour of 10 : 30 a. m. then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry com-
mitted to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
at the city of Washington, this 7th day of October 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 48. Subpena — George Murphy
Marshal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon George Murphy, 911 N. Bedford Drive,
Beverly Hills, California (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American
532 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washinj^ton, on T'orthwith. at the hour of then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Commitee; and lie is
not to (Icjiart witliout leave of said Committee. Herein fail not, and make return
of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Paenell Thomas,
Chair77ian.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 49. Subpena — Ronald Reiagan
IMai-shal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
Bt Atjthoeity of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Ronald Reagan, 9137 Cordell Drive,
Beverly Hills, California (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. .1. Parnell Thomas of New Jers(>y is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he
is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fall not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 50. Subpena — Gary Cooper
Marshal's Civil Docket No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark. United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Gary Cooper, 11940 Chaperal St., West
Los Angeles, California (residence) ; I'athe Studios, 9836 W. Washington Blvd.,
Culver City, Calif., (business) to be and appear before the Un-American Ac-
tivities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which
the Hon. .1. Parnell Thomas of New .lersey is chairman, in their chamber in the
city of Wasliington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there to
testify touching matters of inquiry connnitted to said Committee; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this sunniions.
Witne.ss my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September, 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 51. Document obtained by the Committee on Un-American Activities
from the United States Deiiartment of State concerning pamphlets distributed
by the Connnunist I'arty in Italy during May 1947.
Exhibit 52. Document obtained by the Conunittee on Un-American Activities
by the United States Department of State concerning literature distributed by
the Communist Party in Yugoslavia, July 19, 1947.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 533
Exhibit 53. SiTbpena — Leo McCabey
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Thomas Leo McCarey, Pathe Studios,
9336 W. Washington, Culver City, California (business) to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of
then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Com-
mittee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 54. Sukpe^na — Lela E. Rogers
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Lela E. Rogers, 5930 Franklin Ave.,
Hollywood, California (residence) to be and appear before the Un-American
Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of
which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber
in the city of Washington, on Forthwith, at the hour of then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is
not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnehlx, Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 55. Peoples' Educational Center, Los Angeles, Calif., 1947 Winter
Catalog.
Exhibit 56. Peoples' Educational Center, Los Angeles, California, 1945 Winter
Catalog.
Exhibit 57. Subpena — Oliver Carlson
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of thb
United States of Ame2Jica
To: H. a. Smith.
You are hereby commanded to summon Oliver Carlson to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Repre.sentatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington, on Wednesday, October 22nd, 1947,
534
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m. then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at tlie city of Washington, this 10th day of October 1947.
(Signed) J. Pabneix Thomas,
Chairnuin.
Attesc :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 58. Note: Correction
Cable address — Disney.
Walt Disney Productions,
2400 West Alameda Ave., Burbank, Calif., November 3, 1947.
Committee on Un-American Activities,
House of Representatives,
House Office Btiildituj, Washington, D. C.
(Attention: Hon. J. Parnell Thomas.)
Gentlemen : I am taking the liberty of referring you to my testimony before
your committee in Washington, D. C, on October 24, 1947, in the course of which
and in answer to a question by your chairman, I stated substantially that when
Mr. Sorrell "Pulled the strilve," the first people to smear me and put me on the
unfair list were certain organizations among which was The League of Women
Voters.
Since returning to my office in Burbank, Calif., I have had an opportunity to
carefully review my files pertaining to this subject matter. I can now definitely
state tliat while testifying as above I was confused by a similarity of names
between two women's organizations. I regret that I named The League of
Women Voters when I intended to name the League of Women Shoppers.
Therefore I trust your committee will find it consistent to make requisite
amendment to the record with respect to my testimony so as to erase any implica-
tion that The League of Women Voters had at any time intervened or taken any
action with regard to the matters about which I was being interrogated.
For the information of the committee I am enclosing herewith photostatic
copies of letters received from various units of the League of Women Shoppers
which are self-explanatory.
Respectfully submitted,
/s/ Walter E. Disney.
Walter E. Disney.
Ends.
No agreement will be binding on this corporation unless in writing and signed
by an officer.
Exhibit .^8a
HoLLY^vooD League of Women Shoppers
4415 Placidia Ave., North Hollywood, Calif.
Officers
Chelene Eckerson, president
Dorothy Tree, vice president
Tatiana Tiittle, treasurer
Dixie Newton, assistant
treasurer
Sylvia Blankfort, secretary
Natalie Commons, executive
secretary
Mildred Traube, second vice
president
Directors
Molly Adlor
Laurie Hliuikfort
Elizabetli I'.inbaiik
Evelyn Caiiell
Illiea Chodorov
I'egsy Dunne
Sue Edmond
Elizabeth Paragon
Directors
Josephine Kahn
.Tudith Kan(l(>l
Dorothy Peterson
Madelene Kutlnon
Dorothy Wilson
Sponsors
Mrs. E. P. Ryland
Mrs. Floyd J. Seaman
Mrs. Frank Scully
Viola Brotliers Shore
Marion Spitzer
Dr. Louise M. Snvder
Ruby D. Campbell
Mrs. Floyd Covington
Mrs. Oliver Carlson
Mrs. Ernest Dawson
Mrs. George Day
Frances Farmer
Mrs. Lowell C. Frost
Sponsors
Mrs. Ira Gershwin
Lucille Gleason
Mrs. A. Heist
Ionian Hellman
.Mrs. William .lacobson
^Irs. Boris Karloff
Dr. Nadina Kavinoky
Mrs. Abraham liehr
Mrs. Norman Kilbourne
Mrs. E. J. liUnenschloss
Eleanore Wilson McAdoo
Mrs. Kenneth McGowan
Arline MacMahon
jNIrs. Jyconard Oechsli
Mrs. Jolin C. Packard
Dorothy Parker
Luiso Kainer
Elizabeth Kisdon
Sylvia Sidney
Gloria Stuart
Mrs. George A. Warmer, Jr.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
535
June 17, 1941.
Mr. Walt Disney,
Bitrbank, Calif.
Dear Mr. Disney : The National League of Women Shoppers having its oflBces
in New York and having branches all over the United States have sent us a
wire asking that a full report on the strike of the Screen Cartoonists Guild in
your studio be sent them as soon as possible.
The League of Women Shoppers is a consumers' organization founded on the
principles that working conditions are important considerations in the purchase
of goods. Our large and active membership will not patronize those establish-
ments where labor is unfairly treated.
When a situation like this arises, it is our policy to make a thorough investi-
gation of it, and we would therefore appreciate the opportunity to talk with you.
We are anxious to obtain your reaction to the situation before consulting
the union.
May we have an appointment on Friday, June 20th, 11 : 30 A. M. We shall
telephone Thursday afternoon to confirm this appointment.
Sincerely,
/Signed/ Sylvia Blankfort,
Sylvia Blankfort,
Secretary, Hollytcood League of Women Shoppers.
Exhibit 58b
Hollywood League of Women Shoppers
4415 Placidia Avenue, Hollywood
Granite 0948
Officers
Chelene Eckerson, president
Dorothy Tree, vice president
Tatina Tuttle, treasurer
Dixie Newton, assistant
treasurer
Sylvia Blankfort, secretary
Natalie Commons, executive
secretary
Mildred Traube, second vice
president
Directors
Molly Adler
Laurie Blankfort
Elizabeth Burbank
Evelyn Capell
Rhea Chodorov
Peggy Dunne
Sue Edmond
Elizabeth Faragon
Directors
Josephine Kahn
Judith Kadel
Dorothy Peterson
Madelene Ruthven
Dorothy Wilson
Sponsors
Ruby D. Campbell
Mrs. Floyd Covington
Mrs. Oliver Carlson
Mrs. Ernest Dawson
Mrs. George Day
Frances Farmer
Mrs. Lowell C. Frost
Mrs. Ira Gershwin
Lucille Gleason
Mrs. A. Heist
Lillian Hellman
Mrs. William Jacobson
Mrs. Boris Karloff
July 3, 1941.
Sponsors
Dr. Nadiua Kavinoky
Mrs. Norman Kilbourne
Mrs. Abraham Lehr
Mrs. E. J. Lunenschloss
Eleanor Wilson McAdoo
]\Irs. Kenneth McGowan
Arline MacMahou
Mrs. Leonard Oechsli
Mrs. John C. Packard
Dorothy Parker
Luise Rainer
Elizabeth Risdon
Mrs. E. P. Ryland
Mrs. Floyd J. Seaman
Mrs. Frank Scully
Viola Brothers Shore
Sylvia Sidney
Marion Spitzer
Dr. Louise M. Snyder
Gloria Stuart
Mrs. George A. Warmer, Jr.
Mr. Walt Disney.
Burbank, California.
Dear Mr. Disney: On June 30th, the Board of the Hollywood League of
Women Shoppers was presented with the facts of the strike as given to the
Investigation Committee, by yourself, the Screen Cartoonists Guild, and the
Strikers.
Since the policy of the League of Women Shoppers is to uphold the State and
Federal Laws, the Board, after careful consideration of the facts, resolved that
the strikers are justified. According to the Federal Law, they are acting within
their rights to join a union, bargain collectively, and go on strike for a living
wage and security in -their jobs. Union discrimination has also been practiced,
by your admitted firing of an artist for union activities.
We have seen the three-year contracts your artists must sign when hired.
We were appalled to learn the penalties, which you evaded divulging to our com-
mittee, if the artists violated the contracts.
The National League of Women Shoppers has received a complete report of
our investigation exactly as told to us and they will advise you of their decision.
We are informing our membership of our findings and actions and until condi-
536
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
tions are amicably settled our members will not patronize those theatres where
The Rc'hictant Dragon, Fantasia, and oth(M- Disney pictures are shown. When
the strike is settled our nu'Uibership will be advised to resume tlieir patronage.
We sincerely hope that fur the good and weli'ai-e of your business and the
security and well-beiuK of your employees, whether in your studio or on the
picket line, these differences will be speedily solved.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) Sylvia Blankfort, Secretary.
Sylvia Blankfort, Secretary.
Exhibit 58c
The League of Women Shoppers, Inc.
National Headquarters, 273 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y.
Tel. Caledonia 5-9395, Cable Address, Shopleaguenewyork
July 7, 1941.
Officers
Honorary president :
Aline Davis Hays
President :
Sophia Ames Boyer
Vice presidents :
Mrs. Sherwood Anderson
Nina 1*. Collier
Fannie Cook
Marion Hathway
Lillian Hellman
Officers
Secretary :
Iris Winsor
Treasurer :
Freda Sternberg
Sponsors
Mary C. Barker
Mrs. William O. Douglas
Dorothy Canfield Fisher
Branch Leagues
Sponsors
Lucile Webster Gleason
Inez Hays Irwin
Freda Kirchwey
Dorothy Parker
Cornelia Bryce Pinchot
Mrs. Carl Sandburg
Gale Sondergaard
Mrs. Stephen S. Wise
Mary E. Woolley
Boston, Massachusetts : Mrs. J. P. Hocker,
304 Bexley Hall, 52 Massachusetts Ave-
nut\ Camtiri(l'.re
Chicago, Illinois : Room 710, 203 North
Waliash Avenue
Columbus, Ohio : Care of Frances Dunn,
2046 West Fifth Avenue
Denver, Colorado : Box 82, Capitol Hill
Station
Hollywood, California : 6912 Sunset Boule-
vard
Nashville, Tenn. : Care of Mrs. Susie Clark
Prince, Room 640, Doctors Building
New .Tcrs(>y : 207 Market Street, Newark
New Yiirk : 271! Fifth Avenue
I'hihidcl|ihia, I'ennsvlvania : Care of Made-
line Blitzstein, 322 South 16th Street
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania : 206 Stanwyx
Street
San Francisco, California : Care of Rikee
Elsesser, 1580 Masonic Avenue
St. Louis, Missouri : Care of Mrs. Elwood
Douglass, 103 N. Sappington Road, Kirk-
wood
Washington, D. C. : 1010 Vermont Avenue
NW.
Mr. Walt Disney,
Walt Disney Studio,
Buena Vista and Alemeda Streets,
Burbafik, California.
Dear Mr. Disney : In response to the many inquiries which have come to this
office, we recently asked the Hollywood League of Women Shoppers to investigate
the strike now taking place at your studio.
The League of Women Shoppers is a consumer.s' organization whose thousands
of members believe in using their buying power in such a way as to help workers
attain decent living standards and working conditions. We never, in a labor
dispute, support either the workers or the manag»'nient without a full and impar-
tial investigation by one of our League investigating committees. For this
reason, the sub.sequent decisions of our Executive Boards, either local or national,
are accepted by many additional thousands of fair-miiuled consumers throughout
the country as fair and just from the point of view of the well-being of American
workers.
The National Executive Committee of The League of Women Shoppers has
carefully considered the long report sent it by the Hollywood League of Women
Shoppers. The committee then voted to support the striking employees in this
instance, for the following reasons :
1. The need of the Disney employees for a bona fide union is evidenced by the
onerous terms of the 3-year hiring contract, the lack of job security, and the low
general wage level, the long hours, and speed-up.
2. On the other hand, you have seemed unwilling to engage in genuine collective
bargaining with the union cho.seu by a majority of your artists, and by speech
and action have shown an antiunion bias which makes a fair settlement of your
employees' grievances quite impossible.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
537
This oflSce is sending a full report of the investigation to all branch Leagues,
with the recommendation that they notify their members and all sympathetic
organizations of the facts and of our decision. We also ask that all local theater
managers be notified.
We would like to urge you to make every effort to bring about a fair settlement
of this dispute in the shortest possible time. We are convinced that only by such
an effort on your part can the strike be brought to an end and the Disney Studio
considered fair to its employees.
Sincerely yours,
Katharine Armatage (Signed).
Katharine Armatage, Chairman Board.
Market 3-3642
Exhibit 58d
New Jersey League of Women Shoppers
Affiliated with the League of Women Shoppers, Inc.
207 Market Street, Newark, N. J.
Mrs. Harry Furness
Beatrice Kaufman
Nathlyn Lamer
Beatrice Mintz
Mar.y Lorene Read
Frances Semel
Dr. Virginia Wuerthele
Sponsors
National :
Mrs. Sherwood Anderson
Mary C. Barker
Mrs. William O. Douglas
Dorothy Canfield Fisher
Lucile Gleasou
Inez Hays Irwin
Freda Kirchway
Dorothy Parker
Mrs. Gifford Pinchot
Mrs. Carl Sandburg
Gale Sdndcruaard
"Mrs. Stephen S. Wise
Dr. Mary E. Wooley
Local :
Mrs. Henry Barkhom
Mrs. Madison C. Bates
Mrs. Irene Fuhlbruegge
Miss Annie P. Hughes
Mrs. Clara Savage Lit-
tledale
Mrs. David Loeser
Mrs. Amelia B. Moor-
fleld
Miss Sadie Reisch
Mrs. Harry F. Ward
Officers
President :
Hannah Sjnith
Vice Presidents :
Katharine Armatage
Ruth Berthold
Mrs. Lewis H. Loeser
Secretary :
Charlitte Brady
Treasurer :
Rose Hirsch
Executive Board
Mrs. Laurence Ackerman
Louise Bendersky
Eleanor Bolan
Grace Co wen
Mrs. Philip J. Dodge
Mrs. Nathaniel L. Foster
July 7, 1941.
Mr. Walt Disney,
Bnrbank, California.
My Dear Mr. Disney : The New Jersey League of Women Shoppers, a local
of the League of Women Shoppers, Inc., has been informed of the labor dispute
at your studios.
We have received a full report of the investigation made by our Hollywood
League, which we presented to our membership, and after careful consideration
we accepted the findings of the Hollywood League and endorsed the strike.
The employees' demand for union recognition, shorter working hours, higher
wages, and other conditions which, in our opinion, are essential for the mainte-
nance of a decent American standard of living is a just cause for our .support.
It is our usual procedure to publicize our position in various ways which we
consider elfective.
We urge a fair and quick settlement of this dispute in order that we may in-
form our membership and encourage once more patronage of your films.
Sincerely yours,
(s) Hannah Smith, President.
State 3146
Exhibit 58e
The League of Women Shoppers of Chicago
Affiliated with the National Lague of Women Shoppers, N'ew York
203 North Wabash, Room 710
July 14, 1941.
Managee, The Palace Theater, '
Chicago, III.
Dear Sir: The National League of Women Shoppers has endorsed the strike
of the Walt Disney artists for recognition and the right of collective bargaining.
538 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
This endorsement is a result of the Investigation made by the Hollywood League.
We are, therefore, writing to yovi to advise you of our endorsement and to
inform you that our nieml)orship feels tliey will have to wait to see the newest
Disney picture, The Reluctant Dragon, until such time as the strike is settled,
which we hope will be very soon.
A copy of this letter is being sent to the Disney Studios, and we trust that you
will also advise them directly that we in Chicago would like to see this matter
adjusted as quickly as possible.
Very truly yours,
Thk League of Women Shoppers of Chicago,
By , President.
P]XHIBIT 59
Cable Address : Disney
Walt Disney Pboductions
2400 West Alameda Ave., Burbank, California
November, 3, 1947.
Ke : Un-American Prop., Vol. 5, made by Washington Reporting Service.
Committee on Un-Ameeican Activities,
House of Representatives,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C.
(Attention : Hon. J. Parnell Thomas)
Gentlemen : I refer to page 727 of the stenographic transcript of the hearings
before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, in
the above matter.
In answer to a question by Mr. Smith with respect to one Wm. Pomerance,
I stated in effect that S'orrell put him (Pomerance) in charge as business man-
ager of the Cartoonists, and later "he went to the Screen Actors as their business
agent."
I request permission to correct the foregoing answer by substituting in lieu
of "The Screen Actors" the name of another organization, "The Screen Writers
Guild, Inc."
Since returning to my ofl5ces in Burbank, California, I have made inquiry and
succeeded in refreshing my recollection to the effect that Wm. Pomerance,
after his separation from the Screen Cartoonists Guild was engaged by the Screen
Wi-iters Guild.
I thank you in advance for giving this matter your attention.
Respectfully submitted.
(s) Walter E. Disney.
Walter E. Disney.
No Agreement will be binding on this corporation unless in writing and signed
by an oflScer.
Exhibit 60
Supbena — John Howard Lawson
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United Stati;s of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon John Howard Lawson to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chaiiinan, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at
the hour of 10:30 A. M., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart witliout leave of said
Conunittee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 539
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Pabnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 61. Daily Worker, September 6, 1935, page 5 ; article by John Howard
Lawson.
Exhibit 62. Daily Worker, February 26, 1935, page 5.
Exhibit 63
Copy of Communist Paety Registration Card — John Howard Lawson
No. 47275.
Name : John Howard Lawson. 1944 Card No.
Address : 4542 Coldwater Canyon Ave.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Cal.
Name of club :
New card issued on : 12/10/44. 194 —
fTo be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White X Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union P. W.
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker ? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 64. Subpena — Eric Johnston
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Donald T. Appell.
You are hereby commanded to summon Eric Johnston, President, Motion Picture
Association of America, 1600 Eye Street NW., Washington, D. C, to be and appear
before the Committee on Un-American Activities of the Hou.se of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas is chairman, and he is
to bring with him copies of all resolutions proposed or submitted relating to the
investigation of the movie industry by the Committee on Un-American Activities
and original minutes pertaining to all meetings held by the Motion Picture Asso-
ciation of America relating to such resolutions for the period May 1 through
September 10, 1947, in their chamber in the city of Washington on October 20,
1947, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of
inquiry committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of
said Committee.
Herein fail not, and fake returns of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States at the city of Washington this 29th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas, Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 65. Telegram : Walter E. Disney to the Committee on Un-American
Activities, October 24, 1947.
Exhibit 66. Hollywood Reporter, August 22, 1946 (photostatic copy).
Exhibit 67
Copy of Communist Party Registration Card — Dalton Trumbo
47187.
Name : Dalt. T. 1944 Card No. 39300
Address: 620 Beverly Dr.
City: Bev. H. County: L. A. State: Calif.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Nov. 30. 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
540 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Male X Ft'inalo White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : JNIotion Picture.
Member of: CIO AFL Iiul. ITiiion X No Union.
Is member club subscriber for Daily \\'orlver? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 68. Subpena — Daltox Trumbo
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Dalton Trumbo to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which th<' Hon. J. rarncll Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington on Octisber 23rd, 1!)47, at the hour
of 10: P>0 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of incjuiry committed
to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Represuetatives of the United
States at the city of Washington this ISth day of September 1947
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas, Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 69. Telegram : Committee on Un-American Activities to Mr. Dalton
Trumbo, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 70. Telegram : Committee on Un-American Activities to Mr. Dalton
Truiubo, October 13, 1947.
Exhibit 71
Copy of Communist Party Registration Card — Albert Maltz
No. 47196. Copy of Comnumist Party Card^— Albert Maltz.
Name : Albert M. 1944 Card No. 40801
Address : 6526i Linden Hurst.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Calif.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Nov. 3 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : M. Picture.
Member of: CIO AFL Ind. Union No Union
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 72. Subpena — ^Albert Maltz
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representati\'es or the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to sununon Albert Maltz to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. .T. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at the hour of
10 : 30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to
said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 541
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the'city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Paknexl Thomas,
Attest : Chairman.
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 73. Sitbpena — Alvah Bessie
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority of the House of Representatbtes of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Alvah Bessie, 369 South Crescent Drive,
Beverley Hills, Calif., to be and appear before the Un-American Activities Com-
mittee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the Hon. J.
Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the city of Wash-
ington, on October 23, 1947, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., then and there to testify
touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he is not to depart
without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the ciy of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parneix Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 74. Telegram: J. Parnell Thomas, chairman, to Mr. Alvah Bessie,
October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 75
Copy of Communist Party Registration Card — Alvah Bessie
No. 47279.
Name : Alvah Bessie. 1944 Card No. 46836
Address : 4653 Coldwater Canyon Ave.
City : Hollywood. County : L. A. State : Cal.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : 12/10/44. 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White X Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union P. W.
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 76. Letter
International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employes and Mo^^N6 Picture
Machine Operators of the United States and Canada
International Building, 630 Fifth Avenue, New York 20, N. Y.
Affiliated with the American Federation of Labor
Richard F. Walsh, International President.
Thomas ,T. Shea, Assistant International President.
William P. Raoul, General Secretary-Treasurer.
Harland Holmden, First Vice President, 760 Hippodrome Bldg., Cleveland 15, Ohio.
William P. Covert, Second Vice President, 63 McRae Drive, Leaside, Torronto, Ontario,
Canada.
Floyd M. Billingsley, Third Vice President, 230 Jones St., San Francisco 1, California.
67683 — 47 35
542 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
James J. Bronnan, Fourth Vice President, Ramsey, New Jersey.
Roger M. Kennedy, Fiftli Vice I'resident, 1000 Hofmann Bldg., Detroit 1, Michisan.
Felix "D. Snow, Sixth Vice President, 1017 Washington St., Kansas Citv C, Missouri.
Carl G. Cooper, Seventh Vice President, 130 North Vista St., Hollywood 36, California.
William C. Harrett, Eighth Vice President, Apt. 304, 1609 No. Noimandie Avenue, Holly-
wood 28, California.
Louise Wright, Ninth Vice President, Apt. 3, 5012 Victor St., Dallas 14, Texas.
Telephone : Gladstone 7187.
HorxYwooD Office,
603(3 Hollywood Blvd., Suite 217-218,
HoHyu-ood 28, Calif., November 3, l^it.
Hon. J. Parneh^l Thom.\s,
Chairman of the House of Representatives
Comimittee on Vn-Ameriean Activities,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Chairman Thomas : Following thinush upon my request to have addi-
tional evidence introduced into the recoi-d of the recent hearing of the com-
mittee into the penetration of Communist activity in the Hollywood motion-
picture industry, I would like to .submit the following material to supplement
my testimony given before the committee :
(1) To supplement my testimony that Herbert K. Sorrell has followed the
Communist Party line since 1937, with one minor exception, I would like to
submit herewith the following:
la. An Informational Bulletin, dated November 13, 104"), published by the
lATSE, which outlines in detail the record of Herbert K. Sorrell in Communist
front activities from 1938 to 1945.
lb. In addition, I would like to submit a report of the California State Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities, dated February 19. 1946. This report also
outlines the activities of Herbert K. Sorrell and in addition contains the testi-
mony of Clark Sellers and John Harris concerning the documents which I intro-
duced in evidence at the committee hearing. Contained also in this document
is a letter by the Committee, written to C. Don Field, in which the Committee
sets forth as follows :
"The secret Communist Party affiliation of Herbert K. Sorrell is therefore
established beyonrl a shadow of a reasonable doubt and his activities explained
in light of current Communist Party purposes and objectives. There is no doubt
in the minds of tl.e members of the Joint Fact-Finding Committee on Un-Ameri-
can Activities that Herbert K. Sorrell is a member of the Communist Party and
presently an important stooge and tool of Communist Party design for the de-
struction of American Federation of Labor unions in Hollywood and the estab-
lishment of Communist influence and domination in the motion-picture industry."
Ic. An excerpt from the Report of the Congress of American-Soviet Friend-
ship, in which is cited a report from Herb Sorrell, outlining the success which
his Conference had had in carrying on educational work on the Soviet Union
in Hollywood. The next paragraph, which quotes Louis Weinstock, should also
be noted. Mr. Weinstock is a member of the National Committee of the Com-
munist Party of America. Mr. Weinstock's remarks would indicate that Mr.
Sorrell had not only been able to induce groups in Holl.vwood into supporting
the Comnninist Party program, but had been instrumental in throwing the entire
Painters International Union behind this program.
Id. In this connection I would also like to submit a photostat of the People's
World, dated September 6, 1946, which indicates the part which Herbert K.
Sorrell played in attempting to get the Paiiiteis Iiiteniatioiial Union to support
the World Federation of Trade Unions, which was opposed by the American
Federation of Labor because it was dominated by Soviet Russia. In this clip-
ping it will be noted that Mr. Sorrell was supported by Mr. Courtney Ward, who
was ousted by President William Green, President of the American Federation
of Labor, from the Cleveland Fedei'ation of Labor because of his pix)-communist
activities.
le. Inserted also in connection with Sorrell's activities are excerpts from the
Peoples Daily World dated: 3/8/40, 4/19/40, 5/17/40. 11/2/44, and July 24, 1944.
lee. The first one shows Mr. Sorrell identified with known communists and
their efforts to organize the Workers Alliance. Emil Freed is an admitted com-
munist; La Rue McCormick is an admitted communist; and Joe Williams is an
official representative of the Peoples Daily World.
If. The .second photostat shows the association of Herbert K. Sorrell, along
with other prominent pro-communists, including Dalton Trumbo and Carey Mc-
Williams, in the "Yanks are Not Coming" program, a program designed to frus-
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 543
trate the activities of this country in aiding England during the period of the
Hitler-Stalin pact.
Ig. The third photostat substantiates Mr. Sorrell's association with the
Schneiderman Defense Committee.
Ih. The fourth photostat shows Mr. Sorrell, along with John Howard Lawson
and others, as sponsoring La Rue McCormick, communist candidate for the
office of State Senator.
li. The last photostat shows Mr. Sorrell associated with Mr. John Howard
Lawson as Hollywood Representatives supporting the People's World.
There are many other such documents which could be produced. These are
only a few picked at random to support the material printed in the lATSE
Bulletin.
(2) With respect to the second point on which I want to submit material, i. e.,
the adherence of the Conference of Studio Unions to Communist Party programs,
I would like to submit the following :
2a. A dossier of the activities of the Conference showing support of various
pro-communist groups from August 12 to July 12, 1944. This was taken from
minutes which have come into my possession, but which do not extend beyond 1944.
2b. The attached pamphlet entitled "Manifesto of the World Labor Conference,"
showing Conference support of the World Trade Union Conference, which pro-
gram they have religiously supported since its inception, despite the opposition
of the American Federation of Labor and of the International unions with which
the local unions in the Conference are affiliated. The Conference of Studio Unions
also supported the National Service Act which was one of the best tests of
communist domination that has been found. Only those unions in America which
were under the complete domination of the communists supported the National
Service Act in 1942 and 1943.
2c. Other material which I would like to submit in this connection is a
clipping from the Hollywood Citizen News of December 11, 1946. This was a
meeting of the "Southern California Committee to Win the Peace." The Con-
ference of Studio Unions is listed, along with many other communist and pro-
communist oi'ganizations, as a contributor to this program.
2d. I am enclosing transcript of a radio progam broadcast by Sam Baiter,
who was sponsored for quite some time by the Conference of Studio Unions.
The script is a complete text of his address. You will notice the subtility with
which the world situation is discussed by Mr. Baiter. He then gives equal im-
portance to the line of the Conference of Studio Unions concerning the Hollywood
Studio strike, following up with a discussion of the United Nations. You will find
Mr. Baiter's remarks on the United Nations at the end of the war in complete
accord with Soviet Russia. This is only one script of many used by Mr. Baiter
which follows the party line religiously.
(3) I am also enclosing herewith various copies of the CSU News. You will
find in these a great deal of evidence of procommunist activities :
8a. CSU News, Vol. 1, No. 8, dated December 28, 1946, on page 3, carries a
notice urging the Conference of Studio Unions to listen to Averill Berman and
Peter De Lima. Both of these commentators have records of procommunist
leanings so far as their dissemination of the news is concerned.
3b. On page 4 of Vol. 1, No. 9, you will find an advertisement supporting the
Actors Lab.
3c. Vol. 1, No. 12, page 4, you will find a story concerning the activities of
the procommunist French unions and their support of the Conference of Studio
Unions.
3d. In Vol. 1, No. 14, you will find speeches by Vincente Lombardo Toledano,
well-known Mexican Communist, in support of the Conference of Studio Unions.
3e. In Vol. 1, No. 15, Feb. 15, 1947, you will find a story concerning the support
of Latin American Unions arranged by Holedano, advocating boycotting of
American pictures.
3f. In Vol. 1, No. 16, page 3, you will find a paragraph urging support of
Russian pictures as compared with American pictures. You will also find an ad
on page 2 of the same issue.
3g. In Vol. 1, No. 17. page 3. you will find the pledge of Egyptian unions in
boycotting American films.
3h. Vol. 1, No. 19, has an article urging that the workers support the Peoples
. EdiTcational Center, which has been branded as a Communist school.
3i. In Vol. 1, No. 22, you will find an editorial urging an investigation of the
Hollywood strike situation by a Congressional committee, although these same
groups are screaming against the investigation of communism in the motion-
544 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
picture industry. On page 4 of the same issue is another item urging people
to listen to Averill Bernian.
3j. In Vol. 1, No. 23, page 2, is an article urging support of the Peoples Educa-
tional Center.
3k. In Vol. 1, No. 26, there is ai? item remarking about support from the Western
Council for Progre.ssive Business, Labor, and Agriculture. This is an organiza-
tion which is sponsoring pro-Hussian commentators.
31. Vol. 1, No. 29, shows their enthusiastic support of the PCA.
3m. Vol. 1, No. 35, shows the support of the pro-communist Mexican Workers
Union in favor of the CSU.
Other information indicating communist support of the Conference of Studio
Unions was the fact that Paul Robeson, admitted procommunist, was the principal
spealcer at their meeting on March 16, 1947.
In the Motion Picture Daily of the 17th of March 1947 was an item stating that
Louis Weinstock, admitted member of the National Executive Council of the
Communist Party, had raised $10,000 in support of the strike of the Conference
of Studio Unions.
(4) a-j. Additional evidence to support the charge that the communists were
active in the support of the strike is contained in various bulletins published by
the Conference of Studio Unions between the dates of January 15, 1947, and
February 15, 1947. In these bulletins you will find various items which show
their association with foreign and procommunist unions in an effort to boycot
American pictures, support of pro-Soviet commentators, support of the Peoples
Educational Centei*, and support of various other communist fronts.
(5t In connection with the evidence that the strikes were supported by com-
munists, I submit the record of Emil Freed, 5a, admitted communist, who was
arrested in the picket line supporting the Conference of Studio Unions and sen-
tenced to one year in jail as a result of his defiance of the court orders. In this
connection the facts that the American Youth for Democracy was openly used as
a means of obtaining mass pickets and the report of the C. Don Field Committee,
5b, which specifically investigated and found evidence of communist activity in
the picket lines of the Conference of Studio Unions are important.
(6) I am also submitting herewith a complete file of the reports of Jeff
Kibre, portions of which I read into the record and which, in my opinion,
formed the most important evidence we have of the communist plot to take over
the unions in the motion picture industry.
(7) I also enclose herewith a copy of the Constitution and By-Laws of the
lATSE, and I call your particular attention to the special laws on page 79,
■which were passed by our recent Convention because of the threat of our
existence by communist infiltration and efforts to dominate our unions.
(8) I also enclose herewith for the Committee's consideration a complete file
of the lATSE Bulletins put out during the 1945 strike, in which we set forth
in various ways the association of Communists in the strike and in the motion
picture industry.
(9) In connection with the actions of our Local 683, I would like to submit
a letter which I sent out to all unions of the lATSE setting forth the pro-
communist leanings of the officers of Local 683, which later revolted and joined
the Conference of Studio Unions in its effort to drive the lATSE out of the
Hollywood labor picture. I would also like to point out the fact that the former
officers of Local 683 of the lATSE were instrumental in the forming and the
direction of the Peoples Educational Center; they were instrumental in form-
ing and directing the affairs of the Conference of Studio Unions until 1944. Our
analysis of tlieir activity would indicate that they formed the Conference and
established the basis for an attack on the lATSE by the Conference of Studio
Unions, but then withdrew from the Conference because they felt they could
not remain in the Conference when the fight came out into the open. However,
at a critical time in the period of the Conference strike against the lATSE,
they openly revolted and joined the strike. There are reams of evidence to
substantiate that the officers who controlled the affairs of Local 683, lATSE,
between 1940 and 1947, were strict adherents to communist party programs
and policy.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 545
I trust this will be of value to the Committee. I shall be glad to submit
any further material which the Committee might desire to substantiate my
testimony.
Respectfully yours,
/s/ Rot M. Brewer,
International Representative.
RMB : LF
I'. S. The attached excerpts from DAILY VARIETY, dated March 12, 1945,
and April 2, 194.5, show the so-called "rank and tile activity" led by Irving
Henscliel in the 1945 strilvc, who is mentioned in the Jeff Kibre Reports as
a party member of three years standing, to 1938, and proves conclusively that
the rebellion within the lATSE in support of the studio strike was fomented
and directed by communists and pro-communists.
In addition to the other material which I have outlined above, I am sending
you a copy of a series of the "Hollywood Closeup" which we published in
1945 and 1946, which contain a series of open letters. These open letters were
directed only to those persons who, through personal activity or organizational
activity, had injected themselves into the strike on the side of the Conference
of Studio Unions. You will find some interesting questions in these articles,
all of which have gone unanswered — not One single one of these open letters
were answered by any of the persons to whom they were directed.
Exhibit 77. Sxjbpena — Samuei. Ornitz
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 320S0, Vol. 58, Page 488
r>Y Authority of the House of Representattveb of the Congress of the
United States op America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Samuel Ornitz to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. .T. Parnell Thomas, of New .Jersey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Wasliington, on October 23, 1947, at the
hour of 10: 30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry com-
mitted to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 23d day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andeews, Clerk.
Exhibit 78. Telegram : The Committee on Un-American Activities to Samuel
Ornitz, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 79. Communist Party Registration Card of Samuel Oenitz
No. 47181 1944 Card No. 41826
Name : Sam O.
Address : 1044 S. Redondo.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Cal. ^
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Dec. 2, 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : M. Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union No Union
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No
209
546 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 80. Subpena — Herbejrt Bibebman
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 488
By Authority of the House of liEPursENTATnTs of the Congr! ss of the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Herbert Biberman to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which tlie Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Wasliington, on October 2?>, 1947, at the
hour of 10:30 a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry com-
mitted to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the .seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the City of Washington, this 19th day of September 1947.
(Signed) .J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 81. Telegi'am : The Committee oti Un-American Activities to Herbert
Biberman, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 82. Communist Party Registration Card — Herbert Biberman
No. 47267 1944 Card No. 46844
Name : Herbert Biberman.
Address : 3257 Inonda Dr.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Cal.
Name of club :
New card issued on : 12/10/44. ' 194 —
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Director.
Industry: Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union No union P. W.
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? YesX No
209
Exhibit 83. Subpena — Emmet Laveby
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 486
By Authority or the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Emmet Lavery to be and appear before
the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the
United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman,
in their chamber in the city of Wa.shington, on , at the hour of ,
then and there to testify touching matters of inquiiy committed to said Commit-
tee; and lie is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 547
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 25th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Pabnbxl Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andbews, Clerk.
Exhibit 84. Subpena — Edward Dmytryk
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Repeesentatives of the Congress op the
United States of America
To: Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Edward Dmytryk to be and appear
before the Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at
the hour of 10 : 30 A. M., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committeed to said Committee ; and he is not to depart without leave of said
Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(signed) J. Parnell Thomas.
Chairmcm.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 85. Telegram : The Committee on Un-American Activities to Edward
Dmytryk, October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 86. Subpena — Adrian Scott
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Robert Adrian Scott, generally known
as Adrian Scott, to be and appear before the Un-American Activities Committee
of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the Hon. 3".
Parnell Thomas, of New Jersey, is chairman, in their chamber in the city of
Washington, on October 23rd, 1947. at the hour of 10 : 30 A. M., then and there
to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and he
is not to depart without leave of said Commitee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of Sepember 1947.
(signed) J. Pabneix Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
548 COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY
Exhibit 87. Telegram : Committee on Un-American Activities to Adrian Scott,
October 11, 1947.
Exhibit 88. Letter : Dore Schary, on letterhead of Vanguard Films, to Emmet
Lavery, April 17, 1945.
Exhibit 89. Subpena — Ring Lardner, Jr.
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 488
By Authqritt of the House of Representatives of the Conqress of the United
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Ring Lardner, Jr., to be and appear
before tiie Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives
of the United States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas, of New Jei-^ey, is
chairman, in their chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd. 1947,
at the hour of 10 : 30 A. M., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry
committed to said Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Com-
mittee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 19th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnell Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 90. Communist Party Registration Card — Ring Lardner, Jr.
No. 47180 1944 Card No. 46808
Name : Ring L.
Address : 447 Loring.
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Calif.
Name of Club :
New card issued on : Nov. 30. 1944
(To be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White Negro
Occupation : Writer.
Industry : M. Picture.
Member of: CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union,
Is member club subscriber for Daily Worker? Yes X No.
209
Exhibit 91. Subpena — Lester Cole
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
Bt Authority of the House of Representatives of the Congeess of the Unites)
States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Lester Cole to be and appear before the
Un-American Activities Committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States, of which the Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their
chamber in the city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at the hour of 10:30
a. m., then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said
Committee; and he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
COMMUNISM IN MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY 549
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18th day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. PAENia^L Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 92. Communist Party Registration Card — Lester Cole
No. 47226 ' 1944 Card No. —
Name: Lester Cole.
Address: ?
City : L. A. County : L. A. State : Calif.
Name of club :
New card issued on: Dec. 16. 1944
(to be filled in by person exchanging card)
Male X Female White X Negro
Occupation: Writer.
Industry: Motion Picture.
Member of : CIO AFL Ind. Union X No Union
Is member club subscriber for Su. Worker? Yes X No
209
Exhibit 93. Subpena — Bertold Brecht
Marshal's Civil Docket
No. 32080, Vol. 58, Page 421
By AtlTHOEITY OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CONGRESS OF THE
United States of America
To : Robert E. Clark, United States Marshal.
You are hereby commanded to summon Bertold Eugen Friedrich Brecht, gen-
erally known as Bert Brecht, to be and appear befoi-e the Un-American Activities
Committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, of which the
Hon. J. Parnell Thomas of New Jersey is chairman, in their chamber in the
city of Washington, on October 23rd, 1947, at the hour of 10 : 30 a. m., then and
there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said Committee ; and
he is not to depart without leave of said Committee.
Herein fail not, and make return of this summons.
Witness my hand and the seal of the House of Representatives of the United
States, at the city of Washington, this 18tli day of September 1947.
(Signed) J. Parnetll Thomas,
Chairman.
Attest :
John Andrews, Clerk.
Exhibit 94. Ost Und West, July 1946, Magazine printed in Germany, containing
part of the play. Private Life of the Master Race, by Bert Brecht.
Exhibit 95. International Literature No. 5, 1937, article by Sergei Tretyakov
on an interview with Bert Brecht.
Exhibit 96. Bulletin No. 2, International Theatre, 1934, pp. 1, 3, 4, 5, and 7.
Exhibit 97. International Theatre, October 1934, p. 3.
Exhibit 98. International Theatre, No. 3-4, 1934, p. 56.
Exhibit 99. New Theater, November 1934, p. 11, article entitled "Straight
From the Shoulder," by John Howard Lawson.
X
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