    [Hearings Regarding Communism in Labor Unions in the United States]
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    HEARINGS  REGARDING  COMMUNISM  IN  LABOR  UNIONS

    IN  THE  UNITED  STATES

    HEARINGS

    BEFORE  THE

    COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES
    HOUSE  OE  REPRESENTATIVES

    EIGHTIETH  CONGRESS

    FIRST  SESSION

    Public  Law  601

    (Section' 121,  Subsection  Q  (2))

    FEBRUARY  27;  JULY  23,  24,  AND  25,  1947

    Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities

    UNITED   STATES
    GOVERNMENT   PRINTING    OFFICE
    (5714  WASHINGTON   :    3947

    qm>

    id  *>'-  -NTS

    OCT   7  1947

    COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES

    J.  PARNELL  THOMAS,  New  Jersey,  Chairman
    KARL  E.  MUNDT,  South  Dakota  JOHN  S.  WOOD,  Georgia

    JOHN  MCDOWELL,  Pennsylvania  JOHN  E.  RANKIN,  Mississippi

    RICHARD  M.  NIXON,  California  J.  HARDIN  PETERSON,  Florida

    RICHARD  B.  VAIL,  Illinois  HERBERT  C.  BONNER,  North  Carolina

    Robert  E.  Stripling,  Chief  Investigator
    Benjamin  Mandel,  Director  of  Research

    n

    TABLE  OF  CONTENTS

    Hearing,  February  27/  1947

    Testimony  of —  Page

    Floyd  D.  Lucia 2

    Leon  E.  Venne . 31

    Walter  Petersen -_. 49

    Hearing,  July  23,   1947
    Testimony  of —

    Anne  Mathews 63

    Eugene  C.  Pratt 82

    Spencer  Long 104

    Robert  C.  Black 109

    W.  Clark  Sheppard 113

    Edwin  K.  McCrea 115

    Hearing,  July  24,   1947
    Testimony  of —

    Joseph  Julianelle 126

    Michael  M.  Berescik 173

    Hearing,  July  25,   1947

    Testimony  of —

    James  Joseph  Conrov 187

    Salvatore  M.  Vottis 211

    Appendix _ 229-230

    ni

    HEARINGS  REGARDING  COMMUNISM  IN  LABOR  UNIONS

    IN  THE  UNITED  STATES

    THURSDAY.   FEBRUARY   27,    1947

    House  of  Representatives,
    Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,

    Washington,  D.  C.

    The  committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  Hon.  J.  Parnell  Thomas  (chairman)
    presiding.

    The  Chairman.  The  committee  will  come  to  order.

    The  record  will  show  that  the  following  members  of  the  committee
    are  present:  Mr.  McDowell,  Mr.  Nixon,  Mr.  Vail,  Mr.  Rankin,  and
    Mr.  Peterson.

    Mr.  Rankin.  And  Mr.  Thomas.

    Staff  members  present:  Mr.  Robert  E.  Stripling,  chief  investigator
    and  Mr.  Louis  J.  Russell,  investigator.

    The  Chairman.  Yes,  sir.

    Right  after  the  organization  meeting  of  this  committee  we  an-
    nounced an  eight-point  program  to  be  followed  as  closely  as  possible  by
    the  committee  over  the  coming  year  or  two  years.  The  second  point
    in  that  program  reads  as  follows :

    To  spotlight  the  sorry  spectacle  of  having  outright  Communists  controlling  and
    dominating  some  of  the  most  vital  unions  in  American  labor,  unions  which  are
    now  being  used  as  Moscow  pawns  for  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  Communist
    leaders ;  this  should  also  he  the  first  order  of  business  for  the  rank  and  file  of  labor
    for  this  type  of  leadership  and  exploitation  can  only  destroy  the  labor  movement.

    Now,  gentlemen,  today  we  have  the  first  step  in  that  second  plank.
    We  have  some  witnesses  from  the  Allis-Chalmers  union.  I  would  like
    to  ask  Mr.  Stripling  if  all  of  the  witnesses,  either  subpenaed  or  re-
    quested to  some  here  today,  are  present  today.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  committee  had  originally  sub-
    penaed Mr.  Joseph  Julianelle,  business  agent  of  Local  203  of  the
    United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America  to  be
    present.  We  also  subpenaed  the  president  of  that  local,  Mr.  Beresick.
    Mr.  Beresick  and  Mr.  Julianelle  have  advised  the  committee  by  tele-
    gram, which  I  would  like  to  read.

    The  Chairman.  Is  that  the  local  up  in  Bridgeport  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  right.     [Reading :]

    J.  Parnell  Thomas,

    Chairman,   Un-American  Activities  Committee,   Washington,  />.   C.
    Beg  for  relief  from  appearing  before  your  committee  on  Thursday,  February  27
    because  of  superior  court  case  involving  us  in  Bridgeport.     M;iy  we  suggest  an-
    other date  at  your  earliest  convenience.

    Joseph  Julianelle,
    Business  Agent  Local  203,  Bridgeport,  Conn.

    2  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Chairman,  they  have  been  tied  up  in  litigation  for  approximately
    2  weeks  with  the  international.  This  local  was  suspended  by  the
    international  after  they  had  dismissed  from  the  local  union  26  alleged
    Communists,  and  there  is  a  court  fight  going  on  now  as  to  whether
    the  international  will  assume  administration  of  the  local  or  whether
    it  will  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  local  officers.

    I  would  suggest  that  the  committee  consider  hearing  Mr.  Julianelle
    and  Mr.  Beresick  at  a  later  date.

    The  Chairman.  Unless  there  is  any  objection  by  the  committee  we
    will  hear  them  at  a  later  date.

    Mr.  Rankin.  What  union  is  that  unit  affiliated  with?

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine
    Workers  of  America.  They  are  employees  of  the  General  Electric
    plant  in  Bridgeport.

    Mr.  Rankin.  That  is  the  CIO?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  We  will  hear  them  at  a  later  date.  You  have  other
    witnesses  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes,  sir.

    Since  April  29,  1946,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  members  of  Local  248,
    United  Autommobile  Workers,  CIO,  employed  at  the  Allis-Chalmers
    Manufacturing  Co.  at  West  Allis,  Wis.,  have  been  out  on  strike.  This
    strike  is  still  in  progress  and  there  have  been  numerous  charges  that
    the  strike  was  Communist-inspired,  and  that  it  has  been  prolonged
    through  Communist  influences  within  the  leadership  of  the  local.

    The  purpose  of  this  hearing  this  morning  is  to  receive  testimony
    from  employees  and  members  of  Local  248  concerning  the  Communist^
    influences  within  the  union.

    The  first  witness  will  be  Mr.  Floyd  Lucia.

    Mr.  Peterson.  Since  what  date  was  that  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Since  April  29,  1946.

    Mr.  Rankin.  The  strike  has  been  going  on  for  10  months  (

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  Go  ahead,  Mr.  Stripling.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  first  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  will  be  Mr.  Floyd
    Lucia.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Mr.  Chairman,  can  we  be  informed  what  the  Allis-
    Chalmers  Co.  manufactures?

    The  Chairman.  That  will  be  done  in  the  testimony.

    Mr.  Rankin.  All  right.

    The  Chairman.  We  will  swear  the  first  witness.

    (The  witness  was  duly  sworn  by  the  chairman.)

    TESTIMONY  OF  FLOYD  D.  LUCIA

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Lucia,  will  you  state  your  full  name  and  your
    present  address  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  My  name  is  Floyd  D. — Donald— Lucia,  411  North
    Twentieth  Street,  Milwaukee  3,  Wis.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Your  last  name  is  spelled  L-u-c-i-a  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born,  Mr.  Lucia?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  was  born  June  24,  1907,  in  Milwaukee,  Wis.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  are  you  presently  employed  ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  6

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  am  employed  at  present  at  Allis-Chalmers  in  the
    electrical  control  division.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  that  located  in  West  Allis,  Wis.?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir ;  that  is  at  West  Allis,  Wis.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  been  employed  at  Allis-
    Chalmers?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Since  June  18,  1941.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  vou  a  member  of  Local  248  of  the  United  Auto-
    mobile Workers,  CIO  J

    Mr.  Lucia.  As  far  as  I  know  I  am  still  a  member;  I  haven't  been
    citecl  for  trial.  I  am  also  a  member  of  the  independent  because  I  am
    in  the  plant  working  at  present.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  Local  248?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  joined  Local  248  about  May  1943.  I  am  an  accountant
    by  profession  and  when  I  first  started  to  work  for  Allis-Chalmers  I
    went  to  work  in  the  industrial  tractor  division,  the  sales  division,
    which  is  up  in  the  main  office,  as  an  accounting  clerk.  Three  months
    later  I  transferred  to  work  for  which  I  received  more  money  out  in
    the  shop.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  job  in  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  I  do  some  assembly  work,  light  assembly  work.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  what  division  of  the  plant?

    Mr.  Lucia.  In  the  Hawley  plant.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Lucia,  will  you  speak  up  as  loud  as  you  can,
    please  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  ever  held  any  office  in  Local  248?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  held  a  minor  position,  as  a  group  committeeman,  from
    approximately  February  1944  until  February  22, 1946.  I  took  care  of
    the  union  needs  of  approximately  160  people — I  believe  it  was  around
    180  people — in  a  small  department,  which  is  part  of  the  mill  shop  at
    Allis-Chalmers.  The  main-line  work  is  up  on  the  top  of  the  hill.
    This  department  is  called  the  DE  mill  shop  and  was  the  beginning  of
    a  new  endeavor  on  Allis-Chalmers'  part  to  manufacture  motor  starters.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  were  your  general  duties  as  group  committee-
    man?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  any  time  an  employee  felt  aggrieved,  due  to  per-
    sonal dislike  on  the  part  of  foremen,  or  felt  his  wages  hadn't  been
    increased,  weren't  high  enough,  that  he  hadn't  received  his  regular
    wages — any  sort  of  a  grievance  that  arose  in  our  small  department,
    why,  I  was  always  called  in  on  it.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Since  you  have  been  a  member  of  Local  248,  have
    you  ever  observed  any  Communist  influences  within  the  union,  either
    in  the  ranks  or  in  the  leadership  of  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  you  see,  I  went  to  work  at  Allis-Chalmers  just
    prior  to  the  time  that  America  entered  the  war  on  December  7,  1941.
    After  I  became  a  union  minor  official — we  were  involved  in  this
    terrible  war — and  I  didn't  see  any  evidence  at  all  over  in  DE  mill  shop
    of  communism  or  Communist  tactics.  I  never  went  to  too  many  meet-
    ings until  January  10, 1945.  The  present  leadership  of  Local  248  sort
    of  cracked  down'on  those  of  us  who  didn't  attend  the  joint  council
    meetings  and  general  membership  meetings,  and  they  made  it  a  point
    of  law  in  their  local  union,  the  bylaws  were  changed,  so  we  had  to

    4  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    attend  at  least  two  meetings  a  month  or  we  would  be  ousted  as  officials
    of  the  union.

    Then  I  made  it  a  point  to  appear  at  these  meetings  more  often.  I
    never  actually  heard  any  communistic  utterances  all  the  time  America
    was  in  the  war.  I  think  it  was  just  about  2  months  prior  to  VE-day
    one  of  the  stewards  for  the  stores  division,  Mr.  Casey  Walker,  asked
    for  the  floor,  and  he  was  all  for  calling  an  immediate  strike ;  he  wanted
    to  call  an  immediate  strike  at  Allis-Chalmers,  and — this  was  just  a
    couple  of  months  before  the  war  in  Europe  was  over — on  the  grounds
    of  wages  alone.     He  wanted  to  call  a  strike.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  interrupt  you  there?  Are  you  going  to
    bring  out,  Mr.  Stripling,  what  the  Allis-Chalmers  Co.  manufactured
    during  the  war  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  have  a  statement  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  which  the
    committee  requested  from  Allis-Chalmers  Co.  as  to  what  they  manu-
    facture and  as  to  the  cost  in  man-hours,  production,  and  so  forth,  of
    the  strike.     I  can  read  it  now  or  later.

    The  Chairman.  You  use  your  own  judgment,  but  the  witness
    brought  out  the  fact  that  there  was  a  demand  for  a  strike  2  months
    before  VE-day ;  is  that  correct  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.  This  was  on  one  individual's  part;  he  took
    it  upon  himself,  I  imagine,  at  the  time.  He  probably  was  a  so-called
    right-winger.  Immediately  after  he  got  up  and  spoke  about  calling
    this  strike,  and  gave  his  reasons  for  such,  John  Burja  got  the  floor
    and — I  since  found  out  that  he  is  a  Communist — and  he  spoke  at  some
    length  on  our  patriotism,  that  we  were  still  in  the  war,  that  our  allies,
    Russia,  needed  our  aid,  that  we  had  to  keep  on  working,  and  not  talk
    about  a  strike.

    He  was  followed  by  Mr.  Fred  McStroul,  recording  secretary  of
    local  248,  and  the  president  of  the  union  at  that  time,  Robert  Buse,
    and  Herbert  Nagi,  bargaining  committeeman,  member  of  the  execu-
    tive board.  All  these  men  spoke  very  strenuously  against  the  strike.
    Of  course,  there  weren't  so  many  of  us  there  at  the  time  that  wanted
    to  have  a  strike  anyway.  It  was  just  this  one  employee's  disgruntled
    attitude,  because  of  his  lack  of  wages,  but  it  goes  to  show  how  the
    Communist  minds  were  working  at  that  time,  because  shortly  after
    VJ-dav,  only  3  weeks  after  that,  they  started  an  awful  lot  of  strike
    talk.

    Then  the  war  was  over,  Russia  didn't  need  more  aid,  they  started
    to  distribute  Communist  literature  at  all  of  the  meetings,  at  all  the
    clubhouse  meetings,  they  distributed  it  throughout  the  shops,  through
    the  medium  of  certain  minor  union  officials.

    I  have  certain  samples  of  that  type  of  literature  here.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Lucia,  we  will  get  to  that  in  a  moment.

    You  stated  that  you  were  employed  in  the  DE  shop.  What  is  the
    DE  shop  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  It  was  a  new  department  started  in  an  old-line  shop.
    The  mill  shop  itself  manufactured  flour  milling  equipment,  very,  very
    important  equipment  for  the  entire  flour  milling  industry  in  the  United
    States.  In  fact,  I  understand  that  it  is  so  highly  important  that  it
    held  up  the  flour-making  industry  all  over  the  country — due  to  this
    long  strike.  Over  in  one  corner  of  the  mill  shop  the}^  started  a  new
    department  in  Allis-Chalmers  to  make  motor  starters.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  5

    This  department,  the  nucleus  of  this  department,  was  started  with
    10  old-time  workers,  who  had  been  with  the  company  for  10  or  15
    years.  The  other  170  were  all  brand  new.  mostly  young  people,  that
    first  started  to  work  for  Allis-Chalmers  in  1941,  never  had  access  to  any
    Communist  influence.  Up  until  the  time  that  this  DE  mill  shop,  of
    which  I  was  a  part,  was  transferred  down  to  the  electric  control  shop,
    there  were  none  of  us  who  ever  came  in  close  contact  with  the  Com-
    munists at  Allis-Chalmers.

    Hut  after  we  were  transferred  to  the  electric  control  shop  down  on
    Hawlev  Road,  approximately  six  blocks  away  from  the  mill  shop,
    and  down  at  the  bottom  of  the  hill — two  new  plants  were  built  on
    order  of  the  United  States  Government,  one  plant  is  known  as  the
    Hawley  plant  and  one  is  known  as  the  electrical  control  plant.  The
    Hawley  plant  was  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Manhattan  project,

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  refer  to  the  Manhattan  project  you  are
    referring  to  the  atomic  bomb  project?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  familiar,  or  has  it  been  publicly  stated  as
    to  the  type  of  equipment  which  was  being  manufactured

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.

    Mr.  Stripling.  At  the  Hawley  plant  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.  That  has  never  leaked  out.  The  newspaper
    stories  were  that  it  was  part  of  the  Manhattan  project,

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  familiar  with  any  of  the  employees  of  the
    Hawley  plant  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  one  or  two,  slightly.  One  that  I  became  ac-
    quainted with  showed  me — he  had  a  nice  little  button,  I  guess  it  was
    given  to  him  by  the  United  States  Government,  showing  he  had  worked
    on  the  Manhattan  project.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  who  the  bargaining  agent  for  the
    Hawley  plant  was?

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  head — the  executive  board  member  and  the  present
    leadership  at  Allis-Chalmers,  who  was  the  chief  bargaining  agent
    for  the  Hawley  plant,  was  Joseph  Dombek,  the  present  president  of
    the  Hawley  plant.  In  July  1945  our  entire  department,  180  em-
    ployees, with  the  machinery  and  equipment  were  moved  clown  into
    the  electrical  control  plant,  and  that  was  when  I  first  became  ac-
    quainted with  communism  in  248,  because  there  was  plenty  of  it
    prevalent  down  there.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  state  to  the  committee  what  evidences  of
    communism  you  came  in  contact  with  after  your  department  was
    tranf erred  down  there?

    The  Chairman.  Am  I  correct  in  interpreting  the  remarks  that  he
    was  transferred  down  to  the  Hawley  plant  or  a  plant  right  next  to
    the  Hawlev  plant?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Right  next  to  the  Hawley  plant.  It  is  all  one  building,
    but  during  the  war  the  building  was  split  in  half  and  actually  walled
    off.  but  today  the  partitions  have  been  taken  down.

    The  Chairman.  So  the  atomic  bomb  parts  were  made  in  the  Hawley
    end  of  the  building?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  You  were  in  the  same  building,  but

    Mr.  Lucia.  In  the  electrical  control  building.

    6  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  On  the  other  side  of  the  building.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    "Sir.  Stripling.  Getting  back,  Mr.  Lueia,  to  Joseph  Dombek,  you
    said  he  was  the  bargaining  agent.  That  doesn't  necessarily  mean  that
    he  was  employed  in  the  Hawley  plant?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  believe  he  was  employed  in  the  Hawley  plant  at
    all.  There  were  two  stewards  in  the  Hawley  plant  and  several  com-
    mitteemen.    I  don't  know  them  by  name.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  give  the  committee  any  evidence  that  you
    might  have  or  relate  to  them  any  contacts  you  had  after  you  were
    transferred  dealing  with  Communist  influences  in  the  Allis-Chalmers
    plant?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Shortly  after  we  were  transferred  down  to  the  electrical-
    control  plant,  these  Communists  in  control  down  there  called  a  meeting
    at  the  clubhouse,  to  which  I  was  invited,  and  which  consisted  of  Arne
    Hansen,  who  was  the  acting  bargaining  committeeman  at  that  time  for
    local  248,  and  an  executive  board  member — he  had  taken  Mr.  Harold
    Christoffel's  place  on  the  executive  board — he  took  Harold  Christoffel's
    place  after  Christoffel  went  into  the  United  States  Army

    Mr.  Stripling.  Harold  Christoffel  was  the  president  of  local  248?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Until  he  went  in  the  Army  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Then  Robert  Buse  became

    Mr.  Stripling.  B-u-s-e?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  .He  became  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  when  you  name  these  people,  if  you  will
    identify  them  so  far  as  their  official  position  in  the  union  is  concerned,
    the  committee  would  appreciate  it.

    Mr.  Lucia.  All  right.

    Arne  Hansen  technically  was  the  steward  of  the  electrical-control
    plant,  but  became  bargaining  committeeman  and  executive  board  mem-
    ber of  local  248  after  Harold  Christoffel  went  into  the  Army.

    William  Ostovich,  a  group  committeeman  in  division  16,  electrical-
    control  plant,  also  guide  of  local  248.

    Robert  Wartchow,  a  steward  in  DK  department.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  the  DK  department?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  the  entire  second  floor,  the  electrical-control
    plant.

    Owen  Lambert,  group  committeeman.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  held  the  same  position

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  I  did,  in  the  same  department.  I  might  touch  on
    that  for  a  moment.  I  ran  into  an  awful  lot  of  disillusionment  there  in
    my  first  experience  with  communism.  These  people  who  had  gone  into
    the  electrical-control  plant  with  me  were  used  to  having  their  griev-
    ances settled  in  the  first  step.  We  didn't  go  into  lengthy  written
    agreements.  I  took  things  up  with  our  immediate  superior  and  it  was
    either  "yes"  or  "no."

    This  Owen  Lambert,  sometimes,  when  I  was  busy  some  of  my  people
    had  occasion  to  call  him  in  on  grievances.  I  began  to  receive  com-
    plaints about  it.  Different  girls  in  our  department  would  call  me  and
    ask  me,  "What  is  the  idea,  I  call  Owen  Lambert  in  on  a  grievance,
    expecting  to  get  a  raise,  or  the  right  price  on  this  job  I  am  working  on,
    and  he  talks  to  me  hour  on  hour  about  joining  the  American  Youth  for
    Democracy,  or  he  wants,  to  sell  me  a  subscription  to  the  New  Masses

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  7

    or  to  In  Fact,  or  the  Daily  Worker,  and  he  gives  me  booklets  to  read,
    and  we  never  get  around  to  the  handling  of  my  grievance."

    Those  people  were  not  used  to  that  kind  of  conversation.  That  is
    when  I  had  my  eves  opened  and  really  started  to  investigate  this  thing.
    Some  of  the  other  men  in  this  electrical  control  plant  of  the  same  ilk
    are:  Max  Maker,  also  a  group  committeeman;  Samuel  Guthrie,  group
    committeeman;  Harold  Johnson;  and  Tavy  Krisberg.  All  of  these
    people  were,  apparently,  members  of  the  Communist  Party  and  were
    openly  engaged  in  party-line  activity  in  our  shop.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  acquire  any  evidence  of  a  written  nature
    concerning  the  Communist  activities  of  which  you  speak  on  the  part
    of  any  of  these  individuals?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Most  of  the  evidence  I  acquired  was  after  I  came  back
    into  the  shop  on  December  18,  19-16.

    In  the  meantime  management  had  seen  fit  to  change  a  lot  of  the
    departments  around.  The  former  department,  DK  department,  was
    transferred  into  the  Hawley  plant.  The  Army  released  the  Hawley
    plant  from  the  Manhattan  project  and  at  present  that  is  where  I  am,
    on  the  first  floor  of  the  Hawley  plant,  which  formerly  was  the  site
    of  the  Manhattan  project.

    When  I  came  to  work  my  superintendent  took  me  to  my  place  of
    work.  There  was  two  altogether  different  benches  than  I  had  used
    before,  except  that  my  equipment  was  all  in  place,  on  top  of  the
    benches,  so  I  opened  the  drawer,  there  was  no  lock  on  the  drawer,  and
    it  evidently  had  been  the  place  of  work  and  had  been  formerly  assigned
    to  Owen  Lambert.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Owen  Lambert  was  a  group  committeeman  as  you
    were  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,-  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Approximately  how  many  members  did  he  represent
    as  group  comitteeman?

    Mr.  Lucia.  A  group  committeeman  is  supposed  to  represent  no  more
    than  75,  but  when  I  was  up  in  the  DE  mill  shop  I  actually  represented
    180.

    In  the  electrical  control  plant  they  stayed  to  the  line.  He  repre-
    sented 75  and  I  represented  75.  It  was  all  one  department  so  we  sort
    of  took  over  each  other's  work  whenever  possible.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead,  then.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  found  some  of  this  type  of  literature  in  my  drawer
    ( indicating) .  Being  interested  in  exposing  this  communism  I  brought
    it  along.1

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  find  a  receipt  book  of  Owen  Lambert  there?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  found  a  receipt  book  in  this  drawer  signed  by  Owen
    Lambert  which  shows  that  some  of  these  receipts  were  made  out  when
    he  would  collect  the  $1  dues  he  collected.2

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  read  to  the  committee,  go  through  the
    book  and  read  each  receipt?

    The  Chairman.  What  kind  of  a  receipt  book  is  it  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Just  an  ordinary  receipt  book  that  the  man  had  for  his
    own  information.  He  was  a  union  official.  If  somebody  was  not  yet
    checked  off  and  owed  a  dollar  assessment  or  a  dollar  dues,  why,  he
    would  collect  for  it  and  write  it  in  this  receipt  book.     He  probably

    1  See  appendix,  p.  229,  for  exhibits  1-3.  hearing.  February  27,  1947.

    2  See  appendix,  p.  229,  for  exhibit  4,  hearing,  February  27,  1947.

    8*  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    would  endeavor  to  get  himself  called  in  on  a  grievance  so  he  could
    collect  these  moneys  from  the  people  and  tender  a  receipt  to  them.

    In  an  effort  to  prove  that  he  was  engaged  in  communistic  activities —
    this  book  will  prove  that  instead  of  taking  care  of  his  union  duties,
    why,  he  was  doing  these  other  things.

    August  1945  dues,  this  receipt  says,  $1,  Joseph  Paul,  signed  by
    Owen  Lambert.

    The  next  receipt  is  made  out  to  a  girl  employee  there  for  80  cents.
    It  just  says  "for  papers."

    The  next  receipt  is  for  papers.

    The  Chairman.  What  has  that  to  do  with  Communist  activities?

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  next  receipt,  August  6,  1945,  is  for  $1  for  an  inter-
    national assessment.

    While  he  was  taking  care  of  his  union  work  he  collected  the  inter-
    national assessment.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  $1  the  usual  international  assessment?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.
    •    The  next  receipt  is  for  workers'  papers.

    The  next  is  for  workers'  papers.

    Workers'  papers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  he  is  referring  to  the  Daily
    Worker?

    Mr.  Lucia.  It  could  be.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Or  the  shop  paper  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No  ;  not  the  shop  paper.  The  Daily  Worker,  I  think  it
    is — I  am  pretty  sure.

    This  one  here  states  50  cents  is  received  for  the  paper  In  Fact.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Is  that  George  Seldes'  paper  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct ;  George  Seldes.

    Here  is  a  receipt  made  out  to  Simon  Rudy  for  $5.  It  states  "for  a
    subscription  to  the  New  Masses."

    At  the  time  he  talked  to  me  about  a  subscription  to  the  New  Masses
    he  told  me  it  was  $1.50.  This  $5,  to  my  way  of  thinking,  represents
    the  initiation  fee  to  the  Communist  Party  itself.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  approached  by  anyone  in  the  plant
    about  joining  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No;  I  never  actually  was.  I  think  they  were  a  little
    afraid  to  ask  me.  I  don't  know  why.  There  were  a  lot  of  others  they
    did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  have  a  record  of  being  anti-Communist?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  At  the  time  you  entered  the  union

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  May  I  see  the  receipts  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.    [Handing  paper  to  counsel.]

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  ever  receive  any  complaint  from  any  of  the
    emplo}^ees  whom  you  represented  as  group  committeemen  concerning
    the  solicitation  of  subscriptions  for  Communist  publications

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  On  the  part  of  Lambert?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  They  couldn't  understand  why  he  was  allowed  to
    get  away  with  it.  The  people  didn't  like  it  at  all.  They  couldn't  un-
    derstand why  he  was  allowed  to  do  it,  but  I  guess — it  was  explained
    to  them

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  9

    The  Chairman.  Louder,  please.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  attempted  to  explain  it  to  them,  that  the  law  was  such
    {hat  they  actually  couldn't  do  anything  about  it  until  they  could  prove
    that  he  was  preaching  Communist  activities  and  endeavoring  to  get
    them  to  join  the  party,  and  so  forth,  and  no  one  wanted  to  sign  a
    statement  to  that  effect,  but  several  of  them  told  me  he  had  asked  them
    to  join  the  party,  especially  the  girls,  to  become  members  of  the  Amer-
    ican Youth  for  Democracy,  and  other  such  organizations.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  received  your  notice  that  you  should  at-
    tend the  meetings  more  regularly,  did  you  take  an  active  part  in  the
    local's  affairs?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  attended  the  meetings,  and  I  listened.  I  actually
    didn't  take  an  active  part.

    Mr.  Stripling.  At  the  meetings  37ou  attended  were  any  resolutions
    ever  introduced  which  would  indicate  to  you  that  the  top  leadership
    of  the  union  was  seeking  to  follow  the  Communist  Party  line?

    Mi-.  Lucia.  Yes.  I  would  like  to  read  an  article  which  I  wrote  in
    June  194G  to  the  Journal.  I  asked  them  to  publish  it  in  their  column
    From  the  People.

    The  Chairman.  What  is  the  Journal?

    Mr.  Lucia.  A  newspaper  in  Wisconsin;  Milwaukee.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  they  publish  it?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No;  they  didn't.

    The  Chairman.  Go  ahead  and  read  it.

    Mr.  Lucia  (reading)  :

    Three  rousing  cheers  for  the  anonymous  American  who  wrote  that  swell
    article  about  "ambitious  labor  leaders"  at  Allis-Chalmers.

    I,  more  or  less,  answered  another  article.     [Continuing:]

    This  handful  of  egotistic  individualists  have  successfully  promulgated  through
    their  "pressure  group"  methods  and  "packed"  meetings  the  most  unwarranted
    strike  in  State  history.

    It  is  time  to  call  a  halt  on  reckless  action  and  careless  thinking.  This  will
    not  be  easy,  because  the  professional  labor  agitator  and  the  alien  Communist
    have  the  attention  id'  many  easily  duped  people  today.

    These  peddlers  of  lies,  half-truths,  sedition,  and  anarchy  are  very  clever  and
    well  organized,  whereas  those  of  lis  who  believe  in  the  American  system — which
    has  given  to  us  the  highest  standards  of  living,  the  greatest  luxury,  and  the
    most  common  comforts  the  world  has  ever  known — are  not  organized.  We
    may  talk  about  the  inability  of  someone  to  "do  something"  but  we  ourselves
    are  to  blame  for  our  own  lack  of  organization.

    Cracker-box  ballot  boxes  and  a  communistic  election  committee  who  make
    a  pretense  of  counting  the  ballots  behind  the  locked  doors  and  sanctuary  of
    the  union's  clubhouse  with  not  even  a  union  member  allowed  to  <  bserve  or
    Challenge  the  tabulation  of  the  vote?    This  is  democracy  at  local  248!

    To  one  and  all  it  must  certainly  be  quite  obvious  by  now  that  this  type  of
    "leadership"  is  primarily  interested  in  self-glory  and  love  to  bask  in  the  lime-
    light of  newspaper  notoriety.  Every  printed  article  mentions  their  names;  and
    to  their  warped  minds,  this  is  a  form  of  prestige  which  will  eventually  lead
    to  national  and  international  recognition,  if  you  please,  on  the  so-called  labor
    front.

    These  strike  leaders  are  not  suffering  any  hardships  out  of  the  present  situa-
    tion but,  rather,  have  "milked"  the  good  businessmen  and  merchants  of  our
    community  out  of  thousands  of  dollars  in  cash  and  commodities  under  the
    guise  of  donations  for  the  rank-and-file  membership.  Ask  any  member  you
    know  who  don't  belong  to  the  "select"  group  if  he  received  any  of  this  "charity."
    I  didn't,  and  neither  did  any  other  loyal  American  worker.  Nearly  all  of  the
    officers  of  local  24S  have  outside  income:  they  handle  insurance,  sell  real
    estate,  sell  cars,  operate  taverns,  gift  shops,  and  hosiery  stores,  and  one  member
    of  the  bargaining  committee  is  a  State  legislator  with  an  annual  income  of
    more  than  $1,700.

    10  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Are  you  burning  a  little,  Joe  American?  Listen — this  discrimination  clause  the
    union  has  argued  for  weeks  about,  demanding  protection  for  race,  creed,  color,
    and  political  affiliations,  means  simply  that  contractually  you  and  I  couldn't
    call  one  of  these  "leaders"  a  "Communist"  without  fear  of  reprisal  in  the  form
    of  losing  our  jobs.    This  is  America  !

    The  clause  in  debate  about  cheek-off  of  dues  and  maintenance  of  membership
    means  simply  tbat  if  the  company  consents  to  this,  all  union  members  are  subject
    to  having  all  dues — fines — penalties — initiation  fees — special  assessments,  etc.,
    automatically  deducted  from  our  checks  by  the  company  and  that  as  a  condition
    of  employment  all  rules  of  the  union  must  be  adhered  to.

    For  example,  you  may  be  drummed  out  of  the  union  and  subsequently  from
    your  job  at  A.  C.  if  you  fail  to  vote  "yes"  for  certain  resolutions  as  per  these  two
    passed  some  months  ago  at  a  local  248  "packed  meeting."

    Now,  these  resolutions  were  read  off  by  Mr.  Fred  MeStroul,  record-
    ing secretary.

    A  resolution  asking  that  248  send  a  telegram  to  President  Truman  demanding
    that  the  United  States  turn  over  the  secret  of  atomic  energy  to  Russia  was  passed.

    The  Chairman.  What  was  that  resolution  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  resolution  asked  that  2-18  go  on  record,  the  entire
    membership,  and  send  a  telegram  to  President  Truman  demanding
    that  the  United  States  turn  over  the  secret  of  atomic  energy  to  Russia.
    This  was  passed  shortly  after  VJ-day.     [Continuing :]

    Another  resolution  asking  President  Truman  to  remove  all  United  States
    armed  forces  from  China  and  India  was  passed.

    The  Chairman.  What  was  the  vote  on  the  first  resolution?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Everybody  voted  "yes."  I  mean,  down  in  one  corner  of
    the  meeting  hall — the  hall  is  usually  packed  wTith  these  Communists
    and  fellow  travelers,  and  anybody  that  opposes  them  is  usually  booed
    down  or  they  find  some  way  to  get  them  out.     [Continuing:]

    One  brave  soul,  an  American,  I  believe  (for  apparently  there  are  so  few  left
    it  really  is  bard  to  tell)  got  up  and  demanded  that  a  telegram  be  sent  to  President
    Truman  and  that  he  request  the  Russian  Government  to  remove  all  Russian
    troops  from  Iran.  This  resolution  was  immediately  shouted  down,  and  the
    only  bright  spot  was  that  this  courageous  soul  was  allowed  to  escape  this  meeting
    with  his  life.

    If  it  were  only  possible  to  hold  a  referendum  vote  on  the  right  to  strike  or  our
    right  to  change  the  "leadership"  when  it  is  proven  they  have  misled  us  as  in
    the  present  strike.

    Votes  should  be  deposited  in  ballot  boxes  of  steel  construction,  properly  pad-
    locked, and  stationed  in  the  shops  we  work  in  and  taken  from  thence  directly
    to  th<>  police  station  or  the  courthouse,  where  the  tabulation  of  the  vote  must  be
    done  by  trustworthy  persons  chosen  by  lot  from  the  roster  of  our  own  county
    election  board.  Then  I  am  confident  these  forces  of  evil  would  be  dethroned  once
    and  for  all.

    Another  American  Who  Dare  Not  Sign  His  Name.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  say  that  w as  not  published  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  w7as  not  published.  This  is  the  type  of  literature
    they  passed  out  [indicating].

    The  Chairman.  Before  you  go  on,  you  made  the  statement  that —
    in  that  article — that  one  could  not  call  any  of  them  a  Communist  with-
    out losing  his  job.

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  true.     I  can  prove  that  by  another

    The  Chairman.  Do  you  have  any  instances  where  someone  called
    them  a  Communist  and  they  lost  their  job?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.  It  came  very  close  to  it,  though.  When  I  was
    informed  I  was  to  be  present  here  as  a  witness,  I  was  given  some  volun-
    tary statements  from  some  people  in  the  shops  who  wanted  to  testify
    in  this  matter  by  just  sending  a  statement.

    COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS  11

    This  is  a  statement  from  Frederick  W.  Lutz :

    I,  Frederick  W.  Lutz,  was  transferred  from  the  mill  shop  in  October  L946  to

    the  electric  control  department.  Was  assigned  to  assembling  converters.  Owen
    Lambert,  committeeman  for  local  24S,  was  transferred  to  the  same  line  about
    November  1945;  in  this  way  we  were  in  close  contact.  The 'said  Owen  Lambert
    would  average  from  2  hours  to  2  hours  and  20  minutes  per  day  in  selling  and
    advocating  Communist  papers,  pamphlets,  and  books.  Every  week  Owen  Lambert
    would  bring  into  the  shop  department  a  bundle  of  Daily  Worker  newspapers,  to
    distribute  to  his  customers.  The  bundles  still  had  the  shipping  wrapper  on.  On
    this  day  he  would  not  work  on  the  line  but  insisted  on  sitting  on  a  stool  at  a
    bench  located  on  the  aisle  so  that  he  could  watch  for  his  customers.  He  walked
    around  the  shop  with  various  pamphlets  sticking  out  of  his  shirt  pocket  and  hip
    pockets — he  never  made  any  effort  to  conceal  his  activities.  One  day  I  remarked
    that  United  States  of  America  trucks  and  cars  saved  Russia.  Lambert  said  :  "Oh,
    I  don't  know:  they  only  got  about  1,200."  The  next  day  he  brought  to  me  a  Daily
    Worker  to  prove  his  point.  The  Daily  Worker  showed  378,000  autos,  trucks,
    and  cars — to  Lambert  this  was  only  a  slight  difference.

    Max  Maker,  also  a  committeeman,  openly  admitted  that  the  Communists  were
    in  control  of  local  248.     I  heard  him  on  two  occasions.

    Elmer  Dricbter,  a  deputy  Committeeman,  also  appeared  against  me  as  a  wit-
    ness when  24S  tried  me  for  (as  they  stated)  conduct  unbecoming  a  union  mem-
    ber.   His  testimony  was  that  I  said:  "It's  time  we  get  rid  of  the  Communists."

    This  man  went  to  trial  before  the  trial  board  committee  of  local
    248  for  using  that  phrase  against  them  [continuing :]

    Owen  Lambert,  Max  Maker,  plus  the  urging  of  Bill  Ostervitch,  preferred  the
    union  charges  against  me.  The  trial  lasted  2  hours;  about  1%  hours  were
    spent  in  asking  me  what  I  thought  about  the  Communists.

    I  was  sentenced  to  read  all  the  books  in  local  248  library,  which  I  did  not
    do  as  I  was  acquainted  with  many  of  the  authors,  who  were  Communists,  plus
    $5  fine  for  each  regular  meeting  I  did  not  attend.  If  my  report  to  the  secretary
    was  not  to  his  satisfaction,  I  would  still  be  hind.

    I  have  a  couple  of  other  real  short  ones  [reading  :]
    During  the  month  of  October  191.",  another  girl  and  I  had  an  occasion  to  call-
    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  is  this  making  the  statement  \
    Mr.  Lucia.  Marion  L.  Heaney,  21)06  South   Wentworth    .V venue.
    Milwaukee,  Wis.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  Miss  Heaney^

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  she  employed  at  Allis-Chalmers ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  what  division?

    Mr.  Lucia.  In  the  electric  control  plant,  department  121 1.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead.

    Mr.  Lucia  reading :

    *  *  *  another  girl  and  I  had  an  occasion  to  cad  Owen  Lambert  on  a
    grievance.  Most  of  Lambert's  conversation  bad  to  do  with  joining  the  American
    Youth  for  Democracy  organization  instead  of  our  grievance.  He  gave  me  some
    literature,  which  I  discarded  because  I  believed  the  organization  to  be
    communistic.

    I  have  one  from  Joann  A.  Casler,  2041  West  Wisconsin  Avenue
    [reading :]

    A  one-time  member  of- local  24s,  I  have  heard  this  remark  that  one  member
    said  to  me:  "I  was  born  by  Uncle  Joe  in  Russia.  Why  didn't  1  stand  bj  him'.'''
    He  liked  what  218  stood  for.     lie  hoped  they  would  win  out.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  is  that  written  by?  The  one  you  arc  about
    to  read  \

    Mr.  Lucia.  This  is  "the  last  one.    Frederick  W.  Kluhsman.

    12  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  Mr.  Kluhsman?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  lie  employed  in  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead.

    Mr.  Lucia  (reading)  ;

    This  is  to  state  and  certify  that  sometime  during  the  month  of  April  1946
    Samuel  Guthrie,  a  coworker  and  former  committeeman,  did  in  my  presence
    make  the  statement  that  he  would  refuse  to  fight  for  the  United  States  in  case
    we  became  involved  in  a  war  with  Russia.  Also,  that  on  numerous  occasions
    he  brought  the  Daily  Worker  into  the  shop.

    Mr.  Mtjndt.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Mundt.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Tell  me,  what  job  did  this  man  Owen  Lambert  have
    in  the  plant  other  than  spreading  Communist  gossip  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  He  was  an  incentive  worker  on  piecework.  It  was  his
    job  to  turn  out  as  many  pieces  as  he  could,  for  himself  and  the  war
    effort,  and  the  company.  His  average  rate,  however,  was  88  cents
    an  hour,  which  proved  that  he  was  so  lax  on  his  job  that  he  could
    only  make  that  much,  88  cents  an  hour.

    I  brought  along  a  sheet  of  paper  showing  my  average  rate,  by  way
    of  comparison.  It  is  $2.21  an  hour,  on  the  same  type  of  job.  He  could
    only  make  88  cents  an  hour  for  himself.

    Mr.  Mundt.  He  might  have  made  some  commissions  from  all  these
    pamphlets?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  notice  he  sold  a  great  many  subscriptions  to  the  maga-
    zine called  In  Fact.     Is  that  considered  a  Communist  magazine  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  think  it  is.  I  never  subscribed  for  any  of  these  pub-
    lications. I  never  authorized  them  to  send  them  to  me.  I  live  in  a
    large  apartment  house,  and  it  is  embarrassing  for  them  to  come  to  me
    in  the  mail.  Yet  I  received  In  Fact,  Research,  American  News;  I  get
    letters  from  the  American  League  for  American-Soviet  Friendship.3
    I  have  never  heard  of  many  of  them,  I  don't  know  what  it  is  about.

    Local  248  takes  it  upon  itself  to  pay  for  these  subscriptions,  these
    pamphlets,  and  sends  them  to  the  members.  We  don't  even  solicit
    those  magazines.  It  is  just  propaganda  that  they  try  to  cram  down
    the  throats  of  the  memoers.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Did  they  ever  make  a  report  to  the  membership  as  to
    how  they  are  using  the  local  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.  You  couldn't  get  a  financial  statement  out  of  local
    248  for  the  last  10  years.  They  never  bring  it  up.  If  somebody  on
    the  floor  brings  it  up  they  hush  it  up.

    The  Chairman.  Are  you  finished,  Mr.  Mundt?

    Mr.  Mundt.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  May  I  ask  a  question  ?

    The  Chairman.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Those  statements  you  read,  are  they  in  affidavit  form  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No,  sir.  I  didn't  have  time  enough.  Some  of  the  peo-
    ple in  the  plant  told  me  that  they  would  draw  up  statements  in  affidavit
    form.     This  is  just  a  plain  piece  of  shop  paper  [indicating].

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Chairman

    3  See  appendix,  p.  229,  for  exhibits  5-9,  hearing,  February  27,  1947.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  13

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Is  there  more  than  one  local  involved  in  this  long
    strike  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  More  than  one  local?

    Mr.  McDowell.  Yes.

    Mr.  Lucia.  No  ;  248,  that  is  all.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Just  one  local?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Just  "24-8.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  yon  employed  at  Allis-Chalmers  when  local
    24S  went  out  on  strike  in  April  1946  \

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  yon  vote  on  the  strike  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.  I  ran  for  office  against  Wartchow  in  an  effort  to
    unseat  the  Communists

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  spell  that  name,  please?

    Mr.  Lucia.  W-a-r-t-c-h-o-w.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  his  first  name?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Robert.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  was  his  position?

    Mr.  Lucia.  He  was  a  steward.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Steward  in  what  division  of  the  plant?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Electric  control.  I  thought  that  if  this  right-wing  ele-
    ment which  I  headed,  consisting  of  myself,  Mr.  Jeff  Wells,  and  Richard
    Jackson,  if  we  could  put  ourselves  in  power  in  the  electric  control  shop
    we  could  possibly  frustrate  this  strike  as  far  as  the  electric  control
    division  in  the  Hawley  plant  was  concerned.

    So  I  ran  for  office  on  the  ticket  against  Robert  Wartchow.  and  Jeff
    Wells  ran  for  office  on  the  ticket  against  Andrew  Kopcha.

    I  thought  we  had  provided  for  every  emergency.  I  took  a  check-
    ing device  with  me,  counted  the  people,  number  of  ballots  put  in  the
    jDox;es.  I  figured  I  had  won  by  probably  90  or  100  votes.  When  the
    time  for  the  polls  to  close,  at  8  o'clock,  came,  these  cracker  boxes  were
    take:;  up  into  Robert  Buse's  office,  and  I  followed  after  the  election
    commission,  of  which  Owen  Lambert  was  a  member;  I  followed  after
    them,  went  up  into  this  room  and  sat  down,  and  Lambert  said.  "What
    do  you  want  in  here?"'  And  I  said,  "I  came  to  watch  the  tabulation
    of  the  vote.     I  am  a  party  to  this;  I  am  a  candidate  for  election."

    He  said.  "You  can't  watch  the  tabulation  of  the  vote;  we  don't
    allow  it."

    I  said.  ''What  do  you  mean  by  'you' f '  John  Burja  said.  "It  is  in
    the  constitution."  I  had  an  international  constitution  and  I  demanded
    that  he  show  it  to  me,  and  he  couldn't  find  it  and  neither  could  Robert
    Buse.  I  was  getting  more  angry,  and  I  suppose  I  raised  my  voice.
    because  I  was  warned  a  couple  of  times  that  I  shouldn't  get  noisy  or
    I  would  be  ousted.

    They  told  me  it  was  somewhere  in  the  local  bylaws,  and  I  demanded
    to  see  it.  I  guess  they  were  stuck  there;  it  probably  wasn't  in  there
    either,  but  I  was  escorted  out  of  this  room  and  down  the  stairs.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  say  your  were  escorted  from  the  room.  Just
    what  do  you  mean?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  was  taken  by  the  arms  and  escorted  out  of  the  room.
    Not  too  forcibly,  but  I  knew  what  would  happen  if  I  didn't  go  on.     I

    65744—47 2

    14  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    was  allowed,  however,  later  on — Buse  came  downstairs  and  said,  "You
    can  send  up  your  challengers  now."

    This  was  an  hour  and  15  minutes;  these  fellows  had  1  hour  and

    15  minutes  after  8  o'clock  to  do  something  with  the  ballots.

    My  theory  is  that  they  took  101  ballots  of  mine  out  of  the  boxes  and
    substituted  others,  and  at  the  same  time  fixed  up  the  poll  list.  They
    had  plenty  of  time  to  work  in.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  was  the  vote  tabulation  ?  By  how  many  were
    you  defeated?

    Mr.  Lucia.  One  hundred  and  fourteen  votes.

    The  Chairman.  You  were  defeated  by  114  votes?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  All  I  can  go  by  is  these  rough  figures.  The  elec-
    tion result  was  supposed  to  be  published  in  the  Wisconsin  CIO  News,
    but  it  never  appeared.  They  had  a  little  box  in  the  Wisconsin  CIO
    News  where  it  said  that  the  final  results  for  the  steward  election  of
    February  19  and  20, 1946,  would  be  published  in  the  following  edition,
    but  it  never  appeared.

    Mr.  McDowell.  How  many  votes  were  cast  and  how  many  were
    entitled  to  vote?

    Mr.  Lucia.  They  all  voted.     It  was  362 — I  have  here.

    Mr.  McDowell.  How  many  were  entitled  to  vote  in  the  election?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Twelve  hundred.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  many  people  worked  in  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  entire  empire,  3^011  mean,  or  just  the  West  Allis
    workers?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Local  248 ;  what  is  the  membership  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  believe  11,448  people  belong  to  the  bargaining  unit —
    that  is.  production  workers,  that  belong  to  the  bargaining  unit  at  WTest
    Allis.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Is  there  that  much  of  a  membership  in  local  248  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No  ;  the  membership  would  be  about  8,100.

    Mr.  Bonner.  In  248  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  bargain  for  the  whole  group  at  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  And  onty  how  many  voted?

    Mr.  Lucia.  This  is  just  one  little  division.  There  are  17  divisions.
    I  was  a  member  of  division  16 — just  one  portion  of  the  shop.  Their
    buildings  are  scattered  all  over.

    The  Chairman.  You  are  just  speaking  for  division  16?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  Your  knowledge  is  only  of  division  16?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Of  the  division  in  which  I  worked;  yes.

    The  Chairman.  All  right.

    Mr.  Bonner.  In  division  16.  how  many  employees  are  there?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  believe  that  I  was  given  a  short  count  in  this  election.
    In  fact,  the  report  was  brought  back  to  me — there  is  a  tavern  there,
    in  Milwaukee;  which  I  visited  just  a  couple  of  weeks  after  the  election,
    which  is  run  by  a  former  union  steward— I  came  in  there,  ordered  a
    drink,  and  this  man  said  to  me,  "Lucia,  I  see  they  gave  you  a  short
    count."    I  said.  '"Where "

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  15

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  didn't  answer  my  question.

    Mr.  Lucia.  What  was  that  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  This  division,  how  many  employees  are  there  in  it?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Twelve  hundred.    I  answer  that.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Excuse  me.    Twelve  hundred  in  division  16?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  And  they  voted  on  you  for  the  stewardship  of  248?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No;  1,200  didn't  show  up  to  vote,  there  was  only  a
    little  over  350;  302  went  out  to  vote.

    Local  248  has  ways  and  means  to  bar  you  from  voting.  If  you  are
    not  paid  up  on  dues,  or  haven't  paid  your  special  assessment,  or
    haven't  contributed  a  dollar  to  the  CIO — they  have  many  ways.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  don't  have  the  check-off  system?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes ;  we  do.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Don't  they  then  check  off  the  dues?

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  dues  are  checked  off,  but  not  special  assessments
    or  contributions  to  the  PAC.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  are  not  checked  off,  then?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  understand.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  are  not  checked  off?  Only  the  dues  are  checked
    off?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Bonner.  And  your  bylaws  prohibit  one  from  participating  in
    an  election  if  he  hasn't  paid  the  assessments?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  I  am  not  sure  of  that,  but  that  is  the  way  they — I
    am  not  sure.

    The  Chairman.  You  are  not  sure  that  that  is  in  your  bylaws,  but
    that  is  the  way  they  do  it?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Wood.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Wood.

    Mr.  Wood.  Let  me  see  if  I  understand  you.  Who  passes  on  the
    qualifications  of  those  wdio  want  to  vote?

    Mr.  Lucia.  An  election  committee.

    Mr.  Wood.  And  who  appoints  the  election  committee?

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  election  committee — they  hold  a  mass  meeting  for
    the  entire  membership  and  they  drag  this  mass  meeting  out.  They
    start  the  meeting  at  8  o'clock  at  night,  and  by  11  o'clock  a  lot  of  the
    business  has  taken  place,  and  it  drags  on  and  on  and  on.  and  they  always
    reserve  the  election  of  the  election  committee  until  the  last,  and  the
    election  committee  chosen  for  this  strike  ballot  in  1946  was  chosen
    after  12  o'clock  midnight,  after  nine-tenths  of  the  people  had  gone
    home.  The  only  ones  left  to  vote  were  the  members  of  the  election
    committee  themselves;  they  were  there  and  chose  themselves.

    Mr.  Wood.  So  then  nobody  can  vote  except  those  whose  qualifica-
    tions are  approved  by  this  election  committee;  is  that  true?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  true.

    Mr.  Wood.  And  in  this  particular  division  that  you  speak  of,  16

    Mr.  Lucia.  Division  1G;  yes.

    Mr.  Wood.  Normally  1,200  employees,  approximately,  would  be  eli-
    gible to  vote  if  they  complied  with  the  requirements?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  In  this  instance  there  was  a  lack  of  interest,  which
    had  been  true  of  the  last  two  or  three  elections.  In  fact,  362  turning
    out  was  really  a  big  turn-out  for  this  election.

    16  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Wood.  How  many  more  would,  in  your  opinion,  would  there
    have  been  who  could  have  turned  out ;  in  other  words,  that  were  quali-
    fied under  the  regulations  laid  down  by  the  election  committee,  how
    many  qualified  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  About  400  more.

    Mr.  Wood.  About  750  out  of  1,200  you  think  were  qualified?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Wood.  That  makes  about  450  of  the  employees  in  the  plant  that
    belonged  to  this  division  16  who  were  disqualified  from  voting  by  the
    election  committee  for  one  reason  or  another?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  believe  so.

    Mr.  Wooo.  That  is  all,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Vail.

    Mr.  Vail.  Did  the  management  of  Allis-Chalmers  Co.  at  any  time
    remonstrate  or  attempt  to  discipline  this  gentleman  for  his  activities
    among  the  employees  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Not  to  my  knowledge,  sir.     I  wondered  as  to  the  reasons.

    Mr.  Vail.  Was  88  cents  an  hour  the  day-work  rate?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No;  that  was  his  incentive  rate,  because  the  union,  if
    you  please,  made  it  a — I  actually  believe  that  they  sabotaged  the
    workers'  wages  all  during  the  war.  The  union  was  responsible  for
    the  sabotaging  of  the  American  workers'  wages  during  the  war.  We
    were  instructed  at  meetings  to  not  let  anybody  hand  in  over  a  dollar  an
    hour,  and  the  reasons  were,  the  union  reasons  were,  that  that  would
    break  down  the  piece-work  rate,  the  job  would  be  retimed,  and  cut
    to  such  an  extent  that  you  couldn't  make  any  more  money,  if  you  didn't
    hold  back  and  not  hand  in  $2  an  hour,  but  hold  it  down  to  a  dollar
    an  hour.

    The  way  I  see  it  now  they  did  it  that  way  just  so  that  the  worker
    would  always  be  a  slave  to  his  union  officials — be  so  disgruntled  that
    he  would  have  to  turn  to  the  union  officials  for  aid  and  guidance.

    Mr.  Vail.  The  foreman  of  the  department  was  not  a  member  of  the
    union,  was  he  I

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.

    Mr.  Vail.  Wouldn't  he  take  note  of  the  discrepancy  between  your
    wages  and  this  other  man's  wages  on  the  same  job?

    Mr.  Lucia.  This  man  was  on  the  same  type  work,  assembly,  but  it
    wasn't  the  same  job.

    Mr.  Vail.  He  had  the  opportunity  of  reaching  the  same  earnings
    that  you  had  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  would  say  so;  yes.  I  had  no  difficulty  in  making
    $2.21  an  hour.

    Mr.  Vail.  To  your  knowledge,  there  was  no  action  taken  by  the  f  oil-
    man on  the  lack  of  production  of  Lambert  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No,  sir ;  not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Vail.  In  other  words,  he  was  permitted  by  management  to
    pursue  his  activities  without  any  disciplinary  measures  being  taken ;
    is  that  it?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Vail.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Mundt.

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  recall  during  the  Seventy-ninth  Congress,  Members
    of  the  House  received  a  great  many  communications  from  different
    people  about  the  Allis-Chalmers  strike.     The  burden  of  those  com-

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  17

    munications  always  ran  to  the  point  that  the  Government  should  lake
    over  the  plant.  Would  that  have  been  in  accordance  with  the  desires
    of  the  Communist  leaders  that  called  the  strike  or  would  that  have
    been  against  those  desires?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  would  have  been  in  accordance  with  their  desires,
    but  not  with  the  desires  of  myself  and  the  rest  of  the  right-wingers,  lie-
    cause  we  felt  we  could  handle  the  local  situation.  We  understood  the
    situation,  and  we  knew  that  people  as  far  away  as  Washington,  them
    trying  to  run  our  affairs,  they  might  lean  a  little  bit  in  this  direction
    or  that  direction,  and  we  thought  we  could  handle  the  situation.

    Mr.  Mundt.  In  other  words,  you  believe  that  the  strike  leaders

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  strike  leaders  wanted  Government  intervention.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Wanted  the  Government  to  take  over  the  plant  (

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes,  sir.  But  the  membership  did  not.  It  was  just
    the  strike  leaders  themselves.

    Mr.  Mundt.  It  seems  to  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  would  be  interesting,
    if  we  had  the  time,  to  find  out  how  that  objective  of  the  Communist
    strikers  was  pipe-lined  out  through  the  country  and  back  to  Wash-
    ington, for  one  great  common  cause,  that  the  thing  to  do  was  to  take
    over  the  plant.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  time  I  would  like  to  read  into
    the  record  the  statement  from  Allis-Chalmers  Co.  as  to  the  cost  of  the
    strike.  This  statement  was  requested  by  the  committee  from  the
    president  of  Allis-Chalmers :

    The  Allis-Chalmers  Manufacturing  Co.  is  one  of  the  largest  manufacturers  of
    electrical  and  mechanical  power  equipment  and  one  of  the  world's  foremost
    producers  of  mining,  flour  milling,  sawmill  and  processing  equipment.  It  is  also
    a  leader  in  the  farm  equipment  field  and  in  the  construction  machinery  field.
    Through  many  years  of  engineering  research,  development,  and  experience  the
    company  has  the  technical  knowledge  and  tools  necessary  to  produce  machinery
    required  by  basic  industries  throughout  the  Nation  and  the  wor  d.

    The  strike  at  the  West  Allis  Works,  declared  April  29,  1946,  by  Local  248,
    UAW-CIO  has  had  a  direct  and  pronounced  effect  on  the  economy  of  the  entire
    Nation.  Many  orders  for  equipment  essential  to  the  safety,  health,  welfare,  and
    prosperity  of  a  large  number  of  the  Nation's  people  have  been  delayed  because
    of  this  strike.

    Mining  equipment  used  for  refining,  selecting,  separating,  sorting,  and  melting
    mineral  ores,  electrical  generating,  distribution,  and  transmission  equipment  to
    provide  electric  power  for  new  homes,  hospitals,  and  industries,  production  ma-
    chinery for  steel  mills  to  produce  steel  sheets  for  refrigerators  and  automobiles,
    farm  equipment  to  raise  more  food  for  home  consumption  ami  for  starving  millions
    overseas,  road-building  equipment,  heavy  tractors  to  haul  logs  from  forests,  ami
    many  other  products  all  necessary  to  the  Nation's  economy  have  been  delayed
    by  the  present  strike.

    During  the  period  of  May  1,  1940,  to  February  S,  11147,  there  has  been  an  ap-
    proximate total  of  14,649.688  man-hours  lost  resulting  in  a  loss  of  wages  totaling
    approximately  $18,240,000.

    The  backlog  of  orders  in  the  general  machinery  division  lias  been  steadily  in-
    creasing with  an  approximate  value  of  $82,031,903,  as  of  .January  31,  1947.  With
    the  present  personnel  in  the  shops  production  cannot  begin  to  meet  this  stagger-
    ing figure.  The  chart  (6087)  of  shipments  and  backlogs  of  orders  for  general
    machinery  division  shows  an  increase  of  orders  received  from  $37,987,803  to  a
    total  of  $82,031,903,  whereas  the  actual  shipment  of  materials  dropped  from
    $3,868,836  in  January  1946  to  $1,9.16,257  for  January  1947.  Over  50  percent  of  the
    annual  shipments  were  made  in  the  first  4  months  of  1946.  During  May  1946
    there  were  no  shipments  from  the  West  Allis  works.  It  is  estimated  that  the
    loss  to  the  general  machinery  division.  West  Allis  works,  will  amount  to  approxi-
    mately 45  to  50  million  dollars,  assuming  there  had  been  no  delay  caused  by
    material  shortages  or  strikes.

    18

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    It  is  estimated  that  the  loss  in  farm-tractor  production  at  the  West  Allis  works
    for  the  year  1946  amounts  to  approximately  23  to  30  million  dollars.

    There  follows  several  tabulations  which  I  will  ask  to  be  included  in
    the  record.

    The  Chairman.  So  ordered.

    (The  matter  referred  fo  is  as  follows :)

    Estimate  of  strike  costs — general J

    Company  book  loss — first  3  quarters  of  1946 $17,  000.  000

    Income  tax  to  West  Allis 287,  590

    Milwaukee  County  tax  loss  (refund  from  State) 64,  021

    Salaries  for  sheriff  deputies  assigned  to  picket  lines 20,  000

    Salaries  for  Milwaukee  police  assigned  to  picket  lines 17,  000

    Overtime  for  Milwaukee  police  assigned  to  picket  lines 7,  400

    Salaries  for  West  Allis  police  on  strike  duty 19,  800

    Salaries  for  30  temporary  officers  on  strike  duty 10,  000

    Hospitalization  for  police,  losses,  and  other  damage  on  picket  line 3,  000

    County  assistance  to  families  of  strikers 40,  700

    Vandalism  to  homes  and  automobiles 15,  000

    Estimate  of  loss  in  wages  from  company  to  employees  on  strike 18,  240,  000

    Total 35,  724,  511

    Estimated  loss  in  production  :

    General  machinery  division $45,  000,  000-$50,  000,  000

    Tractor  division 25,000,000-  30,000,000

    1  Taken  from  Chicago  Tribune  as  of  Jan.  3,  1947.

    General  machinery  division,  West  Allis  works

    Date

    January  1946.

    February

    March

    April

    May  i

    June

    July

    Backlog

    $37,  987.  863
    39.  561, 317

    41,279,877
    44, 888,  399

    50,266.112
    56,  440,  951

    Shipments

    $3, 868, 836
    2, 320.  507

    2,  528,  487

    3,  590,  252

    0

    1,176,020

    816,  055

    Date

    August

    September...

    October

    November...
    December...
    January  1947

    Backlog

    60,  823, 348
    66, 897,  107
    71,610,519
    75,  673,  653
    78,  656,  574
    82,031,903

    Shipments

    644,  560
    980,  913
    1,910,383
    1,946,691
    2, 063,  697
    1.956,2.57

    •  No  orders  entered.

    Allis-Chalmers  Manufacturing  Co. — West  Allis  works

    1946

    January.
    February
    March. __

    April

    May

    June

    Estimated

    net  sales

    billed

    $3, 867,  COO
    4,  937, 000
    4,  540, 000
    6. 973, 000
    4, 913, 000
    4,651,000

    Estimated

    unfilled

    orders

    end  of

    month

    $35,  400, 0C0
    37, 400,  COO
    39, 100,  COO
    39, 800, 000
    40,  600, 000
    44,100,000

    1946

    Juiy

    August

    September

    October

    November
    December.

    Estimated

    net.  sales

    billed

    Estimated
    unfilled
    orders
    end  of
    month

    1,624.000
    1.223,000
    1,511,000
    1,931,000
    3,  280. 000
    5,  608, 000

    51,  200,  (WO
    56, 000, 000
    62,  600, 000
    68,  700, 000
    74,  200, 000
    74,  200,  000

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.
    Mr.  Bonner.  Let  me  ask  just  one  question,
    the  CIO  ?

    You  are  a  member  of

    Mr.  Lucia.  Sir?

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  are  a  member  of  the  CIO  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.     I  haven't  been  ousted  yet.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  isn't  what  I  am  going  to  ask  you  about.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  am,  I  mean.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  19

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  are  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  Congress  is  shortly
    going  to  vote  on  a  lot  of  labor  legislation  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Are  you  going  to  leave  me  with  the  impression  that
    out  of  1.200  people  that  belonged  to  a  union,  from  what  I  can  gather
    about  6  or  cS  people  control  the  welfare  of  that  1.200.  and  their  privi-
    leges and  rights,  and  that  with' that  condition  existing  in  this  local
    248,  subdivision  16,  that  you  have  no  appeal  to  the  national  organiza-
    tion of  the  CIO  union  to  correct  this  evil  that  exists  there,  and  that
    they  won't  pay  any  attention  to  it  and  correct  it  ?  That  is  the  impres-
    sion you  have  left  with  me.     What  is  your  answer  to  that?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  was  just  a  minor  official.  I  took  no  steps  to  contact
    with  Reuther  or  the  international

    Mr.  Bonner.  No.     Answer  my  question.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner,  let  the  witness  answer.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  am  attempting  to  answer  it.  That  is  the  only  way
    I  can  answer.  I  made  no  attempt  to  contact  the  international  organi-
    zation, but  I  believe  that  Mr.  Venne  did,  and  when  he  takes  the  stand
    your  question  will  be  answered  from  him.  I  made  no  attempt  to  con-
    tact the  international.

    Mr.  Bonnkr.  But  you  are  a  leader  in  this  organization,  you  put
    yourself  up  as  a  candidate,  and  you  have  told  us  that  you  didn't  get
    the  proper  treatment,  and  that  the  election  was  stolen  from  you.  So
    certainly  you  had  an  appeal  to  the  heads  of  the  national  organization.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Oh,  I  see  what  you  mean.  For  security  reasons,  for
    fear  of  reprisals,  I  kept  my  mouth  shut.  I  washed  my  hands  of  it.
    I  became  disgusted.  After  all.  I  have  a  wife  and  family.  For  fear
    of  reprisals  I  took  no  further  action.

    Besides,  I  couldn't  actually  prove  it.  It  was  my  own  theory  on
    the  subject.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  couldn't  actually  prove  it,  but  you  stated  this
    condition  existed  and  you  stated  you  went  up  to  see  the  ballots  counted
    and  you  were  ejected.  Is  that  a  general  condition  in  elections
    throughout  the  Nation  with  respect  to  these  things?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  wouldn't  know.

    The  Chairman.  I  don't  think  the  witness  knows.

    Mr.  Bonner.  He  is  pretty  well  up  on  this  because  he  is  a  leader  of
    this  organization.

    Mr.  Lucia.  What  was  your  question  again  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Read  it.

    (Racord  read.)

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  wouldn't  know.

    Mr.  Bonner.  But  it  is  a  fact  that  you  made  no  appeal,  for  fear  that
    something  would  happen  to  you  personally,  or  to  your  family  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Bonner.  From  the  present  leadership  of  this  248  or  division  16.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  said  there  were  300,  I  believe,  that  voted,  three-
    hundred-and-some  that  voted.  How  many  people  were  in  that  room
    when  the  ballots  were  being  counted?

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  only  person  that  were  in  the  room  when  the  ballots
    were  being  counted  were  the  members  of  the  election  committee  and
    the  only  two  members  of  the  election  committee  that  I  remember  were
    Owen  Lambert  and  John  Burja.

    20  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  many  people  were  there?

    Mr.  Lucia.  About  eight.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  mean,  then,  that  out  of  this  number  of  1,200
    people — do  you  mean  that  those  1,200  are  living  in  peonage  to  those
    8  ?     That  is  what  you  have  said.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  1,200  people,  there  never  were  1,200  people  who
    took  a  personal  interest  in  that  election,  because  it  was  becoming  a  joke.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  is  what  I  am  coming  to.  You  have  led  me  to
    believe  that  these  1,200  people  had  been  so  subjugated  by  fear  that  they
    merely  let  their  dues  be  checked  off  but  didn't  participate  in  any  of  the
    affairs  of  the  union?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  is  a  pretty  bad  condition.  That  is  just  what  is
    causing  all  this  uproar  in  this  country  against  organized  labor.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  ask  one  question  right  there.  What  is  your
    estimate  as  to  the  number  of  Communists  in  248  or  Communist  fol-
    lowers in  248  ?     Just  an  estimate.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Over  50 — not  over  50.

    The  Chairman.  Not  over  50?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  would  say  there  are  not  over  25  Communists  and  not
    over  25  fellow  travelers,  and  the  rest  of  the  people  that  comprise  this
    so-called  goon  squad  or  flying  squadron  they  use  during  strikes  are
    just  dupes  or  paid  strong-arm  men,  that  they  have  paid  $5  a  day.

    The  Chairman.  And  you  also  state  that  those  50  Communists  or
    Communist  followers  dominate  the  union,  dominate  248?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  right.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  would  like  to  say  to  Mr.  Bonner  that  this  story
    the  witness  has  told  here  is  an  old  familiar  story  to  me.  I  cannot  speak
    for  all  of  the  Nation,  but  in  my  part  of  the  country,  Pittsburgh,  there
    are  many  unions,  and  many  of  them  operate  under  this  same  general
    plan,  the  plan  that  has  been  outlined  here.    Not  all,  but  many.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  appreciate  what  you  have  said,  but  it  still  remains
    that  the  national  leaders  of  the  CIO  are  more  interested  in  these  50
    which  it  has  been  stated  are  Communists  workers  out  there  than  they
    are  out  there  in  the  remaining  1,150.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  wouldn't  say  that  myself,  personally,  because  I  don't
    know.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  could  go  in  and  clear  the  situation  up.

    Mr.  Lucia.  There  seems  to  be  a  factional  dispute  there  between  the
    national  leaders  of  the  CIO,  Thomas  on  one  side,  and  Reuther  on  the
    other.  I  only  know  what  I  read  in  the  papers  about  that  sort  of  thing.
    I  have  never  had  correspondence  with  either  one  of  them.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  have  painted  a  very  sorry  picture  for  the  leader-
    ship of  organized  labor.

    The  Chairman.  I  think  at  this  point  we  ought  to  place  in  the  record
    a  list  which  is  in  line  with  what  was  mentioned  earlier  in  the  meeting.
    It  is  a  list  of  the  backlog  value  of  products  in  the  General  Machinery
    Division — and  that  is  the  division  you  are  in,  the  general  machinery
    division  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  As  of  February  14,  1947,  the  West  Allis  Works —
    that  is  where  you  are,  isn't  it,  the  West  Allis  Works?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    21

    The  Chairman.  We  will  put  this  list  in  the  record  showing  the  hack-
    loo;  value  of  products.

    It  includes  a  value  of  over  $10,000,000  on  large  transformer  and
    feeder  voltage  regulators,  used  in  public  utilities:  over  si 5.000,000  in
    large  motors  and  generators,  used  in  steel  mills  producing  steel  sheets,
    mining,  milling,  and  chemical ;  and  over  $11,000,000  in  steam  turbines,
    used  in  general  use  for  power  in  all  types  of  industry:  also  over  $12,-
    000,000  in  crushing,  cement,  and  mining-machinery  equipment,  used
    in  the  mining  of  all  minerals  and  metals,  including  coal,  iron  ore.  cop-
    per, and  so  forth:  the  total  value  of  the  backlog  orders  amounts  to
    over  $68,000,000  in  one  division.

    Unless  there  is  objection,  we  will  put  this  complete  list  in  the  record
    at  this  point.

    Mr.  Raxkix.  Does  that  list  include  transformers?

    The  Chairman.  Yes,  ''large  transformers.''

    Mr.  Raxkix.  Does  it  say  anything  about  small  transformers?

    The  Chairman.  "Large  transformer  and  feeder  voltage  regulators."

    Mr.  Raxkix.  The  reason  I  ask  is  that  the  rural  electric  program
    has  been  paralyzed  for  want  of  transformers.  I  wrote  to  all  the  trans-
    former manufacturers  and  they  all  came  back  and  said  that  the  short-
    age was  caused  because  of  strikes  in  the  various  enterprises  that  pro-
    duce the  strategic  materials  that  go  into  the  transformers,  and  men-
    tioned particularly  the  Allis-Chalmers  strike,  said  that  Allis-Chalmers
    manufactures  transformers.

    I  wanted  to  know  if  they  manufactured  the  large  transformers  that
    you  use  for  large  industries  and  municipalities  and  whether  they  also
    manufactured  the  small  transformers  used  on  power  lines.

    The  Chairmax.  This  says  that  this  is  a  "partial  list."

    Mr.  Raxkix.  I  see.

    The  Chairman.  Now,  is  there  any  objection  to  putting  this  list  in  the
    record  at  this  point  ?

    Mr.  Raxkix.  I  have  no  objection.

    The  Chairman.  It  will  be  put  in  the  record  at  this  point.

    (The  tabulation  referred  to  is  as  follows:)

    Backlog  value  of  products  in  the  general  machinery  division  as  of  Feb.  14,

    19Jtl — West  Allis  ivorks  (partial  list)

    Product

    Large  transformer  and  feeder  voltage  regu-
    lators.

    S  witchgear ._.

    Large  motors  and  generators

    Electric  control  equipment.

    Mercury  arc  rectifiers  welding  equipment
    induction  heating  equipment.

    Steam  turbine

    Turbo  blowers  and  rotary  compressors

    Steam  condensers

    Centrifugal  pum ps _ _

    Crushing,  cement,  and  mining  machinery
    equipment.

    Grain  milling  equipment

    Saw  and  pulp  mill  equipment

    Chemical  processing  machinery

    Hydraulic  turbines

    Water     conditioning     and     purification
    equipment.

    Total

    Type  of  industry

    Public  utilities.

    Public  utilities,  automotive,  metal,  etc

    Steel  mills  producing  steel  sheets,  mining,  mill-
    ing, and  chemical.

    Locomotive  producers,  steel  mills,  producing
    steel  sheets,  mining,  milling,  and  chemical.

    Public  utilities,  metal  processing  such  as  alumi-
    num, magnesium,  etc.,  general  industrial  use,
    light  metal  industries.

    General  use  for  power  in  all  types  of  industry. ..

    Iron  and  steel  foundries,  oil  refineries.

    Public  utilit ies

    Public  works,  food  processing,  paper

    Mining  of  all  minerals  and  metals,  including
    coal,  iron  ore,  copper,  etc.,  production  of  sand.
    gravel,  and  cement.

    Flour  -.

    Lumber  and  cellulose  products,  paper  ._

    Vegetable  oil  and  fat  extraction

    Production  of  electric  power

    Used  in  all  types  of  industries

    Value

    $10,710,251

    5,  175.401
    15,344.540

    4,934,774

    457,  000

    11,575,552
    1,500,000
    4, 195,  000
    L\  746,  987

    12.501.  163

    4.  024.  000
    819,000
    821.  779

    5,  752.  000
    471,  501

    $tis.  527.  7S5

    22  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Wood.

    Mr.  Wood.  I  am  intrigued  with  this  election  machinery.  I  want
    to  see  if  I  understand  it  correctly.  As  I  get  it  from  your' testimony,
    initially  you  have  a  mass  meeting  of  your  particular  division,  this
    local,  in  division  16,  to  which  you  belong,  and  the  practice  has  been
    to  wait  until  all  the  other  business  is  disposed  of,  and  until,  I  believe
    you  said,  after  midnight,  when  the  subject  of  selecting  the  committee
    to  conduct  or  hold  or  supervise  the  election,  known  as  the  election
    committee,  is  selected ;  am  I  correct  in  that  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Wcod.  That  committee,  in  your  particular  division,  is  com-
    prised of  how  many  people  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  you  misunderstood.  When  I  was  speaking  about
    this  election  committee,  that  is  the  election  committee  that  is  chosen
    for  the  entire  thing.

    Mr.  Wood.  And  how  many  are  on  that  committee  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  know  the  exact  number.  When  Mr.  Venne  takes
    the  stand — he  has  all  those  facts  and  he  is  going  to  tell  you  about  those
    things.

    Mr.  Wood.  When  that  committe  is  set  up,  then — let  me  ask  you
    first.  The  day  that  you  held  the  election  in  your  particular  division,
    where  you  say  you  wTere  a  candidate  for  the  position  of  steward,  did
    they  have  simultaneous  elections  in  the  other  divisions?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes ;  all  17  divisions,  and  they  were  counting  the  bal-
    lots from  all  of  these  boxes.

    Mr.  Wood.  Was  the  election  held  in  one  place  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes ;  at  the  union  hall.

    Mr.  Wood.  The  union  hall  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Wood.  And  those  that  belonged  to  your  division  voted  in  one
    box?

    Mr.  Lucia.  One  box,  division  16.

    Mr.  Wood.  Each  other  division  had  a  separate  box  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Wood.  And  your  box  was  manned  by  how  many  people  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  There  wasn't  a  separate  box  for  each  division;  divi-
    sions 1,  2,  3,  4  would  deposit  their  ballots  in  one  box.  There  were
    actually  only  four  boxes  to  the  best  of  my  recollection.  When  they
    got  down  to  our  division  there  were  five  divisions  voting  in  this  one
    box.  There  was  no  way  for  me  to  tell  which  of  those  ballots  were
    for  division  16  and  which  for  division  17.

    Mr.  Wood.  Was  there  any  way  for  anybody  to  tell  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  It  was  marked  on  the  ballots  by  the  names  of  the
    candidates.

    Mr.  Wood.  I  see.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  have  a  sample  ballot.

    Mr.  Wood.  When  they  took  these  ballots  after  the  election  closed
    they  took  them  into  some  room?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Took  them  up  to  the  local's  office,  upstairs,  from  down-
    stairs in  the  main  hall  they  took  them  upstairs  to  the  office.

    Mr.  Wood.  When  you  went  up  there  to  request  permission  to  see
    the  count,  were  there  any  other  candidates  for  office  in  any  of  the
    divisions  there  except  you?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  23

    Mr.  Lucja.  There  were  various  other  candidates  for  bargaining
    committeemen  and  executive  officers,  on  the  executive  board,  they
    were  present,  but  nobody  told  them  to  leave,  I  was  (he  only  one  who
    was  asked  to  leave,  because  I  couldn't  be  present  during  the — I  had
    neglected  to  have  someone  declare  me  as  a  challenger  for  someone
    else.  Under  those  conditions  they  informed  me  later  that  I  could
    have  been  present,  but  they  never  brought  that  up  at  the  meeting  prior
    to  the  election,  that  any  candidate  for  office  could  also  be  a  challenger
    for  somebody  else.     I  have  a  sample  ballot  here.

    Mr.  Wood.  Was  the  vote  counted  while  you  were  there:  were  any
    of  the  ballots  counted  while  you  were  present  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.    No.

    Mr.  Wood.  None  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  They  didn't  allow  me  there  during  the  tabulation,  but
    I  managed  to  get  a  challenger  in  there  later  on,  at  11  o'clock  at  night.

    Mr.  Wood.  What  time  did  thev  finish  counting  the  votes?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  know.  I  only  stayed  long  enough  to  find  out
    that  I  was  beaten  and  then  I  left.

    Mr.  AVood.  I  believe  that  you  say  more  than  2  hours  elapsed  from
    the  time  the  ballots  were  taken  before  they  began  to  count  them?

    Mr.  Lucia.  One  hour  and  15  minutes.

    Mr.  AYood.  During  this  1  hour  and  15  minutes  who  was  present  in
    that  room  '.

    Mr.  Lucia.  The  election  committee.

    Mr.  Wood.  And  only  the  election  committee  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Only  the  members  of  the  election  committee;  that  is
    all.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  many  similar  voting  places  were  there  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  How  many  similar  voting  places?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Yes.

    Mr.  Lucia.  This  entire  election  was  held  at  the  clubhouse,  8111
    West  Greenfield  Avenue.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  all  voted  in  that  one  place  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Bonner.  At  the  same  time  over  in  other  areas  there  were  elec-
    tions going  on;  weren't  there?

    Mr.  Lucia.  They  all  voted  on  the  main  floor.  At  the  conclusion
    of  the  election  the  boxes  were  taken  upstairs  to  be  counted.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  said  the  "boxes" — plural?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Four.

    Mr.  Bonner.  But  there  were  elections  going  on  at  the  different
    places  or  intervals  during  that  period  of  time  that  affected  the  whole
    Allis-(  'halmers  organization  ?

    Mi-.  Lucia.  In  other  cities,  you  mean?

    Mr.  Bonner.  No;  in  the  whole  locality.

    Mr.  Lucia.  No;  that  was  the  entire  election  for  offices  of  local  248,
    of  February  19  and  20,  1940.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  many  people  does  Allis-Chalmers  employ  every-
    where— all  of  the  various  plants?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Oh,  I  guess  there  is  13 — I  don't  know.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Are  they  scattered  all  through  the  country?

    24  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes ;  I  guess  in  eight  or  nine  different  cities  in  the  United
    States.

    Mr.  Bonner.  In  this  one  vicinity  in  which  you  live,  they  all  belong
    to  248?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes ;  13  or  14  thousand  are  probably  employed.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  know  whether  elections  elsewhere  are  con-
    ducted in  a  similar  manner  to  the  elections  you  have  knowledge  of?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  do  not.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Rankin.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Have  you  appeared  before  the  Committee  on  Educa-
    tion and  Labor?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Have  the  men  with  you  appeared  before  that  com-
    mittee ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  can't  answer  for  them,  sir;  I  don't  know.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Your  contention  is  that  the  union  is  Communist-domi-
    nated; is  that  your  contention?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Rankin.  It  is  Communist-dominated?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Your  contention  is  that  the  vast  majority  of  the  men
    have  no  voice  in  the  affairs  of  the  union?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Now,  can  you  give  us  the  names  of  those  Commu-
    nists— leading  Communists  ?

    The  Chairman.  I  might  state  that  while  you  were  out,  Mr.  Rankin,
    a  good  many  were  put  in  the  record.

    Mr.  Rankin.  That  is  all  right.

    You  don't  know  whether  these  other  Allis-Chalmers  plants  manu-
    facture small  transformers;  do  you?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  know,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Mr.  Chairman.  I  was  unavoidably  absent  and  missed
    most  of  the  questioning,  but  I  presume  that  all  of  the  questions  I
    would  care  to  ask  have  been  asked.

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  have  one  question.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  have  made  statements  about  what  would  happen
    to  you  if  you  crossed  your  union  leaders.  One  statement  you  made
    was  that  you  were  escorted  from  the  room  and  you  said  that  you  went
    willingly  because  you  knew  what  would  happen  if  you  didn't  go  will-
    ingly. A  little  later  on  when  Mr.  Bonner  asked  you  why  you  didn't
    appeal  the  election,  you  said,  "I  have  got  a  wife  and  family."

    Now,  have  you  ever  been  beaten  up  by  any  of  these  union  people?

    Mr.  Lucia. "No.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  know  of  anybody  who  has  been  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Weil,  I  don't  know  any  of  these  fellows  personally,  but
    the  papers  have  been  f  nil  of  it  dur'ng  the  long  strike.  Right  now  there
    is  a  lot  of  violence  taking  place  in  this  recent  strike,  and  there  were
    two  other  strikes  in  the  last  10  years,  and  in  each  there  was  almost
    unlimited  violence.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Who  has  been  beaten  up ?     I  mean,  union  members?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Union  members  who  went  back  to  work.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  25

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  one  case.  A  union  member  goes  back  to  work,
    he  crosses  the  picket  line.  Do  you  have  any  instances  of  cases  where
    union  members  disagreed  with  their  leaders  on  an  election  or  where
    they  wanted  to  be  in  the  room  when  ballots  were  counted  ?  Why  were
    you  afraid  to  stay  around?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Because  of  what  the  old-timers  told  me.  I  was  com-
    paratively a  newcomer;  never  was  a  union  member  in  my  life  until
    !  943.  When  Mr.  Venne  and  Mr.  Peterson  take  the  stand  they  will  tell
    you  about  those  things.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  would  have  happened  to  you  had  you  stayed
    a  round  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  know.  I  probably  would  have  been  beaten  if  I
    didn't  go  out  quietly.  I  imagine  I  would  have  been,  because  that  took
    place  in  previous  elections  in  the  previous  years.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  call  attention,  Mr.  Nixon,  to  a  statement
    which  is  put  out  by  the  management  dated  February  20,  1947.  It
    shows  that  they  spent  $3,000  for  hospitalization  for  police  alone.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  mean  the  policemen  were  beaten  up?

    The  Chairman.  Yes.  Then  I  have  many  pictures  here  which  I
    would  like  to  have  the  members  of  the  committee  look  at,  showing  the
    violence  at  this  particular  plant.

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  point  I  was  making

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  know  how  to  answer  your  question  now;  I  have
    gathered  my  thoughts  together.  Just  prior  to  the  1946  strike,  prob-
    ably only  2  months  before  that,  in  an  effort,  in  a  rabble-rousing  effort,
    to  arouse  the  membership  into  a  strike  mood,  they  had  a  meeting  at  the
    local  clubhouse,  with  approximately  200  people  there.  Robert  Buse,
    the  president  of  local  248  brought  forth  several  reels  of  film  that  he
    stated  had  been  buried  all  these  years  since  the  1941  strike,  and  he  said
    the  police  department  of  the  city  of  Milwaukee  and  the  police  depart-
    ment of  West  Allis  would  be  glad  to  see  them,  but  he  said  they  were
    going  back  into  hiding,  and  they  were  pictures  taken  by  union  officials
    during  that  strike.

    In  most  instances,  it  showed  policemen  being  beaten,  hit  with  rocks
    and  clubs  and  stones.  He  just  kept  on  with  a  running  lire  of  com-
    ment.    He  did  the  commenting  while  the  pictures  were  being  shown.

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  point  I  am  particularly  interested  in  is

    Mr.  Lucia.  He  seemed  to  revel  in  forceful  methods  used  at  that  time.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Policemen  are  beaten,  company  representatives  are
    beaten,  but  I  think  the  committee  is  interested  also  in  what  would  hap-
    pen to  the  rank  and  file  members  of  the  same  union  in  the  event  they
    cross  their  leaders.

    Mr.  Lucia.  We  will  know  more  about  that  after  we  get  back  to  town
    I  imagine  it  will  be  pretty  rough.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Would  you  say,  then,  that  the  great  majority  of  the
    members  of  the  union  who  are  not  in  the  inner  circle  are  afraid  to  come
    out  and  say  anything  against  the  leaders?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Emphatically,  yes.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Physically  afraid?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.     They  fear  violence  to  themselves  or  their  families.

    Mr.  Nixon.  They  fear  violence  to  themselves  or  families?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes!

    Mr.  Xixon.  That  is  all.

    26  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr:  Bonner.  You  have  a  closed  shop  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No  closed  shop.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  thought  you  had  the  check-off  system.

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  not  a  closed  shop.

    Mr.  Bonner.  It  is  not  a  closed  shop.  You  can  work  in  there  with-
    out belonging  to  the  union?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Bonner.  If  you  don't  have  a  closed  shop  you  have  a  closed  elec-
    tion— closed  shop  election.

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Bonner.  The  members  have  the  privilege  of  voting,  but  you
    have  led  me  to  believe  that  they  fear  to  avail'  themselves  of  that  priv-
    ilege.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  in  what  way  have  I  led  you  to  believe  that  we  fear
    to  avail  ourselves  of  the  privilege?

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  said  only  362  voted.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  am  just  citing  a  little  minor  incident  in  one  end  of  the
    plant.  At  that  election,  probably — I  don't  know  how  many — prob-
    ably about  six  or  seven  thousand  votes  were  cast.  I  am  speaking  of  my
    own  individual  effort  to  become  a  steward  in  one  end  of  the  shop,  in  one
    division,  and  I  told  you  how  the  votes  were  cast.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Six  or  seven  thousand  votes  put  in  this  one  box?

    Mr.  Lucia.  No;  in  four  different  boxes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  asked  you  how  many  other  localities  they  were
    voting  in,  and  how  many  different  boxes  there  were.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  told  you  there  were  four.

    Mr.  Bonner.  The  same  hall,  but  four  different  boxes?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  On  the  same  table?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  took  all  four  boxes  up,  and  you  say  eight  men
    counted  the  votes  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  In  a  closed  room?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Without  checkers?

    Mr.  Lucia.  They  allowed  my  challenger  to  come  in  after  9 :  15.

    Mr.  Bonner.  After  the  ballots  were  counted?

    Mr.  Lucia.  One  hour  and  fifteen  minutes  after  the  boxes  were  taken
    into  this  office  to  be  tabulated,  they  allowed  my  challenger  in.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling,  go  ahead  with  the  questioning.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Lucia,  at  the  time  the  strike  began  in  April
    1946,  was  Harold  Christoffel  the  honorary  president?

    Mr.  Lucia.  He  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Eobert  Buse  the  president?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Joseph  Dombek  the  vice  president?

    Mr.  Lucia.  He  had  just  been  elected  vice  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Linus  Lindberg  the  financial  secretary?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Fred  McStroul  the  recording  secretary?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  27

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  familiar  with  the  members  of  the  bargain-
    ing committee?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Charles  Fisher  a  member?

    Mr.  Li  cia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  John  Kennedy?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Arne  Hansen?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Herbert  Nagi?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  John  Kaslow  '.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Alfred  Ladwig?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Emil  Mattson?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  am  not  sure  about  him  being  a  member  of  the  bargain-
    ing committee.     I  think  perhaps  he  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Leslie  Roth?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  it  your  opinion  as  a  member  of  local  248  that  the
    strike  which  began  on  April  19,  1946 — is  it  your  opinion  that  it  was
    Communist-inspired  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  think  it  was,  because  I  have  never  been  able  to  recon-
    cile myself  as  to  the  reasons  behind  the  strike.  I  can't  understand  it
    today.  If  it  wasn't  Cnmmunist-inspired  I  don't  know  what  caused
    it.  A  lot  of  us  were  happy.  We  had  made  money.  It  is  true  some
    of  them  were  underpaid,  such  as  nonproduction  employees — some
    storeroom  help  and  some  of  the  clerical  help  were  probably  a  little  bit
    underpaid,  but  as  far  as  the  production  workers  were  concerned,  I
    have  no  cause  for  complaint.  I  can't  see  where  the  question  of  wages
    entered  into  it.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  consider  that  the  Communist  leadership  was
    responsible  for  prolonging  the  strike?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  believe  that  it  was  their  intention  to  retard  reconver-
    sion and  that  the  Allis-Chalmers  plant  was  a  strategic  place  to  accom-
    plish that  due  to  the  type  of  material  and  manufactured  products  they
    put  out.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Mundt.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Earlier  in  your  testimony  you  referred  to  the  fact  that
    part  of  this  plant  affected  by  the  strike  had  been  walled  off  from  the
    other  part  because  it  was  manufacturing  material  for  the  Manhattan
    project.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Do  you  think  it  is  possible  that  one  reason  why  these
    Communists  desired  to  call  this  strike  in  this  plant  was  to  decrease  the
    manufacturing  flow  of  atomic  bombs?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  couldn't  say  that.  I  wouldn't  care  to  make  that  state-
    ment because  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  belief  they  were  no
    longer  manufacturing  whatever  they  were  manufacturing  in  that  end
    of  the  plant — whatever  they  were  making.

    Mr.  Mundt.  In  other  words,  that

    Mr.  Lucia.  It  was  all  over  with.

    28  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Mundt.  That  end  of  the  plant  was  no  longer  fabricating  sup-
    plies for  the  Manhattan  project?

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  don't  know.     It  is  just  my  opinion.

    Mr.  Mundt.  You  base  that  opinion,  I  suppose,  simply  because  they
    have  taken  down  the  wall  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  They  are  not  doing  it  any  more.  I  mean,  I  am
    working  in  there  myself  now.  I  am  working  on  the  very  floor  with
    the  rest  of  them,  where  the  merchandise  was  made  for  the  Manhattan
    project.  In  other  words,  the  electric-control  department  has  expanded
    into  that  building.  There  is  nothing  being  done  on  the  atomic  project
    any  more.  When  the  strike  started  it  was  all  over;  the  Army  had
    released  the  building  at  that  time  to  Allis-Chalmers.

    The  Chairman.  Gentlemen,  we  have  less  than  5  minutes.

    Mr.  Lucia.  I  would  like  to  submit  this  literature  that  I  found  in  my
    drawer  when  I  got  back.  This  [indicating]  is  a  mass  protest  meeting
    against  the  lynch  law — Communist  Party  in  Milwaukee,  Wis.  Those
    pamphlets  were  handed  out  at  union  meetings.4

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  it  the  usual  practice  to  hand  out  Communist
    literature  at  the  union  meetings  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  the  Daily  Worker  sold  at  the  union  meetings  I

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  News  Letter,  Germany  Today,  American  Youth
    for  Democracy.5  These  were  distributed  by  Owen  Lambert.  Emil
    Mattson,  and  others,  Harold  Johnson.

    The  Chairman.  When  were  they  distributed?     About  when?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Between  VJ-day  and  the  strike.  This  Owen  Lambert
    even  during  the  later  days  of  the  war  was  promiscuous  with  his  Com-
    munist tactics,  but  the  rest  of  them  must  have  worked  underground ;
    they  never  came  out  until  after  VJ-day.

    Here  is  a  sample  of  the  workers'  subscription  blank.  The  New
    Masses  subscription  blank.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  was  found  in  the  drawer  there?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.  Stop  American  Imperialistic  Intervention  in
    China,  Bring  Our  Boys  Bark  Home,  put  cut  by  the  Communist  Party.
    Subscribe  today.6

    Political  Affairs.  This  was  a  list  of  Thursday  nights  at  Club  248 —
    what  takes  place  on  Thursday  nights.7

    It  mentions  Forum  on  Fascism  in  America;  the  Forum  on  Labor;
    Forum  on  Political  Affairs;  on  International  Cooperation;  Forum  on
    Public  Works;  forum  on  everything  except  things  pertaining  to  our
    own  union  policies.  I  mean,  we  never  got  to  talking  about  our  own
    problems,  what  we  wanted  to  do  to  keep  our  union  going,  what  we
    wanted  to  do  in  our  lights  with  management  about  grievances,  we
    never  got  around  to  talking  about  it  because  there  was  always  some
    international  policy  to  be  discussed.

    Mr.  Mundt.  No  protest  was  ever  made  by  management  against
    the  use  of  the  plants  and  drawers  in  which  tools  were  kept  for  the
    dissemination  of  Communist  propaganda.

    Mr.  Lucia.  Well,  apparently  there  was  no  attempt  made  to  curb  it,
    because  he  would  have  been  fired  a  long  time  ago.  It  is  my  private
    opinion  that  management  maintained  a  hands-off  attitude  because
    during  the  war  the  laws  were  pretty  stringent,  the  Wagner  Act,  and

    1  Sec  appendix,  p.  229.  for  exhibit  10,  hearing,  February  27,  1947.
    5  See  appendix,  i>.  229,  for  exhibits  11—13,  hearing,  February  27,  1947.
    '•See  appendix,  p.  229,  tor  exhibits  14-18,  hearing,  February  27.  1947.
    '■  See  atiiitnilix,  p.  229,  for  exhibit  19,  hearing,  February  27,  1947.

    COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS  29

    so  forth,  unfair  labor  practices ;  it  might  have  been  an  unfair  labor
    practice  to  have  called  him  on  it.  I  don't  know  exactly,  I  can't  answer,
    I  don't  know  why  they  never  called  him  on  it.

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  think.  Mr.  Chairman,  that  not  only  was  the  union  248
    engaged  in  subversive  activities,  but  the  management  of  Allis-Chal-
    mers  was  pretty  badly  intimidated  and  pretty  weak-kneed  and  pretty
    lax  in  not  trying  to  do  something  about  it.

    The  Chairman.  Is  the  gentleman  of  the  opinion  that  we  should
    have  some  of  the  members  of  management  here?

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  think  so.

    The  Chairman.  How  does  the  committee  feel  about  that  I

    Mr.  Vail.  I  think  so.

    Mr.  Wood.  In  connection  with  that.  Mr.  Chairman,  you  recall  that
    the  provisions  of  the  Wagner  Act  prohibit  management  from  exer-
    cising any  authority  in  the  way  of  controlling  the  activities  of  the
    union  members.

    Mr.  McDowell.  That  is  right.

    The  Chairman.  After  that  statement,  do  you  still  want  to  have
    some  of  the  representatives  of  management  before  us?

    Mr.  Mundt.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  See  that  thai  is  done.  Mr.  Stripling.

    Mr.  Mundt.  They  didn't  make  the  effort,

    Mr.  Wood.  I  think  that  would  be  the  answer.

    The  Chairman.  We  have  a  minute  left.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Lucia,  in  connection  with  the  Hawley  plant,
    the  Manhattan  project,  you  stated  that  Joseph  Dombek  was  on  the
    bargaining  committee,  or  was  the  bargaining  agent  for  that  section
    of  the  plant ;  is  that  right  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Yes.

    Mr.  Strifling.  That  doesn't  mean  that  he  was  employed  there?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Xo ;  it  doesn't  mean  that  he  was  employed  in  there.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Arne  Hansen  on  the  bargaining  committee?

    Mr.  Lucia.  He  was  on  the  bargaining  committee,  and  had  access
    to  entering  or  leaving  the  Hawley  plant.

    Mr.  Stripling.  They  had  access  ?

    Mr.  Lucia.  Both  of  them  had  access  to  the  Manhattan  project.

    Mr.  Stripling.  As  bargaining  agents?

    Mr.  Lucia.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  that  connection,  I  would  like  to
    make  a  part  of  the  record  the  Communist  nominating  election  peti-
    tions for  Wisconsin  for  the  year  1940.  wherein  Arne  Hansen  and
    Joseph  Dombek  both  appear  as  signatories  on  the  Communist  election
    petitions.

    The  Chairman.  Unless  there  is  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.

    (The  material  above  referred  to  is  as  follows:)

    Communist  Nominating  Election  Petitions  foe  the  Year  1946,  State  of

    Wisconsin

    (Signers:  Members  and/or  officials  of  local  24S,  United  Automobile  Workers
    of  America,  Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations  (CIO).)

    Robert  Buse,  president  of  local  248;  chairman  of  local  24S  bargaining  eom-
    mittee;  speaker  at  local  248  education  sessions;  member  of  committee  to
    investigate  1941  strike-ballot  fraud  ;  president,  State  CIO  council.

    Arne  Hansen,  member  of  local  248  bargaining  committee;  local  248  delegate  to
    1946  national  UAW-CIO  convention.

    65744 — 47 3

    30  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Joseph  Dombek,  vice  president  of  local  248;  member  of  local  248  bargaining

    committee.
    Michael  Rigler,  chairman,  local  248,  veterans  committee;  member  of  local  248

    education  committee.
    August  Konkel,  local  248  committeeman,  4/2  shop.
    Herbert  Stanelle,  former  committeeman,  4/2  shop.
    Lloyd  Rowley,  former  local  248  committeeman  of  4/2  shop;   graduate  of  the

    local  248  labor-problems  class.
    Bernard  Olszewski,  local  248  committeeman,  forge  shop.
    Fred  McStroul,  recording  secretary  of  local  248  since  1938;  member  of  local

    248  bargaining  committee.
    Kermit  Gavigan,  local  248  steward,  tank,  and  plate  shop.
    Anthony  Todryk,  local  248  steward,  No.  4  shop,  No.  5  machine  shop,  No.  3y2,

    and  4  galleries.
    John  Kaslow,  sergeant  at  arms,   local  248;  president,   Allis-Chalmers  Mutual

    Aid  Society  on  local  248  ticket ;  local  24S  delegate  to  1946  UAW  convention ;

    chairman,  local  248  election  committee,  1941.
    James  K.  Duncan,  member  of  local  248.
    Alfred  Ladwig,  financial  secretary  of  local  248;  member,  local  248  executive  board  ;

    local  248  delegate  to  1946  UAW-CIO  convention.
    E.  F.  Handler,  editor  and  educational  director  for  local  248 ;  welfare  director,

    local  248.
    William  Ostovich,  guide,  local  248;  chairman,  local  248  educational  committee;

    committeeman,  electric  control  plant ;  staff,  local  248  Daily  Picket ;  local  248

    delegate,  1946  UAW-CIO  convention.
    Gerald  Mayhew,  local  248  committeeman,  Hawley  plant.

    George  Laich,   staff  of  local  248  Daily  Picket;  graduate  of  local  24S's  labor-
    problems  class.
    John  Burja,  committeeman,  tank  and  plate  shop.
    Owen,  Lambert,  local  248  committeeman,  electric  control  plant.
    John  Krier,  local  248  committeeman,  No.  1  foundry.
    John  Kosina,  former  local  248  committeeman,  receiving  department.
    Michael  Sheehan,  local  24S  steward,  No.  1  tractor  shop;  on  staff  of  local  248

    Daily  Picket.
    Alb.Tt  Nimmer,  local  24S  committeeman,  yard  and  scale.
    Roman  Dettlaff,  former  local  2-!8  steward,  pattern  shop.
    Jack  Fallon,  local  218  steward,  No.  3  tractor  shop.
    Ray  Treloar.  local  248  committeeman.  No.  1  tractor  shop.
    Joseph  Breidick,  former  local  248  committeeman.
    R.  Mickelson,  local  248  steward,  pattern  shop.
    J.  Wishnefsky,  member  of  local  248.

    Andrew  Kopcha,  local  248  steward,  electric  control  plant.
    Paul  Wardin,  local  248  committeeman,  electric  control  plant.
    Robert  Wartchow,  local  248  steward,  electric  control  plant.
    Ted  Witiak,  local  248  steward,  electrical  department ;  local  248  delegate  to  1946

    UAW-CIO  convention.
    Virgil  Steele,  graduate,  local  248  labor-problems  class;  former  local  248  steward,

    No.  1  foundry;  on  local  248  committee  to  investigate  1941  strike  ballot  fraud.
    Clara  Krier,  trustee,  local  248  women's  auxiliary.
    Nicholas  Wilkins,  local  2-18  committeeman,  7/1  shop.

    Nicholas  Ostovich,  guide,  local  248 ;  local  248  committeeman.  No.  4  gallery.
    Peter  Boknevitz,  former  local  248  committeeman,  No.  5  erecting  shop.
    Charles  Petrillo,  local  248  committeeman,  powerhouse.
    James  Tody,  local  248  steward,  Nos.  1,  2,  and  3  shops.
    Frank  Lesica,  former  local  248  steward.
    Mrs.  Vern  Thorpe,  member  of  local  248  Daily  Picket  staff.
    Olaf  Pierre,  local  248  committeeman,  No.  2  tractor  shop.'
    C.  Xagel,  local  24S  committeeman.  No.  1  tractor  shop.

    Linus  Lindberg,   treasurer,  local  248;  local  24S  delegate,  1946  UAW-CIO  con-
    vention.
    Edwin  Peters,  local  248  steward,  electrical  department ;  graduate,  218's  labor-
    problems  class ;  member,  1941  fraudulent  strike-vote  committee.
    Walter  Golon,  local  248  steward,  No.  1  foundry ;  local  248  delegate  to  1946  UAW

    convention.
    Mary  Keith,  in  charge  of  pamphlet  counter  at  local  248's  labor-problems  school.
    Alfred  H.  Ilirsh,  editor  of  the  Wisconsin  edition  and  heal  248  editim  of  the

    CIO  News,  the  official  organ  of  the  State  and  county  CIO  organizations  and

    local  248.

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR   UNIONS  31

    Luther  McBride,  local  24S  trastee.

    Matt  Anlch,  former  local  248  committeeman,  tank  and  plate  sliop.

    Mark  Dougherty,  local  248  committeeman,  No.  7/2  shop.

    John  Dundovich,  local  248  committeeman,  No.  3  tractor  shop.

    Steve  Glusac,  member  of  local  248.

    Frederick  Heser,  local  2  is  committeeman,  Hawley  plant.

    Chester  Konicki,  former  local  248  committeeman,  electric  control  plant.

    Joseph  Kowalski,  local  218  committeeman,  No.  6  erecting  shop.

    Walter  Krnhsack.  local  248  steward.  Hawley  plant.

    Emil  Mattson,  local  248  steward.  Nos.  1  and  2  north  and  south  galleries  ;  local

    248  delegate  to  the  1946  UAW-CIO  convention;  member  of  local  248*s  1941

    fraudulent  strike-ballot  committee.
    Clarence  Miller,  member  of  local  248.
    Daniel  Prospeck,  local  248  committeeman,  paint  shop.
    Gasper  Rogich,  member  of  local  248.

    Emil  Schmidt,  former  local  248  committeeman,  5/2  shop.
    Charles  Scbroeder,  local  248  committeeman,  jig  room.
    Roscoe  Smith,  local  248  steward,  Nos.  1  and  2  north  and  south  galleri
    Edward  Strzelecki,  former  local  248  committeeman,  No.  1  foundry.
    Louis  Turznik,  member  of  local  248.
    Henry  Urbaniak,  local  218  steward.  No.  2  foundry.
    Casimir  Walker,  local  248  committeeman,  forge  shop.
    William  Wallace,  former  local  248  committeeman,  No.  2  foundry.
    Paul  Wesley,  former  local  248  steward,  powerhouse.
    Walter  B.  Zepnick,  former  local  248  committeeman.  No.  1  tractor  shop.

    The  Chairman.  Is  that  all  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  all

    The  Chairman.  The  committee  will  stand  in  recess  until  2  :  30.

    AFTERNOON  SESSION

    The  Chairman.  The  committee  will  come  to  order.

    Mr.  Stripling,  you  may  present  your  first  witness.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness  will  be  Mr.  Leon  Venne.

    TESTIMONY  OF  LEON  E.  VENNE

    (The  witness  was  duly  sworn  by  the  chairman.)

    Mr.  Stripling.  State  your  name  and  address.

    Mr.  Venne.  Leon  E.  Venne.  I  live  at  1210  South  Ninetieth  Street,
    West  Allis  14,  Wis.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  spell  your  last  name?

    Mr.  Venne.  V-e-n-n-e.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  were  you  born?

    Mr.  Venne.  Tomahawk.  Wis.,  in  the  year  r.xii),  June  28.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  are  you  presently  employed?

    Mr.  Venne.  At  the  Allis-Chalmers  Manufacturing  Co.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  hare  you  been  employed  there?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  have  been  employed  there  since  December  29,  1929.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  job?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  am  a  tractor  assembler.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  now  a  member  of  any  labor  union?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  am  a  member  of  the  steering  committee  of  the  Inde-
    pendent Workers  of  Allis-Chalmers.  I  was  expelled  from  local  243,
    technically  expelled,  on  approximately  November  16.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  Local  248?

    Mr.  Venne.  Since  its  inception  in  about  April  of  1030.

    Mr.  Stripling.  April  1936?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes.

    32  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  was  the  local  first  organized  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  would  say  about  March  of  1936— under  the  CIO.  It
    had  formerly  belonged  to  the  A.  F.  of  L.  and  was  under  suspension
    from  the  A.  F.  of  L.  when  they  jumped  the  gun  and  went  into  the  CIO.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  you  were  practically  one  of  the
    original  members  of  248?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  a  CIO  union?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  said  that  you  were  technically  expelled  in
    November  of  1946  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  do  you  mean  by  "technically  expelled"  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  mean  that  I  learned  of  my  expulsion  through  the  news-
    papers.   I  was  never  officially  notified.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  reasons  were  given  for  your  expulsion?

    Mr.  Venne.  One  reason  was  Red-baiting  and  releasing  a  statement
    to  the  press  and  several  other  trumped  up  charges;  very  voluminous
    documents  which  boiled  down  don't  mean  anything.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  the  fact  that  you  returned  to  work  at  Allis-
    Chalmers  have  anything  to  do  with  it  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  No.  I  had  not  returned  to  work.  Just  2  days  prior  the
    action  was  taken  and  the  local  did  not  know  of  my  return  to  work.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  day  did  you  return  to  work  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  returned  to  work  November  12.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  you  were  a  member  of  local  248  did  you  ever
    hold  any  position  in  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  was  a  steward  in  No.  2  tractor,  a  member  of  the  execu-
    tive board,  delegate  to  the  1937  convention,  delegate  to  numerous  Auto
    Workers'  councils  of  region  4,  delegate  to  the  CIO  district  council  of
    Milwaukee,  comity  council,  and  various  other  committees.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venne,  there  have  been  statements  made  in  the
    press  and  before  this  committee  that  there  is  strong  Communist  in-
    fluences in  the  leadership  of  local  248.  Will  you  state  to  the  committee
    if  you  are  aware  of  any  such  influence,  and  if  so,  what  was  the  earliest
    date  you  detected  any  Communist  influence  in  the  leadership  of
    local  248?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  recall  very  clearly  in  1936,  in  May,  in  the  early  part
    of  May,  in  two  meetings  Harold  Christoffel

    Mr.  Stripling.  Harold  Christoffel,  what  was  his  position  at  that
    time,  in  1936  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  He  was  president  of  the  local  union.  He  induced  the
    stewards  and  committeemen  to  attend  the  May  Day  parade  march
    down  Wisconsin  Avenue,  to  show  labor's  solidarity.  I  at  that  time
    believed  that  a  laboring  man  should  follow  along  and  show  the  world
    that  labor  was  strong,  and  so  forth.  I  was  100  percent  labor.  I
    marched  in  this  parade.  I  was  rather  puzzled  by  the  fact  that  there
    were  very  few  CIO  locals  marching  in  the  parade.

    I  joined  the  parade  at  Twenty-fourth  and  Wisconsin  Avenue  with
    local  248,  the  delegation  from  local  248,  and  marched  in  the  parade.
    I  was  rather  puzzled,  too,  by  some  of  my  "friends"  raising  their  hands
    in  the  fist  salute.    It  bothered  me  a  little  bit.

    I  dropped  out  of  the  parade  at  the  Pfister  Hotel,  approximately  2
    miles  from  the  start  of  the  march,  and  I  immediately  found  out  the

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  33

    reason  why  the  fist  salute.  Not  far  behind  local  248  was  the  south-
    side,  the  north-side,  the  east-side,  and  the  west-side  branches  of  the
    Milwaukee  County  Communist  Part}r,  with  their  blood-red  flags.  The
    parade  broke  up  at  the  lake  front,  and  among  other  speakers  there
    were  such  as  Fred  Bassett  Blair,  who  was  candidate  for  Governor  on
    the  Communist  ticket  around  that  time,  and — well,  I  don't  recall  all  of
    them,  but  Harold  Christoffel  also  spoke.  That  bothered  me,  and  while
    I  didn't  accept  that  as  proof  that  the  leadership  of  local  248  was
    communistic,  I  was  suspicious.

    In  the  fall  of  1937,  I  believe  it  was,  Homer  Martin,  president  of
    the  international,  placed  an  administratorship  over  the  local,  charging
    the  leadership  with  being  communistic.  He  placed  an  administrator
    in  charge  by  the  name  of  George  Kielber.  Kielber  was  rather,  shall
    we  say,  not  a  very  tactful  man.  He  raided  the  local  office  and  took  all
    the  records  and  made  a  lot  of  bad  publicity  for  the  local,  and  some  for
    himself.

    Mr.  Wood.  How  is  that  name  spelled  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  K-i-e-1-b-e-r.

    The  administratorship  continued  over  local  248,  and  due  to  Kiel-
    ber's  bad  publicity  the  administratorship  was  changed  and  a  man  by
    the  name  of  John  P.  Murphy,  from  Detroit,  was  placed  in  charge
    of  the  local.

    Murphy  ran  the  local  union  from  the  Kilbourne  Hotel.  There  was
    a  lot  of  propaganda  distributed  around  at  that  time  about  the  local,
    local  248's  Communist  affiliations,  and  so  forth,  and  I  didn't  really
    go  for  that.  I  thought  it  was  plain  Red  baiting.  I  attended  one
    meeting  of  the  local  where  Murphy  was  chairman  of  the  meeting  as
    administrator,  and  I  really  took  John  P.  Murphy  to  task,  and  the
    international  union,  for  the  high-handed  tactics  in  controlling  the
    affairs  of  local  248.

    I  made  a  brilliant  speech  that  day,  I  was  really  proud  of  it.  In  the
    speech,  by  the  way,  I  referred  to  this,  I  said,  "If  Harold  Christoffel  is  a
    Communist,  I  would  drop  him  flat,"  because  I  am  a  Catholic,  and
    you  know  very  well  that  the  Catholics  hold  no  faith  with  the  Com-
    munists. Murphy,  on  the  way  out  of  the  hall  stated,  "Venne,  do  you
    know  what  you  are  talking  about  ?"

    I  said,  "I  think  I  do."  He  says.  "Come  on  down  and  see  me  some
    time,"  and  so  I  went  to  the  local  union  office  at  a  later  date,  I  went  down
    to  the  hotel  and  talked  with  Murphy.  Murphy  was  a  nice  man  to  talk
    to.  While  evidence  had  been  there  all  the  time,  I  had  failed  to  see  it.
    I  had  failed  to  believe  it.

    There  were  donations  while  I  was  a  member  of  the  executive  board  to
    such  organizations  a,s  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy  :
    Mobilization  for  Peace

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment.  Mr.  Venne.  You  say  there  were  con-
    tributions to  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy  •

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  make  a  contribution  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  No,  sir.  These  contributions  were  made  by  the  local.
    That  is,  they  were  brought  up  in  the  executive  board,  a  motion  was
    brought  up  which  would  say,  "Communication  received  from  Amer-
    ican League  for  Peace  and  Democracy  asking  for  a  donation."  Some
    member  of  the  executive  board  would  move  that  we  send  them  $25 ;
    "all  in  favor  say  'Aye',"  and  there  was  no  opposition.

    34  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  "Stripling.  That  was  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  De-
    mocracy ?

    Mr.  Vexxe.  Yes.     There  were  so  many  that  I  get  confused.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  there  any  others  that  you  recall  I

    Mr.  Venxe.  Committee  for  Spanish  Relief;  the  Abraham  Lincoln
    Brigade — some  of  these  came  in  after  I  was  off  the  executive  board.
    so  I  will  refer  to  them  later.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  you  were  on  the  executive  board,  who  were
    the  top  officials  of  the  union  \

    Mr.  Venne.  The  top  officials  of  the  union  were  Harold  Christoffel.
    president ;  Frank  Volka.  vice  president

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  he  presently  with  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  No.  he  has  since  left.

    Fred  McStroul.  recording  secretary:  Julius  Blunk.  financial  secre-
    tary. I  don't  recall  just  who  the  other  officers  were  at  that  time.
    There  were  changes  made  since  that.  That  is  a  little  bit  of  past  history
    for  me.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  wanted  the  record  to  show  the  officials  at  that  time.
    Has  ChristoiTel  been  the  president  of  this  local  since  its  inception,  or
    since  it  joined  witli  the  CIO  i

    Mr.  Venne.  Harold  Christoffel  has  been  president  of  the  local  since
    its  inception,  up  until  the  time,  just  previous  to  the  time  he  was  drafted
    into  the  Armv.  which  I  believe  was  in  the  winter  or — late  winter  of
    1945— or  1944".

    The  Chairman.  1944?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  believe  it  was  1944.

    The  Chairman.  In  the  latter  part  of  1944  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  consider  Harold  Christoffel,  the  man  who
    was  the  president  of  your  local  for  many  years,  and  now  the  honorary
    president,  do  you  consider  him  to  be  a  Communist  i

    Mr.  Venne.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  There  is  no  question  in  your  mind  that  he  has  fol-
    lowed the  Communist  Party  line?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  might  enlarge  on  that  to  the  extent  that  Harold
    Christoffel  was — and  Fred  McStroul — were  suspended  from  the  Social-
    ist Party  for  their  left-wing  tendencies.  The  local  union,  that  is,
    under  the  leadership  of  Harold  Christoffel,  when  it  was  in  the
    A.  F.  of  L.  was  suspended  from  the  A.  F.  of  L.  for  its  left-wing  tend-
    encies. It  was  through  Harold  Christoffel  that  several  out-and-out
    Communists — and  I  would  call  them  that — were  injected  into  the  local
    union.  One  was  Herman  Schendel,  who  is  now  professor  of  labor
    economics  at  the  Abraham  Lincoln  School  in  Chicago,  which  is  re-
    putedly a  Communist  school.  Another  was  Joel  Snyder,  who  never
    tried  to  hide  his  communistic  ambitions,  and  he  was  also  chairman
    of  the  Young  Peoples  Communist  League,  I  believe  it  was.  West  Allis
    branch.

    Herman  Schendel  held  labor  classes  in  local  24S,  and  while  these
    classes  usually  started  out  as  being  bona  fide  labor  history  and  eco-
    nomic meetings,  they  eventually  led  into  pure  communistic  philosophy,
    nothing  more  or  less.

    Through  the  steering  of  Harold  Christoffel  and  Fred  McStroul,  Joel
    Synder,  and  Herman  Schendel.  the  local  had  brought  to  it  a  lot  of
    fellow  travelers  and  fellow  Communists.

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR   UNIONS  35

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Venue,  how  many  Communists  "would  you  say
    were  in  local' 248?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  can  answer  that  by  saying  that  in  the  period  preced-
    ing the  1941  strike.  I  would  say  that  there  were  only,  in  local  248,
    about  30  actual  Communists.  Today  I  won't  guess  the  actual  number
    of  party  members:  I  will  say  that  there  are  500  who  are  either  party
    members  or  od  fellow  traveler-.

    The  Chairman.  That  is.  in  248?

    Mr.  Vkxxe.  Yes.  sir.

    The  Chairman.  Now.  these  people  that  you  just  mentioned,  Christ-
    offel,  Snyder,  and  Schendel,  are  they  all  active  in  248  now?

    Mr.  Venxk.  Schendel.  as  I  said  before,  was  transferred  to  the
    A  iraham  Lincoln  School  in  Chicago.  His  activities  were  taken  up  by
    Esther  Handler.  "While  I  don't  know  too  much  about  Mrs.  Handler—
    I  won't  £0  into  that.

    The  Chairman.  I  don't  think  you  quite  answered  my  question.
    "What  I  asked  was  if  these  three  that  you  mentioned,  Snyder,  Chris-
    toffel, and  Schendel,  were  still  active  in  248.  You  mentioned  one  of
    them  having  gone  to  the  Abraham  Lincoln  School  in  Chicago.  How
    about  the  other  two  I

    Mr.  Vkxxe.  After  the  1941  strike  ballot  fraud,  Joel  Snyder  grad-
    ually disappeared  from  local  24S.  There  were  a  lot  of  reasons  be-
    hind that,  and  it  would  take  about  a  half  an  hour  to  explain  the
    reasons.  But  Harold  Christoffel  is  honorary  president  of  local  248
    today.

    The  Chairman.  Thank  you.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venue,  were  you  a  member  of  248  when  the
    strike  was  called  on  January  22.  1941  ?

    Mr.  Vkxxe.  I  was.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  That  was  during  the  so-called  period  of  the  Soviet-
    Nazi  pact  ?

    Mr.  Vkxxe.  Yes.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  committee  has  quite  an  extensive
    record  of  the  activities  of  Harold  Christoffel  in  connection  with  the
    American  Peace  and  Mobilization.  The  American  Peace  Mobiliza-
    tion, as  you  will  recall,  was  the  front  organization  which  picketed
    the  "White  House  against  any  lend-lease  equipment  and  whose  slogan
    was  ''The  Yanks  are  not  coming."

    It  was  the  party  line  at  that  time  to  oppose  any  lend-lease  to  Great
    Britain  and  our  program  of  preparing  ourselves  for  national  defense.

    Xow,  Mr.  Venne

    Mr.  Striplixg.  I  would  like  to  ask  the  witness  if  he  participated
    in  the  strike  of  January  22.  1941.

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes;  I  "did  participate  in  the  strike  of  January  1941.
    and  while  I  did  not — I  picketed  up  until  the  time  that  violence  oc-
    curred on  the  picket  lines.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  of  the  opinion  that  the  strike  was  a  bona
    fide  strike,  or  do  you  believe  that  the  strike  was  inspired  by  the  presi-
    dent and  other  officials  of  the  union  who  were  seeking  to  carry  out
    the  Communist  Party  line?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  am  very  much  of  the  opinion  that  the  strike  was  a
    fraud.  It  was  proven  by  the  "Wisconsin  Employment — Labor  Rela-
    tions Board,  rather,  that*  2.200  of  the  ballots  that  were  placed  in  the

    36  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    ballot  boxes  were  fraud,  that  they  were  marked  by  four  individuals.
    After — I  am  getting  ahead  of  myself.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment,  Mr.  Venne.  In  connection  with  the
    strike,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  for  the  record  to  show  the  attitude
    of  the  now  president  of  the  United  Automobile  Workers  with  refer-
    ence to  this  local.

    The  Chairman.  What  is  his  name?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Walter  P.  Reuther.

    In  a  newspaper  article  which  appeared  in  the  Buffalo  Courier-
    Express  on  August  5,  1941,  Walter  P.  Reuther  charged  that  the  Allis-
    Chalmers  local  was  "dominated  by  political  racketeers  of  Communist
    stripe."  He  described  a  local  248  election  as  "the  worst  kind  of  strong-
    armed  political  racketeering."

    Richard  Frankensteen,  who  was  the  vice  president  of  the  local,
    charged  that  local  248  is  "in  the  main  dominated  by  Communists."
    He  applauded  the  UAW's  refusal  to  seat  local  248  delegates  at  its
    national  convention  as  "a  good  kick  in  the  teeth  for  communism."

    In  connection  with  that  strike,  Mr.  Venne

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Stripling,  you  said  Mr.  Frankensteen  was  the
    vice  president  of  the  local.    You  meant  the  international  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.

    I  would  also  like  to  place  in  the  record  the  following  material  from
    the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  House  of  Representa-
    tives, investigating  the  national  defense  program,  dated  January  20,
    1942,  page  106,  under  the  heading  of  "Strikes" :

    The  greatest  single  cause  for  delay  in  the  defense  program  has  been  the
    strike  situation.  As  example  of  the  tremendous  damage  to  the  defense  pro-
    gram caused  by  strikes  in  vital  defense  production  plants  is  the  Allis-Chalmers
    strike  in  Milwaukee,  Wis.  Through  the  machinations  of  a  small  group  of
    labor  leaders,  the  production  of  machinery  essential  to  the  completion  of  many
    naval  vessels  was  halted.  This  stoppage  endured  for  76  days — from  January
    22  to  April  7,  1941.  The  strike  was  called  on  the  basis  of  a  fraudulent  vote
    held  among  the  workers,  as  was  indisputably  proved  subsequently  by  hand-
    writing experts.  Because  of  the  willful  deception  on  the  part  of  a  small  group
    of  leaders,  workers  were  deprived  of  wages  approximately  $2,970,000  and
    the  completion  of  many  vessels  for  the  Navy  blocked.  It  has  been  estimated
    that  the  strike  delayed  the  completion  and  outfitting  of  destroyers,  submarines,
    mine  sweepers,  transports,  net  tenders,  repair  ships,  and  fleet  tugs  for  periods
    ranging  up  to  6  months.

    The  effects  of  the  delay  caused  by  the  strike  in  the  delivery  of  vital  machinery
    and  equipment  are  still  being  felt — and  will  be  for  some  time  to  come.

    At  the  outset  of  its  investigation  the  committee  undertook  to  send  field  investi-
    gators to  the  Allis-Chalmers  plant  in  Milwaukee.  A  great  deal  of  pertinent
    information  has  been  furnished  to  this  committee  regarding  the  Allis-Chalmers
    situation  as  the  result  of  this  investigation.  This  information  will  be  revealed
    during  the  hearings  of  the  committee.

    Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  include  the  next  paragraph,  which
    tabulates  the  number  of  man-hours  lost.
    The  Chairman.  It  is  so  ordered.
    (The  paragraph  above  referred  to  is  as  follows :)

    Recently  the  Department  of  Labor  released  figures  covering  the  period  from
    July  1,  1940,  to  October  1,  1941 — 15  months  of  the  rearmament  program.  These
    figures  in  themselves  show  the  serious  effect  of  strikes  and  work  stoppages  in
    delaying,  hindering,  and  obstructing  the  progress  of  national  defense.  During
    the  15-month  period  covered  by  the  survey,  24,284,981  man-days  of  defense  effort
    were  lost  because  of  strikes  involving  1,960,331  workers.  During  the  single
    month  of  June  1941  there  was  a  loss  of  1,44S,234  man-days.     During  the  month

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  37

    of  June  a  total  of  52,218  man-days  were  lost  because  of  strikes  engaged  in  by
    12,03f)  aircraft  workers;  57,146  man-days  were  lost  in  shipbuilding  strikes.  The
    Navy  Department  reports  that  strikes  occurred  in  411  plants  having  naval  defense
    contracts,  the  number  of  man-days  lost  being  approximately  2,586,000,  or  20,688,000
    man-hours.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  also  like  to  refer  back  to  the
    wages  of  that  strike  which  were  deprived  the  workers,  in  the  amount
    of  $2,970,000,  and  to  compare  that  with  the  figures  furnished  the  com-
    mittee this  morning,  to  the  effect  that  the  workers,  as  the  result  of  the
    strike  which  began  on  February  1946,  the  one  which  is  still  in  progress,
    totals  over  $18,000,000.  In  other  words,  the  more  recent  strike,  while
    it  has  not  occurred  during  wartime,  it  has  been  approximately  nine
    times  as  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  workers  from  the  stand-
    point of  earning  capacity.

    Now.  with  reference  to  this  1941  strike,  Mr.  Venne

    Mr.  Venne.  As  I  said  before,  I  participated  in  the  picketing,  as
    many  other  unionists  did,  and  when  the  violence  occurred,  after
    Knudson  and  Knox,  who,  I  believe,  were  of  the  Office  of  Production
    Management,  sent  telegrams  to  each  individual  worker  to  return  to
    work  in  behalf  of  the  war  effort.  I  did  not  go  back  right  away;  I
    didn't  go  back  before  the  strike  was  settled.  But  on  April  1  of  1941
    there  was  a  riot  at  Allis- Chalmers,  a  riot  such  as  we  would  not  expect
    to  see  in  these  United  States,  and  while  I  did  not  participate  in  the
    riot  I  went  around  amongst  a  lot  of  the  men  and  spoke  to  them.  And
    in  one  particular  instance  I  remember  going  down  Greenfield  Avenue
    to  Seventieth  Street  there  and  overhearing  a  bunch  of  young  teen-
    agers who  were  talking  about  the  radicalism  that  occurred  that  day.
    They  stated  that  "the  Communists  are  really  doing  a  job  here  today,"
    meaning  the  Young  People's  Communist  Party,  and  they  even  re-
    ferred to  Joel  Snyder.

    On  that  particular  day  they  broke  windows  in  the  Allis-Chalmers
    plants.  The  Governor  of  Wisconsin,  Governor  Heil — they  turned
    over  his  automobile  in  front  of  the  plant  gate.  They  threw  rocks  at
    the  policemen.  They  picked  up  a  tear-gas  bomb  that  had  been  used
    to  dispel  the  mob  and  which  had  not  exploded  and  threw  it  inside  of
    what  they  call  a  "black  maria";  they  threw  it  inside,  where  there  were
    several  policemen,  and  the  policemen  were  overcome  by  the  gas.

    It  was  a  full-fledged  riot.

    After  this  strike  was  settled  a  group  of  former  stewards,  commit-
    teemen, and  former  officers  of  the  local  banded  ourselves  together  in  a
    caucus  group  with  the  intention  of  unseating  this  left-wing  element
    in  our  union.  We  put  up  a  slate  of  officers  against  the  leadership  of
    local  248  and  petitioned  the  international  to  investigate  the  strike
    fraud.  We  also  asked  the  international  union  to  send  in  representa-
    tives to  conduct  an  election  under  their  supervision.

    The  international  did  send  in  twTo  representatives  to  investigate  the
    ballot  fraud.  Robert  Buse,  now  president  of  local  248,  was  chairman
    of  the  local  committee,  while  Richard  Leonard  and — well,  I  don't  re-
    member, but  I  could  find  the  name  very  easily  here.

    The  Chairman.  Supply  it  for  the  record.

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes.  These  two  men  sent  in  by  the  international  co-
    operated with  the  local  committee  headed  by  Robert  Buse  to  investi-
    gate the  fraud.  It  was  never  reported  back  to  the  local  how  this  fraud
    was  committed.     It  was  whitewashed,  in  other  words.

    38  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    They  sent  in  a  committee  of  two  to  investigate,  to  conduct  the
    election  of  officers,  and  they  smeared  the  officers — that  is,  the  opposi-
    tion candidates — to  the  extent  that  they  were  not  very  popular  with
    anybody  by  the  time  they  got  through  with  them — through  pam-
    phlets.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  year  was  this?

    Mr.  Venne.  1911.  The  results  of  the  election  were — I  received,
    as  candidate  for  president  against  Harold  Christoffel,  I  received
    925  votes  to  his  1,161,  and  the  complete  slate  carried  approximately
    the  same  vote.  The  reason  for  us  not  unseating  them  can  be  stated
    very  briefly  by  what  one  of  the  committee  members  had  to  say  about
    this  election.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment,    What  are  you  reading  from?

    Mr.  Venne.  From  the  proceedings  of  the  1911  convention  of  the
    International  United  Automobile  Workers  of  America.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  was  that  held?

    Mr.  Venne.  In  Buffalo.  N.  Y.,  August  4  to  16, 1941.

    Mr.  Stripling.  All  right.

    Mr.  Venne.  This  is  what  Delegate  Young  at  the  convention,  who
    was  international  representative,  who  conducted  this  officer  election,
    had  to  say :

    I  was  down  to  West  All  is,  and  I  observed  the  election  of  officers  there.  The
    mechanics  of  the  election  were  perfect.  There  was  nothing  wrong  with  how
    the  election  was  conducted.  I  do  know  this — that  the  people  that  had  July
    dues  paid  were  turned  away  from  polls  and  prevented  from  voting,  in  spite  of
    the  fact  that  they  had  been  in  continuous  good  standing.  Why?  I  will  tell
    you  why.  You  had  to  fill  out  a  questionuaire.  You  had  to  fill  out  question-
    naires. If  you  filled  out  the  questionnaire,  then  you  had  to  sign  a  pledge  card.
    If  you  signed  a  pledge  card,  then  you  had  to  sign  a  green  card ;  and  if  you
    signed  the  green  card,  then  you  had  to  sign  a  blue  card.  I  saw  so  many  colors
    there  that  I  forgot  exactly  what  colors  meant.  In  fact,  I  state  this  with  con-
    viction, maybe  what  the  people  needed  to  vote  was  a  red  card.  At  least  a
    little  pink.

    That  was  what  an  international  representative  had  to  say  about
    the  1941  election.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  is  one  of  the  officials  sent  in  to  conduct  the
    election  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.  We  appealed  to  the  international
    executive  board,  who  held  a  meeting  in  Cincinnati  about  1  month
    after  the  election  was  conducted.  I  do  not  know  the  exact  date.
    We  went  before  this  board  and  asked  them  to  insure  a  democratic
    election  so  that  we  could  unseat  the  left-wing  element  that  had  taken
    over  local  248.  In  this  meeting  one  of  the  executive  board  members
    stated — Leon  Lamont  was  the  name — stated :

    Why  should  we  give  the  membership  of  local  248  a  democratic  election?  If
    we  do,  Christoffel  and  his  goons  will  kick  hell  out  of  them  if  they  come  near  the
    place  to  vote.

    That  is  how  we  were  treated  by  the  international  executive  board
    in  1941.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venne,  you  have  stated  that  you  were  probably
    one  of  the  original  members?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  became  a  member  in  1936?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR   UNIONS  39

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  contend  that  the  Communist  leadership  has
    controlled  the  affairs  of  the  union  since  1936.  or  have  there  been  pe-
    riods when  they  were  not  in  control?

    Mr.  Venne.  Sir.  I  would  answer  that  this  way:  Communism  is  like
    a  cancer:  the  seed  was  implanted  in  1936  in  local  248  and  like  a  cancer
    it  has  grown  until  communism  is  the  thing  that  is  going  to  destroy
    local  248  and  make  it  extinct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  explain  to  the  committee  in  the  case  of
    248  how  the  Communists  have  been  able  to  control  the  union?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  Communists  have  been  able  to  control  the  union
    through  what  they  call  a  flying  squadron.  This  squadron  consists  of
    all  the  way  from  10  to  20  to  30  to  40  to  50  members  of  the  local  union
    who  are  not,  possibly,  all  Communists,  but  follow  the  party  line.  I  can
    cite  several  instances  where  the  membership — several  instances  that
    brought  about  the  memberships'  fear  of  the  officers  and  the  situation
    that  exists  today.

    In  1939,  I  believe,  there  was  a  group  that  held  a  caucus  in  the
    Knights  of  Pythias  Hall  in  the  city  of  Milwaukee  for  the  purpose  of
    forming  a  group  to  unseat  the  Communist  leadership  of  local  248.  The
    flying  squad  appeared  on  the  scene.  There  were  several  of  those  people
    beaten  up,  needing  hospitalization.

    The  Chairman.  What  year  was  that?

    Mr.  Venne.  In  1939.  In  another  instance  the  caucus  group  held  a
    meeting  in  a  tavern.  The  flying  squad  appeared  on  the  scene  and  beat
    up  some  of  the  individuals  and  others  just  walked  through  the  window
    without  waiting  to  open  it;  just  walked  through  to  get  out  of  the
    place.

    Air.  Stripling.  On  that  point,  is  it  against  the  local's  rules  for  a  sep-
    arate caucus  to  be  held  without  the  permission  of  the  local?

    Mr.  Venne.  At  that  time  it  wasn't,  but  it  has  been  written  into  the
    local  union  rules  now  that  no  member  or  members  may  conduct  meet-
    ings outside  of  the  local  union  office  without  local  union  officers  in
    attendance.  In  other  words,  the  rank  and  file  cannot  legally  hold  a
    meeting  or  caucus  for  the  purpose  of  unseating  the  officers  of  local  248.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  it  your  opinion  that  the  present  leadership  of
    local  248  retains  control  by  intimidation?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  will  cite  another  instance.  I  attended  this  meeting
    held  in  the  Paradise  Theater,  a  local  union  meeting  held  on  Sunday
    morning  in  the  Paradise  Theater,  in  Milwaukee,  by  Ralph  Rehberg
    and  Glen  Humphrey,  on  a  question  of  disagreement  with  the  leader-
    ship of  local  248.  having  to  do  with  their  support  of  communistic  liter-
    ature, or  something  to  that  effect.  These  men  never  got  a  chance  to
    talk.  They  were  taken  behind  the  drop  curtain  in  the  theater  and
    severely  beaten  and  were  thrown  out  on  the  sidewalk  in  the  rear  of  the
    theater.  One  man,  Glen  Humphrey,  had  stomach  trouble  for  months
    after  that  as  the  result  of  the  beating.    He  required  hospitalization.

    Instances  such  as  that  have  discouraged  the  rank-and-file  leadership
    from  trying  to  support  any  movement  to  clean  up  the  mess  that  has
    been  made  in  local  248.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venne,  in  April  1946,  the  members  of  local  248
    voted  on  whether  or  not  thev  would  walk  out  on  a  strike.  Were  vou
    a  member  in  good  standing  in  April  1946  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir ;  I  was.     I  left  my  place  of  work

    40  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment.  I  would  like  to  know  who  the  of-
    ficials of  the  local  were  in  April  1946,  if  you  can  give  that  for  the
    record.

    Mr.  Venne.  Robert — Harold  Christoffel  was  honorary  president  on
    leave.     He  was  in  the  armed  services  at  the  time.

    Robert  Buse  was  president.  Dombek  was  vice  president ;  McStroul,
    recording  secretary ;  Ladwig,  financial  secretary,  and  Lindberg

    Mr.  Stripling.  Linus  Lindberg  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Linus  Lindberg — I  have  forgotten  his  position.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  they  the  top  officials  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  They  were  the  leaders  of  the  local.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  consider  those  five  men  to  be  Communists?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir ;  I  do.

    The  Chairman.  They  were  the  leadership  on  what  day?

    Mr.  Venne.  On  the  day  the  strike  was  called.

    Mr.  Stripling.  April  1946,  the  beginning  of  the  strike  which  is  now
    in  progress.

    The  Chairman.  The  beginning  of  the  current  strike  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.  On  the  day  the  strike  was  called  I  left  my
    place  of  work  at  12  noon,  as  per  instructions  of  the  local  union  officers.
    There  had  been  a  local  election  held  at  the  State  fair  park  colosseum
    previous  to  this  where  a  strike  vote  was  taken.  The  results  of  that
    ballot  were,  as  I  remember,  four-thousand-some-odd  to  four-hundred-
    and-some-odd  against  the  strike.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  familiar  with  the  total  membership  of  the
    union  at  that  time,  how  many  members  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  total  membership  of  the  union  on  the  day  the  strike
    was  called  was  approximately  8,700  members.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead.

    Mr.  Venne.  This  meeting  held  in  the  colosseum  of  the  fair  park,
    they  had  several  speakers  there  agitating  strike,  and  so  forth,  and
    the  strike  vote  was  called  for.  I  sat  in  the  back  of  the  hall  so  that  I
    could  observe  the  sentiment  of  the  group.  What  I  gathered  from  the
    sentiment,  that  is,  the  applause,  and  so  forth,  to  the  proposition  of  a
    strike,  it  was  a  rather  cool  situation.  The  membership  did  not  wish
    to  hold  a  strike,  to  vote  a  strike.  After  the  speakers  had  spoken,  we
    were  handed  ballots,  as  we  left  the  hall,  much  as  leaflets  would  be
    handed  out  on  the  street.  There  was  no  place  to  mark  your  ballot.
    You  were  pushed,  the  crowd  pushed  you,  they  wanted  to  get  out,  and
    you  were  pushed  to  get  out  of  the  hall.  I  marked  my  ballot  on  the
    shoulder  of  the  man  ahead  of  me.  I  marked  it  like  this  [indicating]
    and  put  it  in  the  ballot  box  like  this  [indicating].  The  results  were
    not  conclusive  enough  under  the  Wisconsin  Employment  Relations
    Act  to  call  a  strike,  and  another  strike  vote  was  called  for,  in  the  grand-
    stand of  the  fair  park,  which  was  conducted  on  April  29.

    We  were  told  that  we  should  leave  our  jobs  at  12  noon  and  march
    in  a  body  to  the  State  fair  park  grandstand  where  a  strike  vote  would
    be  taken.  I  had  my  automobile,  and  so  I  drove  over.  When  I  got  there
    there  were  quite  a  few  people  there  already.

    Of  course,  I  had  to  wait  about  20  minutes  before  the  big  group
    which  marched  down  Greenfield  Avenue  got  there.

    On  entrance  to  the  fair  park — there  was  a  north  entrance  and  a
    south  entrance — anybody  could  have  walked  in  there.  In  fact,  if
    they  would  have  called  the  school  out,  the  high  school  in  West  Allis,

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  41

    the  whole  high-school  body  could  have  marched  into  the  fair  park.
    You  didn't  have  to  have  any  kind  of  identification.

    Mr.  Stripling.  There  were  no  guards  or  union  officials  at  the  en-
    trances ?

    Mr.  Venne.  No;  no  one  at  any  entrance.  While  you  were  sitting
    there  waiting  for  the  crowd  to  come,  naturally,  it  is  not  very  pleasant
    sitting  on  a  cement  seat,  but  you  could  read  pamphlets  put  out  at  the
    meeting,  pamphlets  by  William  Z.  Foster,  entitled,  I  believe,  "The
    New  World,"  or  you  could  have  bought  a  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  anyone  selling  the  Daily  Worker?
    Mr.  Venne.  I  don't  know  the  person  selling  the  Daily  Worker,
    though  they  were  sold  inside  of  the  grandstand.

    The  Chairman.  Were  any  other  newspapers  sold  inside  of  the
    grandstand  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  No,  sir ;  they  were  not.

    We  waited  for  20  minutes  and  the  crowd  came.  Coming  along
    Greenfield  Avenue  they  may  have  picked  up  a  couple  of  hundred  others.
    After  they  were  all  in  the  meeting,  the  doors  were  closed,  the  gates  on
    both  ends  of  the  fair  park  were  closed.

    Robert  Buse  took  the  platform  and  made  the  statement  that,  of
    course,  you  all  know  why  we  are  here,  we  are  here  to  conduct  a  strike
    vote;  all  in  favor  of  holding  a  strike  vote  will  vote  aye.  There  was
    a  scattering  of  ayes.  A  couple  of  the  members  rose  on  the  floor  and
    shook  their  hands,  trying  to  get  the  floor  to  speak  on  the  issue,  but
    Robert  Buse  couldn't  hear  any  of  that.  "All  in  favor  say  'Aye'."  "So
    ordered."

    In  any  organization  in  the  world,  I  believe — I  am  not  well-read  on
    some  of  this  stuff — but  I  believe  there  is  a  "No"  vote  in  most  any  organi-
    zation in  America.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  mean  no  one  was  recognized  ?
    Mr.  Venne.  No  one  was  recognized  from  the  floor.
    Mr.  Stripling.  And  Robert  Buse  was  the  one  who  presented  the
    vote  for  the  strike?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right,

    Mr.  McDowell.  A  negative  vote  wasn't  called  for  ?
    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.  The  procedure  then  was  to  split  the
    grandstand  in  half.  Those  voting  one  way,  those  voting  on  one  end
    would  go  out  the  south  entrance,  and  those  voting  on  the  other  end
    would  go  out  the  north  entrance,  and  they  left  the  hall,  they  were  passed
    out  ballots  much  as  leaflets  were  passed  out.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venne,  in  such  a  vote,  under  union  rules,  is  that
    a  secret  ballot  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  would  say,  if  you  want  to  follow  constitutional  pro-
    cedure, I  would  say  that  was  not  even  a  vote  of  any  kind.  It  was
    nothing  more  than  a  straw  poll.  I  believe  the  polls  conducted  through-
    out America  to  get  public  opinion  on  things  are  more  democratic  than
    the  election  held  at  Milwaukee,  April  29.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  as  to  whether  the  union  would  walk  out  on
    strike?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  receive  a  ballot  when  you  walked  out  of  the
    park?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  did.  I  received  a  ballot.  It  was  handed  over  about
    three  shoulders — like  this  [indicating].     And  they  had  a  little  parti-

    42  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    tion  here  [indicating].  Here  is  the  picture.  This  shows  approxi-
    mately 4,000  people  had  to  go  through  the  entrance  and  make  use  of
    these  partitions  to  vote  [indicating].

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  those  the  voting  booths  there?

    Mr.  Venne.  Those,  are  what  they  considered  voting  booths.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  see  here  a  person  standing  above  the  voting  com-
    partment. There  appears  to  be  a  strip  of  canvas,  Mr.  Chairman,
    making  a  small  booth,  and  above  there  is  standing  a  person  viewing  the
    marking  of  ballots.  There  are  also  other  persons  standing  behind
    those  who  are  casting  their  vote.

    Now,  you  voted  under  those  conditions  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  consider  it  to  be  the  proper  kind  of  a  ballot
    under  the  circumstances?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  ballot,  as  I  stated  before,  was  identical  to  the
    ballot  held  on  March  10  in  the  previous  strike  vote  election.  The
    ballots  were  placed  in  cardboard  boxes,  they  were  sealed  with  stickum
    paper,  this  wide,  brown  paper  that  has  glue  on  it,  that  seals  it  shut.
    Of  course,  if  you  wanted  to  keep  your  vote  secret,  I  think  the  only  way
    you  could  have  done  it  would  be  to  probably  mark  it  on  the  cement
    floor,  with  people  crowding  around  you,  in  the  hope  that  the  crowd
    was  so  large  that  it  would  cover  you  up.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  voted,  where  were  the  ballots  taken  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  ballots  were  taken  to  the  union  office — and,  by  the
    way,  Robert  Buse  had  made  the  statement  from  the  platform  before
    the  balloting  started  that  no  union  members  would  be  allowed  in  the
    union  office  that  afternoon.     The  union  office  would  be  closed.

    Mr.  Stripling.  They  took  the  ballots  up  to  the  union  office?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  they  stated  that  no  member  would  be  per-
    mitted in  the  union  office  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  were  the  ballots  tabulated?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  ballots  were  assumed  to  be  tabulated  that  after-
    noon, and  I  went  by  there  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  windows  were
    even  closed  up.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  mean  that  the  windows  were  shut  and  all  the
    shades  drawn  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  shades  were  drawn.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  they  announce  the  result  of  the  balloting?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  results  of  the  balloting  was  announced  through
    the  press.  The  ballot  was  announced,  as  I  remember  it  was,  I  believe,
    eight  thousand  five  hundred-and-some-odd,  for  the  strike,  for  strike
    action,  and  251  against.

    Gentlemen,  I  don't  know  everybody  in  Allis-Chalmers,  but  I  do
    know  this,  that  I  myself  have  contacted  over  250  men  who  state  that
    they  did  not  vote  for  a  strike,  and  I  don't  know  everybody  who  was
    anti-strike  at  work.  I  know  there  were  more  than  that,  because  there
    are  at  present  over  5,000  employees  back  at  work.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  the  workers  return  to  the  shop  after  the  noon
    balloting?

    Mr.  Venne.  No,  they  did  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  they  returned  to  this  date  ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  43

    Mr.  Venne.  At  present  there  are  approximately  five  thousand-some-
    odd  workers  back  at  work.

    Mr.  Stripling.  But  the  union  membership  as  a  whole  did  not
    return?

    Mr.  Venne.  There  has  been  no  vote  to  return  to  work.  That  is,  the
    strike  is  still  on — while  it  is  getting  down  to  the  point  where  it  is
    becoming  a  technical  strike

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment.  I  believe  you  stated  earlier  the
    date  that  you  returned  to  work.  Will  you  state  it  again  for  the
    record  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  returned  to  work  on  November  12.

    Mr.  Stripling.  1946?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  you  remained  out  on  strike  5  or  6
    months  yourself  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.  May  I  state  here  that  after  I  was  on
    strike  for  approximately  o1/^  months,  I  had  contacted  a  lot  of  people
    who  were  out  on  strike.  They  were  very  much  against  the  high-handed
    tactics  which  had  been  used  to  keep  the  people  out  on  strike,  and  all
    through  the  summer  the  local-union  bargaining  committee  had  been
    waiting  for  the  Government  to  take  over  the  plant,  and  very  little,  if
    any.  bargaining  had  taken  place.  From  my  previous  experience  and
    my  knowledge  of  the  leadership  of  local  248  and  its  communistic
    background,  I  was  of  the  opinion,  and  several  of  my,  shall  I  say,
    fellow  workers,  were  of  the  same  opinion,  that  there  should  be  some-
    thing done  to  remove  the  bargaining  committee  and  negotiate  a  con-
    tract where  would  all  work  in  peace.  I  disclosed  to  the  press  a
    statement  that  I  had  written  in  agreement  with  several  other  indi-
    viduals who  wore  out  on  strike  and  members  of  local  218,  and  I  would
    like  to  read  this  to  you,  gentlemen.     It  isn't  going  to  take  very  long.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Before  you  read  that,  let  me  ask  you,  during  the
    period  that  the  members  were  out  on  strike,  was  any  provision  made
    by  the  union  for  the  care  and  welfare  of  the  families  of  the  strikers?

    Mr.  Venne.  They  set  up  a  relief  committee.  The  relief  committee —
    if  a  man  went  over  there  to  get  relief  for  his  family — they  had  a  work
    committee,  these  people  that  went  over  there  to  get  relief  for  their
    families  were  told,  ''"Why  don't  you  go  to  work?"  "Well,  I  can't  find
    a  job.  nobody  will  hire  me  because  I  worked  at  Allis-Chalmers."  "Well,
    we  will  get  you  a  job,  you  can  get  a  job  in  the  fair  park  for  7r>  cents  an
    hour,  painting,  wheeling  dirt,  that  sort  of  thing."  Doing  jobs  that  are
    really  not  intended  for  men  that  work  inside  all  the  time.

    These  jobs  pay  75  cents  an  hour,  and  the  men  have  to  work  hard.
    The  men  were  asked  to  paint  the  ceilings,  for  instance,  ceilings  which
    were  about  100  feet  in  the  air,  paint  them  with  aluminum,  and  scrape
    them.  A  friend  of  mine  had  his  knee  scraped,  had  his  leg  scraped
    from  the  knee  to  the  hip,  in  a  fall.  He  was  unused  to  the  work  and  he
    fell.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  are  speaking  now  of  the  members  who  were  on
    strike  \

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  They  had  a  work  committee  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Set  up  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  employment  ?

    44  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Other  than  employment  within  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  any  efforts  made  on  the  part  of  any  particular
    group  or  segment  of  the  local  membership  to  return  to  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Venne.  There  had  been,  I  believe,  at  the  time ;  at  the  time  that
    I  made  a  statement  to  the  press  there  had  been  approximately  3,000
    workers  who  had  returned  to  work.  I  did  not  believe  in  going  back
    to  work  myself.  I  felt  that  efforts  should  be  made  to  remove  the
    people  who  were  responsible  for  the  strike  so  that  we  could  all  go
    back  together.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  make  a  statement  to  the  press  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir ;  I  did.
    •  Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  care  to  read  that  to  the  committee?

    The  Chairman.  Just  a  minute.  Mr.  Stripling,  we  have  got  quite
    some  distance  to  go.  Does  the  committee  desire  that  it  be  read  by  the
    witness  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  for  the  witness  to  read
    it.

    The  Chairman.  All  right.

    Mr.  Venne.  This  statement  was  released  and  gained  Nation-wide
    publicity.  It  was  a  little  too  much  of  a  boomerang  for  me.  I  didn't
    expect  it  to  get  that  much  publicity.     [Reading :]

    It  has  been  a  long  time  since  the  membership  of  local  248  has  had  an  oppor-
    tunity to  express  an  opinion  at  a  membership  meeting.  The  officers  of  local  248
    do  not  want  us  to  express  an  opinion.

    We  know  that  when  meetings  are  held  we  are  not  given  the  opportunity  to
    speak  unless  we  are  one  of  the  favored  few.  Local  248  is  one  of  the  few  local
    unions  where  there  is  little  or  no  rank-and-file  participation  in  the  functioning
    of  the  union.

    We  of  Allis-Chalmers  know  that  we  must  have  a  union.  A  union  to  us  is  as
    important  as  foremen  are  to  management.  We  of  Allis-Chalmers  are  going  to
    have  a  union.     We  are  going  to  have  local  248.

    We  are  going  to  have  a  union  where  the  membership  dictates  to  the  officers,
    not  the  officers  to  the  members.  We  of  Allis-Chalmers  are  not  going  to  be  dictated
    to  by  either  management  or  the  Communist  Party.

    We  do  not  believe  in  communism  or  fascism.  Our  belief  lies  with  Americanism.
    We  live  in  a  democracy,  we  believe  in  a  democracy,  and  our  union  is  going  to  be
    run  under  the  democratic  system.

    This  is  a  warning  to  the  Communists  in  local  248 — get  the  hell  out  of  our
    union  and  stay  out.  From  now  on  there's  an  open  season  on  Communists  in
    local  248.  Your  communistic  activity  has  cost  us  well  over  $2,000  per  worker
    since  1939.  You  have  taken  us  out  on  three  strikes  at  great  loss  to  us.  You  have
    had  three  strikes  and  you  are  out !

    We  of  Allis-Chalmers  are  going  to  have  a  contract  with  management  of  Allis-
    Chalmers,  a  good  contract,  a  reasonable  contract,  a  contract  that  we  can  work
    under  and  have  harmonious  relations  with  our  fellow  workers  and  the  man-
    agement.

    We  are  not  going  to  call  the  boss  a  so-and-so  one  day  and  ask  him  for  a  raise
    the  next.  This  contract  cannot  and  will  not  be  negotiated  by  the  present  leader-
    ship of  local  248.  We,  of  Allis-Chalmers,  demand  that  they  resign  or  we  will
    kick  them  out.

    We  are  going  to  have  the  union  run  by  responsible  people  working  at  Allis-
    Chalmers,  men  who  hold  no  allegiance  to  any  foreign  "ism."  We  are  going  to
    have  a  union  that  will  represent  all  of  the  workers  at  Allis-Chalmers  all  of  the
    time.

    This  is  not  an  appeal  for  a  back-to-work  movement,  but  an  appeal  to  a  back-to-
    unionism  movement.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  that  the  end  of  the  article?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  45

    Mr.  Venne.  The  end  of  the  article  was  a  plea  to  the  workers  to  get
    behind  this  rank-and-file  committee  that  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of
    removing  the  Communists  "before  the  Communist  Party  succeeds  in
    the  policy  of  rule  or  ruin  and  there  will  be  no  union  at  Allis-
    Chalmers."

    The  Chairman.  Have  you  had  that  open  season  on  Communists?

    Mr.  Vexxe.  Gentlemen.  I  could  relate  here  for  the  nexi  20  minutes
    what  occurred  after  that  statement  appeared  in  the  press.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  What  do  you  mean,  what  occurred?

    Mr.  Venne.  In  1939,  during  the  1939  strike  I  suffered  burns  from
    head  to  foot ;  I  was  in  the  hospital  for  31  days.  When  I  was  released
    from  the  hospital  I  was  a  nervous  wreck.  Fred  McStroul  knew  of
    (his,  he  worked  beside  me,  and  he  made  the  statement  once,  "Venne,  as
    much  as  I  don't  like  the  way  you  comb  your  hair.  I  feel  sorry  for  you."
    I  have  controlled  that  nervousness  to  a  great  extent,  but  evidently
    that  is  my  weak  point.

    So  what  happened  ?  At  10  o'clock  on  the  morning  that  this  article
    appeared  in  the  press  and  on  the  radio,  and  so  forth,  my  telephone
    started  to  ring.

    Mr.  Muxdt.  What  is  the  date  of  that  article,  by  the  way  ?  Approxi-
    mately, I  mean.

    Mr.  Venne.  This  was  in  October,  I  believe.

    Mr.  Muxdt.  Of  1946?

    Mr.  Vexxe.  Of  1946.

    Mr.  Muxdt.  All  right.

    Mr.  Vexxe.  The  telephone  started  to  ring  about  10  o'clock  in  the
    morning  that  this  article  was  released.  "Venne,  37ou  rat."  "Venne,  you
    stooge,  we  are  coming  out  to  get  you  tonight."

    Mr.  Striplixg.  How  many  phone  calls  did  you  receive?

    Mr.  Venxe.  I  received  so  man}7  phone  calls  I  couldn't  count  them.
    I  received  a  lot  of  phone  calls  that  were  commendable.  "Venne,  keep
    up  the  good  work.  Don't  let  them  scare  you.  Don't  let  them  scare
    you."    "Don't  let  them  do  this."    "We  are  a  hundred  percent  for  you."

    I  received  hundreds  of  letters  and  postcards.  Some  people  were  so
    afraid  that  they  didn't  sign  their  names.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  How  many  phone  calls  did  you  receive  in  which  you
    were  threatened,  so  to  speak  ?

    Mr.  Venxe.  I  received  calls — I  would  lift  up  the  receiver,  there
    was  no  answer;  you  would  lift  up  the  receiver  and  somebod}7  would
    pretend  to  be  somebody  else;  there  were  calls  that  threatened  my
    wife,  called  my  wife  obscene  names;  there  were  calls  that  threatened
    my  family,  my  children ;  and  there  were  innumerable  tradesmen  who
    were  sent  out  to  my  home  to  paint  my  house,  to  move  my  family  ouu
    of  the  city,  to  sell  my  house.  I  could  go  on  and  give  you  a  big  list.  I
    was  getting  a  "nerve"  treatment.

    The  Chairtuax.  The  open  season  on  communism  was  in  reverse  \

    Mr.  Vexxe.  It  backfired.  1  was  to  hold  a  meeting  on  the  Friday
    following  this — I  had  had  so  much  support  that  I  figured  that  it  war-
    ranted the  hiring  of  a  hall  to  get  this  movement  under  way  in  big
    style.  I  was  informed  that  local  248  was  getting  every  Communist  in
    Milwaukee  County  to  pack  that  meeting,  so  I  called  the  meeting  off.
    But  we  did  hold  a  meeting  in  the  Marine  Hall,  1111  West  Highland

    65744—47 4

    46  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Avenue,  Milwaukee,  secretly.  There  were  only  a  few  of  the  strategic
    committee  invited.  Evidently  there  was  a  leak  somewhere  and  the
    goon  squad  appeared  on  the  scene.

    They  entered  the  meeting  and  when  I  recognized  a  few  I  asked  them
    what  they  were  doing  there.  They  stated  that  they  were  there  and
    if  it  was  a  democratic  meeting  "Why  can't  we  be  here,  too?"

    Well,  after  all,  they  got  me,  brother,  I  was  advocating  democracy.
    So  I  gave  them  the  floor.  I  was  going  to  be  real  democratic.  When
    I  gave  them  the  floor  we  didn't  have  a  chance  to  speak.  They  took  it
    over.    So  I  adjourned  the  meeting.

    But  I  was  challeneged  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  local  union  held
    on  October  13,  191G,  in  the  South  Side  Army.  The  meeting  had  been
    recently  scheduled  for  the  Fair  Park,  which  would  hold  11,000  people,
    but  local  248  leadership  was  smart,  they  canceled  the  meeting  at  the
    Fair  Park  and  held  it  at  the  South  Side  Armory,  which  held  only  800
    people.

    When  I  walked  into  that  meeting  I  had  a  lot  of  support.  I  knew
    some  of  the  boys  there,  a  lot  of  them.  I  walked  in.  From  the  entrance
    to  the  front  of  the  hall  was  a  distance  of  about  200  yards.  The  goon
    squad  was  on  each  side  of  the  hall,  all  lined  up  this  way  [indicating].
    That,  of  course,  was  for  psychological  reasons,  I  suppose.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  goon  squad,  is  that  what  you  referred  to  as  the
    flying  squadron  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  the  term  used  commonly  for  the  218  flying
    squadron.

    I  might  say  I  walked  into  that  hall  and  when  I  saw  the  set-up  there,
    I  was  a  little  bit  sick.  I  took — the  bargaining  committee  report  was
    the  first  order  of  business  on  the  floor  and  Robert  Buse  gave  the  bar-
    gaining committee  report.  I  immediately  arose  to  speak  on  the  bar-
    gaining committee  report.  I  advanced  to  the  microphone  and  before
    I  was  allowed  to  approach  the  microphone,  I  was  asked  for  my  name
    and  department  number.  I  told  them,  "Leon  Venne,  No.  2  tractor
    shop."  "Boo !  Throw  him  out."  The  booing  was  so  loud  that  I
    couldn't  speak.     They  had  shut  off  the  microphone.     I  couldn't  speak.

    Ed  Eisenscher  controlled  the  electrical  system  for  the  loud  speaker
    system.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  he  run  for  the  governorship?

    Mr.  Venne.  Ed  Eisenschev  is  a  brother  of  Sigmund  Eisenscher,
    who  ran  for  Governor  on  the  Communist  ticket.

    I  tried  to  speak.  I  couldn't.  It  was  impossible.  They  wouldn't
    let  me  speak.  I  threatened  that  unless  I  was  accorded  the  rights  of
    local  218  I  woidd  leave.  I  started  to  walk  out.  But  that  was  my
    mistake.  That  was  the  mistake  I  made.  I  didn't  keep  on  walking.
    After  I  had  gotten  through  saying  the  few  things  I  could  say  under
    the  restrictions  placed  on  me.  one,  two,  three,  four,  five  of  the  favorite
    stooges  arose  on  the  floor  batted  down  everything  I  said,  and  to  top
    it  off,  Mattson,  regional  director  of  region  1,  in  his  speech  to  the  local,
    stated :

    We  do  not  aire  what  the  political  philosophy  of  the  union  leadership  is,  that
    is  of  no  account  to  us ;  we  are  interested  only  in  the  grievances  that  are  before
    the  local ;  we  are  only  interested  in  the  grievances  of  the  strike.

    I  could  go  into  these  grievances  on  the  strike.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venne,  when  was  the  last  election,  to  your
    knowledge,  held  in  local  248?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  47

    Mr.  Venne.  The  last  election  of  officers?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Last  election  of  officers;  yes.

    Mr.  Venne.  The  last  election  of  officers  was  held  about  the  last  week,
    I  believe  it  was.     It  was  last  week.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  how  many  votes  were  cast?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  votes  were  less  than  900.  The  incumbenl  leader-
    ship received  675,  I  believe  it  was.  There  was  a  disorganized  caucus
    against  them,  and  they  received  a  very  small  number.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  this  union,  which  is  supposed  to
    have  8,000  members,  in  its  last  election  less  than  eight  or  nine  hundred
    votes  were  cast?

    Mr.  Venne.  That  is  right.  The  membership  has  become  disheart-
    ened to  such  an  extent  that  there  no  longer  is  a  desire  to  participate  in
    union  affairs.  I  believe  that  the  local  union  leadership  knows  that
    the  strike  at  Allis-Chalmers  is  not  only  a  black  name  for  all  labor,  but
    some  of  the  sins  they  have  committed  will  result  in  stringent  labor
    legislation  being  passed  in  this  session  of  Congress.

    I  believe  that  I  am  to  be  subpenaed  before  that  committee,  and  I
    have  a  few  recommendations  I  would  like  to  make  myself.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Venne,  let  me  ask  you  if  this  is  a  fair  state-
    ment :  This  Allis-Chalmers  case  is  a  good  example  of  how  Communist
    labor  leadership  can  retard  not  only  the  war  effort  of  the  country  but
    retard  the  economic  return  to  normalcy  of  the  people  of  the  United
    States.     Is  that  a  fair  statement?

    Mr.  Venne.  Yes,  sir;  I  believe  that  is  a  fair  statement.

    The  Chairman.  Let  we  ask  you  if  this  is  a  fair  statement :  It  is
    certainly  long  overdue  that  both  Government  and  the  rank  and  file
    of  labor  take  such  steps  to  clean  labor's  house  of  un-American  termites
    if  America  is  ever  to  maintain — if  America  is  to  maintain  its  leader-
    ship position  in  world  affairs.     Do  you  believe  that  is  a  fair  statement  \

    Mr.  Venne.  I  believe  it  is.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Let  me  ask  you  if  this  is  a  fair  statement :  The  Com-
    munist movement  in  America  is  doing  more  to  injure  the  social  and
    economic  advancement  of  labor  than  it  is  to  assist  it  (

    Mr.  Venne.  I  would  state  this:  If  local  248  is  broken,  the  laboring
    man  at  Allis-Chalmers  can  get  a  gun  and  go  out  and  get  the  Com-
    munists who  are  the  cause  of  breaking  the  union  at  Allis-Chalmers.

    The  Chairman.  I  didn't  quite  understand  that  answer.  What  was
    the  answer?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  believe  that  every  man  and  woman  working  in  Allis-
    Chalmers  who  wants  a  union  there — and  I  will  say  this — that  the
    great  majority  of  workers  of  Allis-Chalmers  want  a  good,  st  rong  union
    in  the,  shop,  because  it  is  a  necessity,  as  it  is  in  any  plant  of  the  size
    of  Allis-Chalmers; — and  that  if  this  union  is  broken  out  there,  the
    men  and  women  have  nobody  to  blame  but  the  Communist  Party,  who,
    through  their  infiltration  and  through  their  tactics,  and  the  rank
    methods  of  conducting  union  meetings,  and  conducting  laborers'
    right — curbing  labor's  righ.1  to  speak— it  is  through  their  dirty  infiltra-
    tion that  the  union,  if  it  is  broken,  at  Allis-Chalmers — that  is  how  i:
    will  be  broken.

    Mr.  Mundt.  You  didn't  exactly  answer  my  question,  although  the
    implication  is  pretty  much  of  an  answer.     I  want  to  ask  this  question  :

    As  a  laboring  man  who  belongs  to  the  CIO,  and  who  believes  in
    unions,  do  you  feel  that  the  Communist  movement  in  this  country,  as
    a  whole,  has  done  more  to  aid  labor  or  to  injure  it  ?

    48  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Venne.  They  have  done  more  to  injure  labor.  They  have  done
    more  by  far  to  injure  labor.  There  is  nothing  that  can  take  the  place
    of  good  Americanism  behind  a  union.

    Mr.  Mundt.  In  other  words,  you  would  agree  with  me  that  the  best
    chance  for  labor  to  make  advancement  for  itself  is  to  work  through
    the  pattern  of  free-enterprise  system  rather  than  the  other  way  ?

    Mr.  'Venne.  That  is  right.  I  believe  that  labor,  in  order  to  make
    any  of  the  gains  that  labor  must  make,  must  clean  house,  and  it  doesn't
    start  at  the  bottom,  but  it  starts  at  the  top.  We  see  in  Allis-Chalmers
    today  a  situation  that  has  come  about  through  political  maneuvering
    of  two  people  who  want  the  same  job  in  the  United  Automobile  Work-
    ers of  America,  namely,  Walter  Reuther  and  R.  J.  Thomas.  R.  J.
    Thomas  is  now  using  the  Allis-Chalmers  strike  to  insure  that  at  the
    next  convention  he  will  have  87  votes  to  cast  in  favor  of  his  presidency.
    R.  J.  Thomas — I  mean,  R.  J.  Thomas — belongs  to  the  left-wing  bloc  in
    the  international.

    While  I  don't  pretend  to  call  him  a  Communist,  he  accepts  their
    support.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Venne,  would  you  clarify  your  statement  about
    the  87  votes  ?  In  other  words,  if  this  strike  were  settled  now,  the  votes
    which  local  248  would  carry  to  the  convention  would  be  much  smaller
    than  if  the  strike  is  not  settled ;  is  that  right  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  The  international — I  mean,  local  248  is  exonerated  from
    paying  per  capita  tax  to  the  international  union  while  a  strike  is  in
    progress.  On  April  29,  the  day  the  strike  was  called,  local  248  had
    87  votes  at  the  international  convention — that  is,  they  have  a  vote  for
    every  one  of  the  members.  They  will  still  carry  that  87  votes  at  the
    convention  that  is  to  be  held ;  I  believe  it  is  in  September.

    Providing  that — I  am  getting  ahead  of  myself.

    The  constitution  of  the  United  Auto  Workers  states  that  a  per
    capita  tax  will  be  based  on  a  period  of  1  year  preceding  60  days  from
    the  convention  date,  which  means  that  if  the  strike  continues  to  ap-
    proximately June  31,  then  local  248  will  carry  87  votes  to  support  R.  J.
    Thomas  in  his  fight  against  Walter  Reuther:  whereas  if  the  strike  was
    settled,  say,  today,  we  will  have  to  figure  some  months  on  an  87  basis
    and  some  months  at  possibly — I  would  state  that  if  the  strike  were
    settled  today  the  members  of  local  248  would  drop  to  an  all-time  low
    of  probably  2,000  to  3,000  on  the  outside,  and  probably  less.

    The  Chairman.  Then,  Mr.  Venne,  do  you  mean  to  imply  that  the
    real  purpose  of  this  strike  is  to  determine  the  national  leadership
    between  Reuther  and  Thomas  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  I  will  put  it  this  way,  sir:  The  continuation  of  this
    strike — the  continuance  of  the  strike  is  due  to  the — rests  on  the  political
    angle  of  the  international  fight  for  the  presidency  of  the  U.  A.  W.  of  A.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  spoke  awhile  ago  about  burns.  I  want  to
    inquire :  How  did  you  get  burned  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  Well,  there  was  a  gasoline  explosion

    Mr.  McDowell.  It  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  strike  ?

    Mr.  Venne.  No  ;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  strike.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  all  the  questions  I  have,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Any  other  questions  ?

    (No  response.)

    COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS  49

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  ask  that,  certain  documents  which
    were  used  in  the  proceeding  be  accepted  in  the  record  as  exhibits.
    The  Chairman.  So  ordered.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling,  bring  up  your  next  witness.
    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness  will  be  Mr.  Walter  Petersen.

    TESTIMONY  OF  WALTER  PETERSEN

    (The  witness  was  duly  sworn  by  Mr.  Mundt,  acting  chairman.)

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Petersen,  will  you  state  your  full  name  and
    address  for  the  record  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Walter  Petersen.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  speak  as  loud  as  possible?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.     It  is  spelled  s-e-n.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Dane?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  was  born  in  Milwaukee,  February  23,  1899.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  are  you  presently  employed?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Allis-Chalmers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  been  employed  there?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  have  been  employed  there  since  March  4,  1935.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  do  you  hold  at  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  am  a  lay-out  man.

    Mr.  Stripling.  A  lay-out  man  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  department  are  you  employed  in  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Steam  turbines.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  a  member  of  local  248  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  first  join  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  joined  in  1935,  when  it  was  still  the  A.  F.  of  L.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  it  become  a  CIO  affiliate?

    Mr.  Petersen.  In  the  spring  of  1936.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  ever  hold  any  position  in  the  union?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  was  committeeman  in  1940.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Committeeman?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  were  your  duties  as  committeeman?

    Mr.  Petersen.  The  duties  as  committeeman — well,  I  settled  what-
    ever grievances  came  up  in  the  particular  department  or  group.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  ever  been  expelled  from  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  have.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  were  you  expelled  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  was  technically  expelled  by  the  trial  board  on
    January  14  and  by  the  membership  on  February  6.

    Mr.  Stripling.  1946?

    Mr.  Petersen.  1947.

    Mr.  Stripling.  1947?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.  *

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  were  the  charges  against  you  ?

    50  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR    UNIONS

    Mr.  Petersen.  The  charges  against  me  were  for  having  caused  to
    be  run  an  ad  in  the  paper  and  giving  statements  to  the  press  without
    the  sanction  of  the  union  officers  and  for  conduct  unbecoming  a  union
    member.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  you  were  expelled  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  sir;  I  was  expelled,  technically.  I  haven't  been
    notified  officially  yet.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  an  officer  in  an  independent  union  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Which  is  now  operating  in  Allis-Chalmers?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  the  name  of  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Independent  Workers  of  Allis-Chalmers;  unaffili-
    ated.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Unaffiliated?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  say  that  the  majority  of  your  member-
    ship is  made  up  of  former  members  of  local  248  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  They  are ;  yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  percentage  would  you  say  of  them?

    Mr.  Petersen.  About  95  percent.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Ninety-five  percent  are  former  members  of  2-18?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  joined  the  union  in  1935,  did  you  ever
    detect  any  Communist  influences  within  the  union  or  the  rank  and  file,
    or  in  the  leadership  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Not  at  that  time ;  no.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  first  detect  any  Communist  influences  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  that  came  into  it  after  Christoffel  took  over
    the  leadership  in  1936.

    Mr.  Stripling.  At  the  time  he  took  over  the  leadership  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.  At  the  time  he  took  over  the  leadership  he  was
    associated  with  Eugene  Dennis,  and  at  that  time  I  had  my  doubts,
    because  at  that  time  Eugene  Dennis  was  chairman  of  the  Communist
    Party  of  district  18.    I  believe  it  was,  of  Milwaukee.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  was  the  head  of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Chairman  of  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  Christoffel  was  an  associate  of  Dennis?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  they  make  speeches  on  the  same  platform?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Eugene  Dennis  was  with  Christoffel  on  the  same
    platform.  He  appeared  at  the  meetings  when  they  were  still  in  the
    A.  F.  of  L.  Christoffel  at  that  time  was  a  member  of  the  Electrical
    Workers  of  the  A.  F.  of  L.  of  Allis-Chalmers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Petersen,  since  you  were  a  member  of  the  union
    for,  say,  approximately  12  years,  would  you  care  to  state  to  the  com-
    mittee whether  or  not  you  considered  local  248  to  be  under  the  domi-
    nation of  the  Communist  Party  during  the  12  years  that  you  were
    a  member  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  I  would.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  it  a  constant  domination,  or  were  there  inter-
    vals in  which  the  party  lost  control  ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  51

    Mr.  Petersen.  It  was  constant  domination.  It  took  Christ offeJ  and
    his  group  about  2  or  3  years  to  weed  out  the  individuals  that  they  did
    not  want  in  it.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  the  strike  which  was  called  in
    April  1946  was  Communist-inspired?

    Mr.  Petersen.  It  was.     I  would  say  it  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  are  definitely  of  that  opinion  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  the  strike  has  been  prolonged  on
    account  of  Communist  influences  within  the  union  '.

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  angle  of  it  has  kind  of  dropped  out  of  the
    picture.  It  is  now  being  prolonged  more  or  less  as  a  political  end.
    That  is

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  hear  the  testimony  of  the  preceding  witness.
    Mr.  Venne  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  do  you  have  to  say  concerning  his  testimony
    about  the  87  votes  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.  If  the  strike  is  prolonged  until  June
    1947,  which  would  be  about  60  days  before  the  date  of  the  convention,
    local  248  would  still  carry  87  vote.s  at  the  convention,  due  to  the  fact
    that  the  status  of  the  members  of  the  union  would  revert  back  to  1945;
    and  if  the  strike  was  settled  before  that,  they  would  lose  approximately,
    about  30  votes,  they  would  probably  have  about  2.1 — more  than  that —
    have  about  25  or  30  votes  left  at  the  convention,  because  it  would  be
    based  then  on  the  basis  of  the  present  membership.

    Mr.  Mundt.  You  mean  they  would  lose  about  60  votes  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  They  would  lose  about  60  votes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  made  any  effort  to  oust  the  Communists —
    as  a  member  of  good  standing  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  we  did.  We  have  been  in  and  out  of  this  fight
    practically  since  1939.  In  1941,  I  had  much  correspondence  with
    Clare  Hoffman.     We  already  new  about  it.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  ever  communicate  with  any  of  the  inter-
    national officers  of  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  3^011  communicate  with  them?  Who  did  you
    communicate  with  (

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  communicated  with  Mr.  Reuther  and  Mr.  Murray
    both.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Walter  Reuther  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Philip  Murray?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  President  of  the  CIO?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  get  any  respon.se?

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  never  received  any  response  from  them  whatso-
    ever.

    Mr.  Mundt.  They  didn't  answer?

    Mr.  Petersen.  They  didn't  answer  or  recognize  the  letter.  The  only
    evidence  we  have  is  that  they  were  sent  by  registered  mail,  and  the
    receipt  is  all  we  have.

    52  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  alone  in  your  petition  to  Mr.  Murray  and
    Mr.  Reuther  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  No.  This  dates  back  to  last  September  1946.  There
    was  about  four  or  five  of  us  from  our  department  who  got  together
    and  talked  things  over  and  we  gradually  expanded,  held  caucuses  in
    West  Allis,  and  we  had  talked  all  the  different  angles  of  how  to  clear
    up  this  leadership  thing  pro  and  con,  but  as  we  grew  bigger  we  also
    were  raided  by  the  goon  squads.  We  would  be  chased  off  of  one  corner
    and  would  go  to  the  next  to  have  a  meeting.  We  decided  at  last  that
    there  was  no  way  we  could  beat  them  but  by  going  on  the  other  side
    of  the  fence  and  withdrawing  our  support  from  the  union,  which  we
    did.  There  was  at  that  time  about  3.000  of  u,s  that  went  in  and  more
    workers  came  in  right  along  and  in  the  latter  part  of  November  we
    had  repudiation  cards  printed.  I  believe  I  have  one  with  me.  Here
    it  is  [indicating].

    Mr.  Stripling.  This  reads :

    I,  the  undersigned  employee  of  Allis-Chalmers  Manufacturing  Co.,  do  hereby
    repudiate  all  officers  and  members  of  the  bargaining  unit  of  local  No.  248,  and
    therefore  demand  their  immediate  removal.  I  also  pledge  my  full  support  to
    any  further  action  taken  by  the  committee  formed  for  this  purpose.

    Dated  April  1946.  How  many  members  of  local  248  signed  such
    a  card  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  had  approximately — at  the  time  we  sent  the
    petition  in,  we  had  2,600  of  those  cards  signed.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  did  you  send  the  petition?

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  sent  it  to  Mr.  Reuther — one  to  Mr.  Reuther  and
    one  to  Mr.  Murray.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  you  received  no  reply  from  them?

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  received  no  reply  whatsoever.     -

    Mr.  Mundt.  You  sent  it  by  registered  mail  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  sir ;  by  registered  mail.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Receipt  requested?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.

    Mr.  Mundt.  So  you  know  they  got  it  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  sir ;  I  have  the  receipt.

    Mr.  Mundt.  You  have  written  evidence  that  the  national  leader-
    ship of  the  CIO  entirely  ignored  the  desires  of  the  ordinary  dues-
    paying  members?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.  The  wording,  I  don't  recall  exactly ;
    it  called  for  the  international  to  suspend  the  present  officers  of  local
    248  and  to  set  up  an  administratorship  and  hold  an  election  as  soon
    as  possible  for  the  election  of  new  officers  and  members  of  the  bargain-
    ing group,  and  it  also  carried  certain  demands  to  be  met:  that  the
    status  of  all  union  members  would  revert  to  as  of  April  1, 1946,  before
    the  strike,  and  that  any  action  taken  by  the  officers  against  any  member
    of  the  union  would  be  nullified.  We  set  a  time  limit.  We  mailed  that
    in  on  December  4,  and  we  set  a  time  limit  for  an  answer  on  that  as  of
    December  13.  At  this  meeting  of  December  9  between  the  committee,
    when  we  sent  that  letter  out,  we  spoke  of  different  ways  of  proceed-
    ing— the  next  step,  if  our  demands  were  not  met — and  instructed  all
    committeeman  that  they  should  contact  all  the  workers  in  their  de-
    partments, whoever  they  were  representing,  and  get  their  opinion  as
    to  what  was  to  be  done  as  the  next  step.     The  formation  of  an  inde-

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  53

    pendent  organization,  or  any  other  which  would  be  their  desire — have
    that  ready,  have  that  report  ready  for  the  next  meeting.  On  Decem-
    ber 9 — that  was  a  day  of  wild  rioting  at  the  Allis-Chalmers  plant.
    You  are  aware,  undoubtedly,  of  what  happened.

    It  happened  that  on  December  8,  Walter  Reuther  was  in  town,
    was  in  Milwaukee,  and  we  made  an  attempt  to  contact  him.  I  had
    tried  to  contact  him  all  that  day  at  different  points  around  town.  I
    knew  where  he  was  and  failed  to  make  connections.  When  the  rioting
    happened  on  this  Monday,  we  put  out  a  call  for  a  special  meeting
    for  that  evening.  We  held  this  meeting  at  the  Marine  Memorial  Build-
    ing. I  planned  in  advance.  I  notified  the  police  department,  and
    they  had  plenty  of  police  there — plenty  of  police  protection  there.
    We  were  well  protected.  That  is  the  way  we  have  run  all  our  meet-
    ings since.    We  have  always  had  police  protection  at  every  meeting.

    During  the  course  of  this  meeting  1  stated  the  fact  that  Reuther
    was  in  town  the  day  before  and  failed  to  notify  us  or  get  in  touch
    with  us,  and  I  failed  to  contact  him,  and  what  happened  that  day
    out  at  the  plant.    We  took  that  for  his  answer  to  our  demands.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Might  I  inquire  there.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  Philip
    Murray  and  the  Mr.  Reuther  that  he  is  discussing  is  the  same  Philip
    Murray  and  Mr.  Reuther  who  have  recently  said  that  the  United  States
    Senate  that  no  further  labor  laws  are  needed  in  America?

    Mr.  Mtjndt.  You  are  referring  to  President  Philip  Murray  of  the
    CIO  and  President  Reuther  of  the  UAW?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  sir.

    So  we  accepted  those  acts  of  violence  that  happened  that  day  out
    there  as  our  answer  to  our  demand  in  the  petition  and  I  called  on
    each  committeeman  to  report  on  what  the  membership  had  advised
    them  to  do.  Each  one  turned  in  their  report  and  the  reports  were
    all  the  same — 95  percent  of  the  workers  that  they  contacted  all  ad-
    vised them  to  form  an  independent  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  Mr.  Petersen,  was  there  a  desire
    on  the  part  of  the  workers  to  go  back  to  work,  for  economic  reasons?

    Mr.  Petersen.  There  was.  I  had  another  job;  I  was  working,  but
    some  of  us — we  all  quit  the  jobs  we  had  to  take  up  the  fight  to  clean
    up  the  leadership.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  you  had  had  so  many  strikes,  which
    had  been  costly  not  only  to  the  workers  but  to  the  welfare  of  the
    country  as  well,  that  you  felt  that  unless  the  union  were  purged  of
    this  Communist  domination  it  would  not  succeed?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  did  you  place,  did  your  group  place  in  the
    Milwaukee  Journal  the  following  ad ■

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  we  did.    That  was  around  December  1.

    Mr.  Stripling.  December  1?

    Mr.  Peterson.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  read  one  paragraph
    from  this  article.     It  states :

    We  want  the  public  to  know  that  there  are  no  scabs  or  job  stealers  now  work-
    ing at  Allis-Chalmers.  Those  who  are  back  at  work  worked  for  Allis-Chalmers
    long  before  the  strike  was  called.  They  have  returned  to  work  after  their  war
    bonds  and  savings,  that  they  had  worked  for  years  to  save,  have  been  used  up.
    We  have  returned  to  work  after  being  taken  to  the  cleaners  by  a  bunch  of  Com-
    munists.

    54  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Was  that  the  sentiment,  so  to  speak,  of  the  group  that  formed  the
    Independent  ?

    Mr.  Peterson.  That  was,  and  another  thing  that  we  stressed  very
    strongly  was  this,  none  of  us  that  went  in  to  work  at  that  time  were  a
    bunch  of  scabs ;  it  was  just  a  bunch  that  had  the  guts  and  the  nerve  to
    tell  the  leadership  to  go  to  hell.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  many  members  have  joined  you  at  the  present
    time  ?

    Mr.  Peterson.  At  the  present  time  I  would  say  we  are  at — at  the
    present  time  we  have  around  3,000.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Three  thousand?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  many  workers  are  back  at  Allis-Chalmers  now  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  There  are  close  to  5,000 — 5,500  production  workers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  a  majority  of  the  workers  who  have
    returned  have  joined  the  independent  union.

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.  And  I  would  like  to  have  this  in  the
    record:  that  there  are  still  a  lot  that  are  afraid  to  sign  up,  afraid  to
    put  their  names  on,  afraid  the  union  will  get  hold  of  those  names  and
    there  will  be  retaliation  by  the  goon  squad.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Why  do  you  say  they  are  afraid  to  sign  anything  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  they  really  are.  Mr.  Gooding  remarked  at
    our  hearing — he  made  the  remark  and  had  it  put  in  the  record,  that
    those  acts  of  violence  proved  that  the  people,  the  workers  out  there,
    are  intimidated,  and  proves  why  we  only  had  3,000  of  those — at  that
    time,  1,800  of  those  cards  signed  calling  for  a  new  election  instead  of
    having  3,000  signed  up.

    Mr.  Gooding,  chairman  of  the  Wisconsin  Labor  Board.

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  am  a  little  vague  on  this,  but  I  remember  reading  in
    the  newspaper  that  the  Governor  of  Wisconsin  ordered  an  election  to
    be  held  at  the  Allis-Chalmers  plant  for  the  purpose  of  determining  the
    rightful  bargaining  agent  for  the  workers.  Was  it  your  independent
    labor  union  that  asked  that  that  election  be  held?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right,     We  are  working  up  to  that  now.

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  would  like  to  know  something  about  that.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  go  ahead  with  that,  Mr.  Petersen  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  On  December  9,  we  had  that  meeting  and  the  report
    was  to  form  the  independent,  So  we  set  up  our  temporary  officers  and
    our  temporary  steering  committee.  And  we  had  filled  out  an  applica-
    tion card  asking  for — petitioning  the  Labor  Board  requesting  a  bar-
    gaining election  be  held.  That  was  filed  with  the  Labor  Board,  De-
    partment 11,  I  believe  it  was.  In  1  week's  time  we  had  1,800  signa-
    tures to  the  petition  calling  for  an  election — in  less  than  a  week's  time,
    As  I  said,  there  were  more  that  would  have  signed,  but  they  were  still
    afraid  of  the  goon  squad.     Very  much  so.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  does  the  goon  squad  work?  You  seem  to  inti-
    mate that  the  membership  of  the  local  is  under  fear  from  this  goon
    squad.     Do  you  mean  within  the  plant  or  within  the  union  hall?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Within  the  plant,  within  the  union  hall,  and  outside —
    in  their  homes  direct.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Have  you  ever  been  threatened  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  have  been  threatened.  I  have  one  letter  now  with
    the  FBI  in  Washington  being  checked  for  fingerprints.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR    UNIONS  55

    Mr.  McDowell.  Have  you  ever  been  injured?

    Mr.  Petersen.  No;  I  haven't

    Mr.  Mundt.  Have  there  been  cases  where  the  goon  squad  has  re-
    sorted to  physical  violence  upon  members  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  There  is.  I  forget  how  many  cases  are  being  tried
    in  the  courts  of  Milwaukee  now.  There  are  some  under  sentence  now
    in  Milwaukee — from  the  goon  squad.

    Mr.  Mundt.  This  fear  then,  is  a  real  fear  on  the  part  of  the  workers?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  sir.  We  have  9G  cases  of  paint  throwing  in  the
    city  of  Milwaukee — and,  of  course,  we  haven't  been  able  to  catch  any-
    body at  it.     You  still  have  to  catch  them  before  they  can  be  convicted.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Where  do  they  throw  it,  on  the  automobiles  or
    houses  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  They  travel  around  at  night  in  cars  and  throw  it
    through  windows.  There  were  several  cases  where  small  children  got
    paint  all  over  themselves.  One  time  it  was  around  Christmas  time.
    Small  children,  around  the  Christmas  tree,  and  the  paint,  and  every-
    thing, went  over  them,  glass  and  all.  Another  case  was  where  paint
    was  thrown  through  the  bedroom  window  and  hit  a  little  fellow  about
    3,  who  had  to  be  taken  to'the  hospital  and  cleaned  of  paint  from  head
    to  foot.

    Mr.  McDowell.  There  has  been  a  reign  of  terror,  from  what  you
    say,  in  Milwaukee.  Have  the  local  officials  there  attempted  to  do
    something  about  it  ?     This  is  crime  you  are  speaking  of.

    Mr.  Petersen.  They  have  tried  everything.  They  have  had  men
    planted  around  my  house  at  night,  figuring  they  would  pay  me  a  visit.
    There  have  been  cases  where  they  suspected  it  was  a  car,  but  they  were
    in  a  position  where  they  usually  traveled  around  three  or  four  times
    before  doing  anything,  making  sure  that  no  one  was  around.  I  live
    on  a  busy  street  and  they  probably  have  held  back  for  that  reason.
    We  had  the  evidence  as  to  a  party  who  bought  large  amounts  of  paint
    in  small  cans  and  they  have  traced  the  numbers  on  these  cans  to  this
    one  store  in  Milwaukee  that  sold  it  and  they  know  the  man  who  bought
    it,  but  they  have  to  catch  him  at  throwing  it.

    Since  that  evidence  came  out  the  paint  throwing  has  stopped.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Let's  go  back  to  the  petition.  You  petitioned  for  an
    election.  The  election  was  called  and  you  lost  it  in  a  very  close  vote ;
    is  that  correct?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  didn't  quite  get  that.

    Mr.  Mundt.  The  election  was  called,  was  it  not,  to  determine  t Tie
    bargaining  agency  at  the  plant  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Your  organization,  as  I  remember,  lost  it  by  a  rather
    close  vote  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  haven't  lost  it  yet.  There  are  1G  challenged
    ballots  there  and  those  ballots  will  count,  but  there  is  a  restraining
    order  in  the  courts  that  has  to  be  disposed  of  before  they  can  be  opened.
    I  can  say  with  positiveness  I  don't  think  they  will  be  able  to  get  7  out
    of  those  16.  The  union  must  get  7  to  gain  a  half-vote  majority.
    They  have  to  get  7  out  of  those  1G  votes  that  are  there.

    Mr.  Mundt.  You  feel  you  can  win  that  election?

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  feel  confident  there  will  be  another  run-off  election
    ordered.

    56  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Mundt.  Was  the  election  conducted  fairly  and  honestly  and
    supervised  by  the  officials  so  that  you  had  an  honest  count  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  As  far  as  it  was.  Of  course,  there  was  one  instance,
    but  I  can't  blame  the  Labor  Board,  and  I  don't  want  to  make  any
    charges  against  them,  but  when  they  had  the  ballots  all  counted  they
    made  the  mistake  of  walking  away  from  the  ballots  and  248  members
    crowded  around  the  tables  where  the  ballots  were  placed,  but  I  don't
    think  anybody  could  have  done  anything,  but  still  I  called  this  man,
    and  they  sent  a  man  over  to  stand  by  the  ballots.

    Mr.  Mundt.  I  mean,  after  all,  you  are  kind  of  close  to  Chicago,  and
    you  couldn't  blame  them  too  much  for  that  Chicago  influence.

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.  Otherwise,  the  election  was  con-
    ducted as  fairly  as  possible.  I  would  say  it  was  a  fair  election.  The
    only  thing,  we  didn't  have  the  funds  to  combat  the  campaigns  which
    they  put  on.  For  instance,  some  of  them  have  come  to  me,  as  late  as
    last  week,  some  have  come  to  me  and  said  they  voted  to  end  the  strike
    a  couple  of  weeks  ago,  and  the  strike  is  still  on.  They  had  signs  read-
    ing, "Vote  for  248  and  end  the  strike."

    Mr.  Stripling.  Getting  back  to  these  terrorist  tactics  that  you  re-
    ferred to,  was  there  any  evidence  of  this,  that  if  a  worker  was  not
    going  along,  so  to  speak,  with  the  line,  was  any  action  taken  against
    him,  to  your  knowledge,  and  if  so,  how  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  if  you  weren't  signed  up,  they  would  ask  you
    first,  and  then  ask  you  again,  they  would  probably  give  you  a  week's
    time  to  think  it  over,  and  come  back,  and  if  you  didn't  sign  then  they
    just  told  you  right  out,  "Sign  the  card  or  else."  They  didn't  have
    to  mention  more,  because  everybody  knew  what  the  "or  else"  meant.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  did  it  mean?

    Mr.  Petersen.  In  some  cases,  where  fellows  didn't  sign  up,  they  put
    the  pressure  on  other  members  of  the  local  working  around  them,
    they  were  not  allowed  to  speak  to  them,  or  have  anything  to  do  with
    them.  There  would  be  times  when  the  fellow  would  open  up  his  lunch
    box  and  probably  find  a  dead  rat.  Which  did  happen  in  one  shop.
    Sometimes  you  would  open  the  coffee  bottle  and  instead  of  coffee  you
    would  have  oil  or  soap.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  "nerve"  treatment?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  was  the  nerve  treatment.  They  really  gave
    you  the  works.  You  signed  up,  and  most  of  them  became  dues-paying
    members,  afraid  to  go  to  the  union  hall.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  reason  I  wanted  to  bring  that
    point  out  was  because  there  was  some  question  this  morning  as  to  why
    more  of  the  members  of  248  did  not  participate  in  the  elections.  The
    witnesses  pointed  out  that  a  number  of  people  joined  the  local  under
    duress.  In  other  words,  they  weren't  interested  in  joining  the  local,
    but  because  of  the  conditions  under  which  they  had  to  work  if  they
    did  not  join,  they  were  forced  to  join.

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  can  answer  that  in  a  few  words.  The  condition
    of  the  local  today — it  was  built  up  and  held  together  through  threats
    of  violence  and  cast  of  violence,  strong-arm  methods.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Those  are  all  the  questions  I  have.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Let  me  ask  you,  Mr.  Petersen :  As  I  recall,  I  saw  a  series
    of  articles  published  by  a  Milwaukee  newspaper  intending  to  expose
    the  Communist  infiltration  in  the  Allis- Chalmers  plant.  Which
    paper  was  that  ?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  57

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  was  the  Milwaukee  Sentinel.8

    Mr.  Mundt.  Do  those  articles  refer  to  your  good  American  workers
    that  were  trying  to  clean  it  up  '.

    Mr.  Petersen.  They  proved  that  we  have  been  right  all  along.
    Those  statements,  every  one  of  those  facts  in  the  paper,  every  one  in
    there  is  a  signed  statement.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Those  articles  probably  had  the  effect  of  helping  a
    great  many  good  American  laborers  who  were  not  on  the  inside  to
    realize  what  was  going  on  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  It  did  and  did  not.  You  know  the  workings  of  the
    Communist  Party.  When  these  articles  appeared  they  had  an  answer
    for  everything.  You  can  never  beat  down  a  Communist;  he  will
    always  come  back  up.

    Mr.  Mundt.  This  committee  is  going  to  prove  that  what  you  have
    just  said  is  a  fallacy.  We  don't  know  whether  we  will  succeed  or  not,
    but  that  is  our  ambition.

    Mr.  Petersen.  I  don't  know  if  you  read  this  little  article  in  the
    paper  concerning  Robert  Buse ;  it  was  in  the  Journal.  Eugene  Dennis
    spoke  at  the  Milwaukee  Auditorium.  That  was  just  about  a  month
    ago.  One  of  those  present  was  Robert  Buse,  of  local  248.  After  the
    meeting,  when  they  announced  the  donations  and  the  amount  that  was
    donated,  local  248  had  donated,  had  put  in  one  of  the  largest  dona-
    tions of  the  evening.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Does  anyone  have  any  questions  of  the  witness?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Those  are  all  the  questions  I  have  of  Mr.  Petersen.
    Mr.  Russell  has  just  two  questions.

    Mr.  Mundt.  All  right.

    Mr.  Russell.  Mr.  Petersen,  you  stated  a  while  ago  that  the  result
    of  the  election  called  by  the  State  of  Wisconsin  in  this  matter  was
    very  close.

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Russell.  How  much  money  did  the  independent  union  have  to
    finance  its  campaign  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  took  up  collections  at  the  start.  We  had  small
    envelopes.  It  stated  on  the  face  of  it,  "My  donation  for  the  Inde-
    pendent Workers  of  Allis-Chalmers."  We  collected  up  to  the  time
    of  the  election  eight  hundred-and-some-odd  dollars.  During  this  time
    we  had  paid  for  these  ads  and  all  these  cards  we  printed  out  of  that
    money.  We  ran  three  different  ads  in  the  paper,  which  amounted
    to  $700.     In  the  last  ad  we  ran  it  amounted  to  $171.

    This  money  was  all  taken  out  of  the  $800.  We  had  $76  left  when
    Ave  started  on  February  1.

    Mr.  Russell.  How  much  money  did  you  estimate  that  the  local
    spent  during  the  campaign?

    Mr.  Petersen.  It  ran  into  thousands  of  dollars.

    Mr.  Russell.  In  other  words,  the  independent  did  not  have  access
    to  any  funds  that  were  in  the  custody  of  the  local,  even  though  some
    of  the  persons  participating  in  the  independent  union  campaign  had
    contributed  a  part  of  those  funds?

    Mr.  Petersen.  No;  we  had  no  access  to  any  other  funds  outside  of
    the  donations  we  took  up.  We  had  no  donations  from  any  other
    source.  We  had  no  help  from  any  other  source.  Everything  we
    collected  we  collected  by  nickels  and  dimes  which  the  members  had
    been  able  to  donate,  which  was  very  little,  because  most  of  them

    8  See  appendix,  p.  229,  for  exhibits  20  and  21,  hearing,  February  27,  1947.

    58  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    hadn't  worked  very  much.     That  is  the  way  we  ran  our  campaign.
    We  put  in  a  lot  of  work  and  pounded  away.

    Mr.  Russell.  Has  there  ever  been  a  time  in  the  history  of  local
    248  when  the  right-wing  element  of  the  union  actually  had  control
    or  attempted  to  gain  control  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  There  was  only  once,  for  a  few  days,  which  I
    believe  was  the  time  when  Homer  Martin  was  in  control,  for  a  couple
    of  days.  That  was  the  only  time  when  it  was  out  of  the  hands  of
    the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Russell.  What  happened  to  that  administratorship  ?  In
    other  words,  how  was  it  dissolved  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  I  just  couldn't  tell  you  exactly;  I  don't  recall
    the  facts  any  more.  I  know  they  washed  their  hands  of  it.  It  was
    too  hot  a  thing  for  them  to  handle,  too  hot  of  a  peg.

    Mr.  Russell.  Was  the  control  of  the  union  returned  to  the  left-
    wing  element  after  the  dissolution  of  the  administratorship '.

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Russell.  That  is  all.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  would  like  for  the  record  to  show,  Mr.  Chair-
    man, that  all  three  of  the  witnesses  who  appeared  today  were  sub-
    penaed  to  appear.  Other  witnesses  were  also  subpenaed,  but  I  under-
    stand the  program  of  the  committee  will  not  permit  a  hearing  tomor-
    row, so  they  will  be  heard  at  a  future  date.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Any  other  questions  ?

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  have  one  or  two  questions.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  any  union  other  than
    5448?

    Mr.  Petersen.  No.

    Mr.  Nixon.  This  is  your  only  experience  in  union  membership  ?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Have  you  anything  to  say  or  could  you  testify  as  to
    whether  or  not  the  Communist  influence  exists  in  other  unions  in  the
    vicinity  of  Allis-Chalmers,  or  do  you  know  about  that?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  there  is  only  one  case  where  they  are  trying
    to  get  control,  at  the  Ohio  plant.  Joel  Snyder,  who  is  a  Communist
    of  long  standing,  from  back  when  he  was  14  years  of  age — at  the  age
    of  14  he  was  arrested  several  times  for  his  Communist  activities.  He
    worked  at  Allis-Chalmers,  started  to  work  there  in  1936.  In  the  fall
    of  1936  he  worked  in  our  department.  He  was  also  suspended  from
    Roosevelt  Junior  High  School  and  from  Boys  Technical  High  School
    for  his  Communist  activities.  Before  he  came  to  work  at  Allis-Chal-
    mers he  was  sent  by  the  Communist  Party  to  the  school,  I  believe  it
    is  at  Camden,  N.  J.  He  was  there  for  6  months.  When  he  came  back
    to  Milwaukee  he  was  put  to  work  at  the  Allis-Cha liners  plant.  I  don't
    doubt  he  was  sent  and  put  in  there  by  the  Communist  Party  direct
    because  as  soon  as  he  came  in  there,  the  next  day  he  was  immediately
    taken  in  the  union  and  took  over  some  of  the  main  functions.  I  often
    tried  to  figure  out  how  a  man  could  get  into  an  organization  and  within
    a  few  days'  time  become  one  of  the  main  cogs  in  an  organization.  If
    I  join  an  organization  it  takes  me  years  before  I  am  able  to  go  to
    work  and  be  nominated  to  some  office  of  some  kind.

    Mr.  Mundt.  May  I  interpolate,  it  was  done  one  time  in  the  Re-
    publican Party  by  a  fellow  by  the  name  of  Willkie.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  59

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  he  "was  put  in  over  there  and  in  a  short  time,  a
    short  time  later,  they  bought  a  movie  projector,  and  he  showed  movies

    at  the  meetings.  Some  of  these  movies  were  shown  at  the  homes  of
    some  of  the  select  few.  And  practically  all  of  these  films  were  from
    the  Communist  film  organization,  I  don't  recall  the  name  of  it.  but  they
    make  these  films.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Frontier  Films?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  what  it  is.  There  have  been  a  lot  of  in-
    stances. He  was  very  active  in  promoting  Communist  affairs.  Bin
    as  a  ride,  these  keymen  usually  didn't  do  the  work  themselves.  They
    managed  to  get  some  other  tools  to  work  for  them,  some  fellows  that
    probably  were  innocent,  get  them  to  pass  out  literature,  and  so  forth.
    That  was  the  wa}r  they  usually  worked.  They  usually  kept  their  hands
    clean  so  nothing  could  be  pinned  on  them  definitely.

    He  worked  for  the  company  until  after  the  strike  of  1941.  From
    there  he  went  to  the  Ohio  Co.  plant.  I  believe  he  was  sent  there,  the
    way  thev  have  been  working  over  there,  he  managed  to  build  into
    their  left-wing  element  over  there.

    He  managed  to  get  elected  as  secretaiy  on  two  different  occasions.
    This  last  year  he  ran  for  president  of  the  local.  He — it  happened
    that  the  man  that  was  president  before  this  returned  from  service  and
    got  there  in  time  to  run  against  him  for  office  and  managed  to  squeeze
    him  out  by  a  narrow  margin.

    Mr.  McDowell.  What  is  this  man  doing  now?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Working  at  Ohio  Co.  You  never  can  beat  them
    down.

    Mr.  Xixox.  Speaking  of  the  Communist  organization  in  Allis-
    Chalmers,  do  you  have  any  information  which  would  indicate  that  it
    was  receiving  funds  from  other  sources  than  the  union  members,  the
    dues  that  they  receive?  For  example,  in  employing  their  goon  squad,
    putting  out  their  literature,  gaining  control  of  the  union,  do  you  have
    any  evidence  to  indicate  that  any  of  these  key  people,  who  took  over
    the  union  at  Allis-Chalmers,  were  being  financed  separately  from
    their  jobs  and  separately  from  their  union  dues?

    Mr.  Petersen.  That  is  something  that  you  cannot  find  out,  because
    everything  goes  under  an  expense  account,  and  if  any  member  wants
    to  find  out  anything  it  is  none  of  his  business,  they  will  tell  you  right
    out.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Did  they  seem  to  have  a  lot  of  money  to  spend?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Always  had  plenty  of  money  to  spend.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Always  were  able  to  hire  goon-squad  people?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Yes.  sir.  Money  was  spent  freely  when  there  was
    anything  to  do.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  all.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Any  other  questions?

    Mr.  Petersen,  do  you  know  the  source  of  that  fund?

    Mr.  Petersex.  That  no  member  would  ever  know,  because  no  finan-
    cial figures — you  are  not  supposed  to  know  anything  about  it.  You
    are  supposed  to  pay  your  dues,  that  is  all.

    I  would  like  to  put  in  the  record  that  Joel  Snyder,  in  the  Communist
    Party,  his  ally  was  Jimmy  Randall.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Would  you  know  if  Snyder  is  his  correct  name?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Joel  Snyder  is  his  correct  name.

    60  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  McDowell.  Did  you  know  his  father?

    Mr.  Petersen.  Well,  I  don't  know  his  father  personally,  no,  but  it
    has  been  checked,  and  that  is  his  correct  name.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Mr.  Petersen,  before  you  go  I  would  like  to  say  that
    I  want  to  congratulate  you  and  Mr.  Venue  and  Mr.  Lucia  on  the
    courageous  and  Americanlike  way  in  which  you  have  proceeded  in  the
    effort  that  you  are  making  to  rid. your  local  employment  situation  from
    this  Communist  leadership.  I  think  you  have  set  a  splendid  example
    for  other  unions,  which  are  also  dominated  by  Communist  leadership,
    and  I  am  sure  that  in  the  long  pull  you  are  going  to  succeed,  and  that
    this  somewhat  pessimistic  philosophy  which  crops  out  in  your  state-
    ments all  the  time,  that  you  cannot  beat  down  the  Communists,  is
    going  to  prove  inaccurate,  that  you  are  going  to  beat  them  down,  that
    you  are  going  to  win  out,  and  I  think  it  is  a  mighty  fine  demonstration
    of  American  courage  and  initiative,  this  work  that  you  people  have
    done,  without  compensation  to  yourselves,  but  simply  to  make  an
    American  environment  in  which  to  work.    I  wish  you  a  lot  of  success.

    Mr.  Petersen.  We  wish  to  thank  you  for  the  opportunity  to  come
    here  and  testify  and  bring  these  things  to  the  attention  of  the  public  so
    that  they  can  understand  the  background.

    There  are  some  people  that  have  said  they  do  not  understand  how  a
    large  group  like  that  cannot  go  in  and  throw  them  out  of  office.  "All
    we  have  to  do  is  walk  in  and  throw  them  out."  This  will  probably
    show  why  it  can't  be  done.

    Mr.  Mundt.  That  is  right.  The  testimony  we  have  had  should  make
    it  clear.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  permission  to  include
    in  the  appendix  of  this  hearing  the  Communist-front  affiliations  as
    contained  in  the  files  of  the  committee  of  the  various  officials  of  local
    248.

    Mr.  Mundt.  Without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.9

    Mr.  Petersen.  Do  all  of  the  officers  belong  to  some  Communist-
    front  organization  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  All  of  the  principal  officers,  yes,  sir,  present  princi-
    pal officers.

    Mr.  Mundt.  The  committee  will  stand  adjourned  until  further
    notice.

    8  See  appendix,  p.  230.

    HEARINGS  REGARDING  COMMUNISM  IN  LABOR  UNIONS

    IN  THE  UNITED  STATES

    WEDNESDAY,   JULY   23,    1947

    House  of  Representatives,
    Committee  on  Un-American  Activities

    Washington,  D.  O.

    The  committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  Hon.  J.  Parnell  Thomas  (chairman)
    presiding.

    The  Chairman.  The  committee  will  come  to  order.

    The  record  will  show  that  Mr.  McDowell  is  present,  Mr.  Nixon,  Mr.
    Rankin,  Mr.  Peterson,  Mr.  Thomas,  and  that  a  quorum  is  present.

    Staff  members  present :  Mr.  Robert  E.  Stripling-,  chief  investigator;
    Mr.  Louis  J.  Russell  and  Mr.  Donald  T.  Appell,  investigators.  Mr.
    Stripling.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  at  a  meeting  of  the  full  committee
    May  28,  1947,  Mr.  Bonner  called  the  attention  of  the  committee  to
    reports  of  alleged  Communist  influences  in  local  22  of  the  Food,
    Tobacco,  and  Agricultural  Workers,  CIO,  located  in  Winston-Salem,
    X.  C,  whose  members  were  at  that  time  out  on  strike,  the  strike  having
    been  called  on  May  1.  Mr.  Bonner  submitted  to  the  committee  various
    communications  from  residents  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina  asking
    the  committee  to  investigate  these  alleged  charges.  Upon  a  motion
    by  Mr.  Wood,  a  subcommittee  was  established  to  investigate  the  situa-
    tion at  Winston-Salem  and  accordingly  investigator  I).  T.  Appell  was
    sent  to  Winston-Salem  to  make  a  preliminary  investigation  for  the
    subcommittee.  He  submitted  his  report  June  11,  1!>47.  and  the  sub-
    committee recommended  that  witnesses  be  subpenaed  to  Washington
    for  the  purpose  of  conducting  an  open  hearing  in  order  that  the  fart-
    concerning  the  Communist  influences  within  this  union  could  be
    presented  to  the  full  committee.

    The  committee  has  subpenaed  the  following  witnesses:  Anne
    Mathews,  Gene  Pratt,  Spencer  Long,  Edwin  McCrea,  international
    representative  of  the  Food,  Tobacco,  and  Agricultural  Workers,  as-
    signed to  local  -2-2:  W.  C.  Sheppard  and  Robert  C.  Black,  cochairmen
    of  local  22.

    Mr.  Chairman,  I  request  that  the  ('hair  determine  whether  or  not
    all  six  witnesses  are  present  in  the  committee'  room.  I  further  request,
    Mr.  Chairman,  that  all  witnesses  remain  in  the  committee  room  in
    order  that  they  may  hear  the  testimony  which  will  be  given,  as  they
    will  be  questioned  concerning  certain  testimony  and  evidence  which
    will  be  submitted  at  this  hearing.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Rankin.

    0  a  week  I  believe  it  was  $2.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  the  Communist  Party  for  the  districts  of  North
    and  South  Carolina  financially  self-sustaining,  or  do  they  receive  any
    subsidy  from  the  national  office?

    Miss  Mathews.  There  is  a  subsidy  of  about  $100  a  month  received
    from  the  national  office,  and  then  they  operate  on  that  $100  plus  their
    share — the  district's  share — of  the  dues.

    Mr.  Stripling.  This  year,  Miss  Mathews,  the  Communist  Party  of
    North  Carolina  carried  full-page  advertisements  in  a  number  of  the
    leading  newspapers  of  North  Carolina.  The  committee  has  deter-
    mined that  those  advertisements  cost  anywhere  from  $110  to  $208.
    Are  you  aware  of  the  source  of  the  funds  to  pay  for  those  advertise-
    ments, whether  they  came  from  the  national  office?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir;  I  do  not  know.  It  is  quite  possible  they
    were  paid  out  of  the  income  from  the  district  and  the  subsidy,  but  if
    there  was  any  additional  source — when  were  these  ads  placed?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  are  you  aware  of  any  other  subsidy  or  fees
    which  the  local  district  receives  from  either  the  national  office  or  any
    other?

    Miss  Mathews.  The  only  additional  funds  that  I  have  known  of
    were  funds — other  than  the  monthly  subsidy — was  sent  in  by  the  na-
    tional office  to  pay  the  transportation  expenses  of  members  of  the
    district  sent  to  national  training  school.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Training  school?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes.

    72  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  particular  training  schools  are  vou  referring

    to?

    Miss  Mathews.  That  is  the  training  school  of  the  Communist  Party
    at  Beacon,  N.  Y.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  any  of  the  members  of  the  Carolina  district
    attend  this  school?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  before  Sam  Hall  came  into  the  district  of
    North  Carolina,  Robert  Lathan  and  Frank  Greene  attended  the  train-
    ing school,  and  after  Sam  Hall  came  in  Moranda  Smith,  Christine
    Gardner,  and  Roy  Lingle,  all  members  of  local  22,  attended,  as  did
    Mrs.  Beatrice  McCrea,  who  is  not  connected  with  the  local  but  is  the
    wife  of  Edwin  McCrea.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  attending  the  national  training  school,  were
    they  still  being  paid  by  the  union,  or  do  you  know?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  really  don't  know  for  the  absolute  fact  whether
    they  were  being  paid  or  not.  I  have  heard  that  Christine  Gardner
    was  paid  and  Moranda  Smith  was  not  paid.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  they  receive  a  leave  of  absence  or  just  what  was
    the  situation  while  they  were  attending  school?

    Miss  Mathews.  They  were  granted  a  leave  of  absence  by  the  execu-
    tive board.

    Mr.  Stripling.  By  the  executive  board  of  the  local  (

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes.  sir;  but  the  executive  board  didn't  know  the
    actual  circumstances  under  which  they  were  granted  the  leave  of
    absence.

    Mr.  Stripling.  They  did  not?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  there  any  discussion  groups  at  Winston-Salem
    of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  All  the  groups  that  I  mentioned  before  were  ex-
    pected to  carry  on  discussion  and  educational  study  in  the  group
    meetings.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  was  the  principal  medium  of  recruiting,  dis-
    cussion groups  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir,  through  the  discussion  groups  and,  in
    addition,  when  a  recruiting  drive  was  put  on,  an  open  meeting  for  the
    purpose  was  called,  but  recruiting  went  on  constantly  through  the
    groups.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  many  discussion  groups  were  there  in  Winston-
    Salem?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  said  before  there  were  seven  night  groups  and  one
    day  group.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  the  leaders  of  these  groups?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  believe  I  can  tell  you  some  of  them.  However,
    since  I  have  been  away  from  the  party  for  the  last  (>  or  7  months,  these
    people  might  have  changed,  there  might  have  been  elections  held  and
    the  people  changed ;  but  at  the  time  I  was  still  active  with  the  party  it
    was  John  Henry  Minor,  who  was  an  executive  board  member  of  local
    22;  Jethro  Dunlap,  chairman  of  the  welfare  committee  of  local  22,
    member  of  the  executive  board ;  Ruth  Stokes,  she  was  just  an  employee
    in  R.  J.  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.

    Mr.  Stripling.  She  holds  no  position?

    Miss  Mathews.  She  had  been  a  shop  stewardess,  but  she  held  no
    position  on  the  executive  board.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  73

    Thomas  Jackson,  who  is  chairman  of  the  Winston  Leaf  Tobacco
    Co.,  and  by  virtue  of  that  is  a  member  of  the  executive  board.
    I  am  afraid  I  can't  recall  some  of  the  others  right  now.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Miss  Mathews,  will  you  briefly  explain  to  the  com-
    mittee how  these  discussion  groups  functioned?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  can  only  explain  to  yon  the  group  that  I  was  in,
    since  I  did  not  attend  the  meetings  of  the  other  groups;  but  there  was
    usually  a  typical  agenda  which  consisted  of  checking  up  on  dues  pay-
    ments and  attendance  of  the  members;  checking  up  on  whether  any
    subscriptions  to  the  Sunday  Worker  had  been  sold,  or  how  many
    papers,  Sunday  Worker  papers,  had  been  sold  of  the  previous  issue;
    discussing  any  recruits,  any  possible  recruits;  and,  of  course,  a  certain
    portion  of  the  meetings  was  set  aside  for  educational  study.  Some-
    times the  educational  study  might  consist  of  a  particular  phase  of  the
    Marxism  theory  or  it  might  concern  itself  with  any  current  piece  of
    legislation,  whether  it  was  concerning  trade-unions  or  the  poll-tax
    bill,  or  some  such  other  piece  of  legislation.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  there  a  chairman  of  all  of  the  discussion
    groups  (

    Miss  Mathews.  Each  group  had  a  chairman,  and  some  of  the  people
    I  have  just  named  were  the  chairmen  of  various  groups.
    Mr.  Stripling.  But  was  there  a  central  chairman  over  all?
    Miss  Mathews.  There  was  an  office  called  city  organizer  which  was
    tilled  by  Velma  Hopkins;  and  as  city  organizer  it  was  her  duty  to  see
    that  the  groups  functioned,  to  assign  new  members  to  various  groups,
    to  see  that  they  attended  their  meetings,  and  so  on  and  so  forth.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  succeeded  you  as  treasurer  of  the  district  ?
    Miss  Mathews.  Viola  Peoples,  who  is  a  secretary  in  the  office  of
    local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Secretary  in  the  office  of  local  22?
    Miss  Mathews.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  while  yon  were  in  the  local  office  of  local  22,
    did  you  ever  hear  any  discussion  of  the  Communist  Party  activity?
    Miss  Mathews.  Will  you  please  repeat  that?

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  in  the  office  of  local  22

    Miss  Mathews.  Did  I  ever  hear  any  discussion?
    Mr.  Stripling.  Any  discussion  of  Communist  Party  activities.
    Miss  Mathews.  Well,  the  various  members  of  the  party  who  were
    on  the  staff  of  the  union  would  get  together  sometimes  and  discuss
    meetings  that  were  scheduled  or  some  such  other  thing.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Miss  Mathews,  I  shall  now  read  to  you  the  names  of
    the  officers  of  local  22,  including  the  international  representatives  of
    FTA,  and  I  would  like  for  you  to  answer  as  I  read  the  person's  name
    whether  or  not  you  know  of  your  own  knowledge  the  person  is  a  mem-
    ber of  the  Communist  Party  and  how  you  know  he  or  she  is  a  member:
    Frank  Greene,  regional  director,  FTA,  CIO,  for  Virginia.  North
    Carolina,  and  South  Carolina.  Is  he  a  member  of  the  Communist
    Party?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  Frank  Greene  is  a  member  of  the  Com-
    munist Party,  and  I  know  it  because  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  him.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Edwin  McCrea,  international  representative,  FTA,
    CIO?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  he  is  also  a  member  of  the  Communist
    Party.     I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  him.

    74  COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  John  Tisa?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  know  nothing  about  Mr.  Tisa.

    Mr.  Stritling.  You  never  met  Mr.  Tisa  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Tisa,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  an  international  repre-
    sentative of  the  FTA,  CIO,  who  has  been  assigned  to  local  22.

    The  next  person  is  W.  Clark  Sheppard,  who  is  cochairman  of  local  22.

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  as  far  as  I  know,  Clark  Sheppard  is  a
    member.  I  have  sat  in  at  least  one  meeting  with  him  in  Winston-
    Salem.

    The  Chairman.  One  Communist  meeting?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.     I  remember  only  clearly  one  meeting.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Next,  Robert  C.  Black?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  is  a  Negro  and  cochairman  of  local  22.

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir ;  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  Mr.  Black.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Clyde  Watts,  vice  chairman  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.     He  is  not,  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Next,  Crawford  Shelton  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Vice  chairman  of  local  22.

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir ;  not  to  my  knowledge  is  he  a  Communist.

    Mr.  Stripling.  John  Henry  Miller,  Negro,  vice  chairman  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  John  Henry  Miller  wa,s  chairman  up  until  I  left  the
    party  in  January  1947,  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  and
    was  chairman  of  one  of  the  groups.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Etta  Hobson,  financial  secretary  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir ;  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  Etta  Hobson.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Willie  Greer,  Negro,  treasurer  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Viola  Brown,  Negro,  recording  secretary,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes;  Viola  Brown  is — I  don't  know  whether  it  is
    for  the  district  or  just  the  city  of  Winston-Salem — but  she  is  in  charge
    of  the  sale  of  literature,  the  Daily  Worker  and  the  Sunday  Worker,  for
    the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Frank  O'Neal,  Negro,  trustee  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Ye.s ;  Frank  O'Neal  was  a  member  of  my  group.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Robert  Person,  Negro,  trustee  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Vivian  Bruce,  trustee  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  I  have  sat  in  at  least  one  meeting  with
    Vivian  Bruce.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Christine  Gardner,  Negro,  trustee  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Is  secretary  of  the  district.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Marie  Jackson,  Negro,  trustee  of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  can't  be  sure.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Your  answer  would  be  "no,"  then  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  No;  I  wouldn't  say  "no"'  definitely;  but  I  believe
    she  is,  although  I  have  never  sat  in  a  meeting  with  her.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Velma  Hopkins,  Negro,  organizing  chairman  of
    local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  She  i.s  the  city  organizer  of  the  Communist  Party  of
    Winston-Salem,  and  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  her.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  75

    Mr.  Stripling.  Moranda  Smith,  Negro,  education  chairman,  local

    22?

    Miss  Mathews.  She  is  a  member  of  the  district  executive  commit-
    tee, and  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  her.

    Mr.  Stripling.  John  Henry  Minor,  veterans'  committee  chairman
    of  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Theodosia  Simpson,  Negro,  political  action  commit-
    tee chairman,  local  22  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Was  a  member  of  my  group.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Luke  Landreth,  defense  committee  chairman,  lo-
    cal 22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Jethro  Dunlap,  Negro,  welfare  committee  chairman,
    local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Mr.  Dunlap  was  chairman  of  the  group  I  func-
    tioned in.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Howard  Pilcher,  chairman,  departmental  member-
    ship meetings,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Emanuel  Shell,  Negro,  chairman,  departmental
    membership  meetings,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Quency  Spurgeon,  Negro,  chairman,  departmental
    membership  meetings,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Clarence  Whiteside,  chairman,  departmental  mem-
    bership meetings,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  can't  say  for  sure  about  Clarence  Whiteside.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Wesley  Bee,  Negro,  chairman,  departmental  mem-
    bership meetings,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  believe  he  is,  but  I  have  never  sat  in  meetings
    with  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  makes  you  believe  he  is?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  have  a  vague  recollection  that  somewhere  I  have
    seen  him  around,  but  I  can't  be  sure,  and  I  wouldn't  want  to  say
    definitely.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Then  your  answer  is  "no"?

    Miss  Mathews.  No;  I  have  a  very  strong  suspicion  that  he  is,  and  I
    think  I  have  seen  him  around  somewhere,  but  I  don't  want  to  say  in
    absolute  fact,  because  I  don't  recall  sitting  in  meetings  with  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Jason  Hawkins,  Negro,  chairman,  stewards'  council.
    local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  At  the  time  I  ended  my  activities  with  the  party
    he  was  then  acting  chairman  of  the  executive  board  of  Winston-Salem.
    This  is  a  little  different  from  Velma  Hopkins'  position.  He  had  an
    executive  committee  of  the  city  of  Winston-Salem,  and  Robert  Lathan
    had  originally  been  elected  chairman  for  the  city  of  Winston-Salem.
    When  he  was  transferred  to  the  eastern  Carolina  district.  Hawkins,
    who  was  then  vice  chairman,  took  over  his  duties  and  chairmaned  the
    meetings.

    The  Chairman.  You  are  referring  to  the  executive  committee  of  the
    Communist  Party '.

    76  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Miss  Mathews.  That  is  right.  And  Velma  Hopkins  had  charge  of
    the  functioning  groups  to  see  that  they  functioned.  But  Jason  Hawk-
    ins acted  as  vice  chairman  of  the  executive  committee.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  don't  know  whether  he  is  still  a  member  or  not  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  had  heard  that  he  had  withdrawn  but  this  was
    only  hearsay.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  was?

    Miss  Mathews.  He  was  at  the  time  I  was  there.

    Mr.  Stripling.  John  Wright,  chairman,  stewards'  council,  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Thomas  Jackson,  Negro,  chairman,  stewards'  coun-
    cil, local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  he  was  a  member  of  the  executive  council.
    Winston-Salem.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Miss  Mathews,  the  investigation  conducted  by  the
    committee  disclosed  that  local  22  is  a  member  of  the  Tri-State  Council
    and  you  have  testified  to  that  effect  this  morning.

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  at  any  time  been  present  when  the  Tri-
    State  Council  adopted  any  resolutions — resolutions  which  would  be
    in  furtherance  of  what  we  call  the  Communist  Party  line?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  have  only  attended  one  session  of  a  week-end  con-
    ference of  the  Tri-State  Council.  I  was  on  mv  way  from  Orlando,
    Fla.,  to  Winston-Salem.  The  conference  was  being  held  in  Charles-
    ton. S.  C.  I  do  not  recall  any  particular  resolutions  that  were  passed
    at  that  meeting.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  did  you  ever  attend  any  meetings  of  local  2'2
    in  which  any  such  resolutions  were  adopted,  or  presented?

    Miss  Mathews.  Up  until  the  latter  part  of  1946,  I  attended  all  ex-
    ecutive board  meetings  because  I  took  the  minutes  and  at  quite  a  tew
    executive  board  meetings  resolutions  were  adopted  of  one  nature  or
    another.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  say  any  of .  those  resolutions  were  in
    furtherance  of  the  Communist  Party  line  or  were  they  resolutions
    strictly  on  union  affairs?

    Miss  Mathews.  Not  quite.  Often  resolutions  would  be  passed  on
    an  international  or  a  national  question  which  would  be  something  out-
    side the  orthodox  trade-union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  the  membership  of  the  union  didn't
    adopt  those  resolutions,  it  was  done  by  the  executive  committee?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes.     They  were  adopted  by  the  executive  board.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  any  of  the  resolutions?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  recall  a  resolution  adopted  while  I  was  still  taking-
    minutes  of  the  board  meeting  on  the  question  of  General  Smuts  being-
    allowed  to  annex  part  of  Southwest  Africa.

    The  Chairman.  I  didn't  hear  the  answer.

    Miss  Mathews.  It  was  a  request  made  of  General  Smuts  of  South
    Africa  to  the  United  Nations  to  be  permitted  to  take  over  certain  terri-
    tory in  Africa.

    I  also  recall  a  resolution  on  taking  the  American  troops  out  of
    China.

    Mr.  Stripling.  As  a  Communist  you  were  well  aware  that  that  was
    nnd  still  is  the  line  of  the  Communist  Party?

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR    UNIONS  77

    Miss  Mathews.  Oh,  yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  the  rank-and-file  membership  of

    local  22  was  concerned  particularly  with  whether  or  not  American
    troops  were  withdrawn  from  China?

    Miss  Mathews.  Well,  I  can't  really  say,  because  the  resolutions
    were  not  read  to  the  membership  and  they  didn't  have  an  opportunity
    to  vote  on  them  and  voice  their  opinions.

    Mr.  Stripling,  It  was  done  by  the  executive  committee?
    Miss  Mathews.  The  executive  board  usually  adopted  these  resolu-
    tions.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  the  majority  of  the  executive  committee  mem-
    bers of  the  Communist  Party?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  think  the  record  shows  from  the  names  you  just
    read  off  that  they  were.

    Mr:  Stripling.  The  committee's  investigation  reveals  that  the  treas-
    ury of  local  22  was  used  to  make  contributions  to  certain  Communist-
    front  organizations  and  to  send  delegates  to  Communist-front  confer-
    ences. Will  you  explain  to  the  committee  the  names  of  the  organi-
    zations, do  you  have  any  knowledge  concerning  them,  and  how  the
    local  agrees  to  the  contributions  or  the  selection  of  delegates  to  these
    various  conferences '.

    Miss  Mathews.  The  local  sets  up  a  3  months'  budget  on  which  they
    operate  and  one  of  the  items  in  the  budget  is  contributions.  When
    any  request  is  made  of  the  local  for  a  contribution  the  executive  board
    gives  it  consideration  and  decides  to  donate,  or  contribute,  some  money,
    or  not  to  contribute,  depending  on  what  the  situation  may  be,  and
    this  money  is  supposed  to  come  from  the  item  in  the  budget  set  up
    under  ''contributions."  The  executive  board  may  pass  on  it.  That
    has  been  the  practice.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  any  particular  contributions  that  were
    voted?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  believe  a  $10  contribution  was  sent  to  the  Council
    on  African  Affairs,  requested  by  Paul  Robeson,  who  also  requested
    that  a  resolution  be  passed,  the  one  I  just  mentioned,  on  the  South
    African  situation;  and  I  believe  there  was  a  $100  contribution  given  to
    the — I  don't  know  whether  it  was  the  Southern  Conference  for  Human
    Welfare  or  the  Committee  of  North  Carolina  of  the  Southern  Confer-
    ence for  Human  Welfare.  I  can't  remember  which  body.
    Mr.  Stripling.  $100?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  believe  it  was  a  contribution  of  $100.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  any  others?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  don't  recall  any  others,  as  far  as  contributions
    were  concerned,  at  this  particular  time,  but  delegates  were  sent  to  some
    conventions.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  any  delegates  ever  sent  to  Communist-front
    organizations,  such  as  the  National  Negro  Congress?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  there  were  two  delegates  sent  to  the  re-
    cent congress — or,  I  don't  know  how  recent  it  is  now — some  time  the
    latter  part  of  last  year,  I  believe,  when  it  was  held  in  the  city  of
    Detroit,  Mich.  Jason  Hawkins  and  Crawford  Shelton  were  sent  as
    delegates.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  their  expenses  were  paid  by  the  local  \

    i;.~>744 — 47 c

    78  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.

    Frank  O'Neal  was  sent  as  a  delegate  of  the  local  to  the  convention
    of  Southern  Conference  for  Human  Welfare,  held  in  the  latter  part
    of  1946,  in  New  Orleans.

    I  believe  Theodosia  Simpson  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  a  conference
    held  in  Birmingham,  Ala. — I  don't  know  whether  it  was  called  the
    Southern  Youth  Legislative  Conference — but  some  such  organization.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  familiar  with  any  Communist  Party  activ-
    ity in  Chapel  Hill,  N.  C.  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  only  know  that  it  goes  on.  I  have  never  attended
    any  meetings  there.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  aware  of  any  Communist  activity  within
    the  University  of  North  Carolina  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  There  is  a  group  within  the  university.

    Mr.  Stripling.  A  Communist  group  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  who  is  the  head  of  that  group  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  believe  it  is  a  boy  by  the  name  of  Junius  Scales.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  how  many  members  belong  to  the
    group  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir;  I  have  no  knowledge  of  that.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  the  official  publication

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  do  you  know  that  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  have  sat  in  meetings  with  Mr.  Junius  Scales,  in
    district  committee  meetings.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  do  you  know  that  there  is  also  a  group  around
    Mr.  Scales  in  the  university?

    Miss  Mathews.  Because  as  treasurer  of  the  district  Mr.  Hall  gave
    me  a  record  of  dues  payments  of  the  group  in  Chapel  Hill.

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  see.

    Mr.  McDowell.  This  boy  is  a  student  in  the  college  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  He  is ;  yes,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  37ou  know  where  his  home  is  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  know  it  is  in  Chapel  Hill.  I  have  been  to  his
    home.

    Mr.  McDowell.  He  is  a  native  of  North  Carolina  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  do  not  know.     I  do  not  know  if  he  is  a  native.

    Mr.  McDowell.  He  lives  in  North  Carolina  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  He  lives  in  Chapel  Hill,  N.  C.  Whether  he  is  a
    native  or  not,  I  don't  know.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Miss  Mathews,  was  the  official  paper  of  the  Com-
    munist Party,  the  Worker,  sold  in  the  offices  of  local  22?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  It  was.

    Miss  Mathews.  It  was  sold  by  individual  members  of  the  party.
    I  wouldn't  say  that  it  was  with  the  approval  of  the  union;  I  mean
    to  the  extent  that  no  request  was  ever  made  of  the  executive  board
    that  individual  members  of  the  party  would  be  permitted  to  sell  the
    paper  in  the  offices,  but  it  was  done.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  those  are  all  the  questions  I  have
    for  this  witness.

    The  Chairman.  Air.  Bonner.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  79

    Mr.  Bonner.  Miss  Mathews,  this  committee  is  primarily  interested
    in  whether  or  not  local  22  is  dominated  by  Communist  influence.  Are
    the  officials  that  control  the  union  Communists?

    Miss  Mathews.  In  the  list  that  was  just  read  off  by  Mr.  Stripling
    is  the  indication  and  I  think  it  shows  the  majority  of  the  executive
    board  members,  who  would  necessarily  be  considered  the  leaders  of  the
    union,  are  members  of  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Then,  you  would  say  the  control  of  the  local  there  is
    Communist?

    Miss  Mathews.  The  members  of  the  executive  board  have  a  great
    deal  more  influence  with  the  membership  than  other  members  of  the
    rank  and  file.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  know  the  gentleman  who  came  to  Washington
    and  appeared  here,  for  aid  the  local  of  its  communistic  domination?

    Miss  Mathews.  You  mean  the  visit  of  Mr.  Long  and  Mr.  Pratt?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Well,  the  papers  recorded  the  men  that  came  to  Wash-
    ington.

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  don't  know  them.     Do  you  know  them?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Have  they  had  any  affiliation  with  the  Communist
    Party?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir ;  not  a  one  of  them.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  know  anything,  brought  about  by  the  dis-
    satisfaction in  the  operation  of  the  local,  that  caused  these  men- to
    come  to  Washington  and  appeal  for  assistance  from  the  national  head
    of  the  union?

    Miss  Mathews.  The  only  thing  I  know  is  that  while  I  was  working
    as  secretary  in  the  office,  from  time  to  time  I  did  hear  reports  that
    white  members  of  the  local  were  very  much  concerned  with  the  sale
    of  the  Worker  going  on  in  the  office  and  what  they  had  found  out
    about  other  activities  of  some  of  the  people  on  the  statf  and  on  the
    executive  board,  outside  of  straight  trade-union  work.  That  is  all
    I  know.  You  see.  I  haven't  been  connected  with  the  local  since
    January  of  1947.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Now,  as  to  the  present  officials  of  the  union,  do  you
    know  much  about  their  background — whether  they  have  been  in  any
    difficulty  prior  to  their  coming  to  Winston-Salem  or  not?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  don't  think  I  quite  understand  the  question.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Well,  do  you  know  the  history,  the  personal  history.
    of  the  officials  of  the  local  union  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  You  mean  the  present  officials  of  the  local  union  '.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Yes.

    Miss  Mathews.  Well,  the  only

    Mr.  Bonner.  Have  they  had  any  legal  entanglements!'

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir ;  I  do  not  know.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Whether  they  have  operated  under  any  assumed  names
    previously.

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir;  I  do  not.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Those  are  all  the  questions  I  have.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Only  one  question.  Miss  Mathews,  there  has  been
    delivered  here  to  us  this  morning  a  press  statement  released  by  Edwin

    §0  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR    UNIONS

    McCrea,  international  representative  of  this  union.  Did  yon  identify
    Mr.  McCrea  as  a  Communist?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Then  this  is  the  statement  of  a  Communist,  a  mem-
    ber of  the  Communist  Party.     That  is  all,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Miss  Mathews,  you  are  still  interested  in  the  success  of
    the  trade-union  movement :  are  you  not  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Yes,  sir;  very  definitely  so.

    Mr.  Nixox.  You  are  no  longer  a  member  of  the  party,  however;  are
    you  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  No.

    Mr.  Nixox.  Your  testimony  before  this  committee,  then,  is  directed
    toward  pointing  out  the  Communist  control  of  the  union  and  not
    toward  the  destroying  of  the  union  as  such?

    Miss  Mathews.  Definitely  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  point  out  that  Miss
    Mathews  is  subpenaed  before  the  committee.  Miss  Mathews  did  not
    come  voluntarily  before  the  committee.

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  strike  that  has  just  been  concluded  was  concluded
    successfully;  is  that  the  case?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  only  know  that  through  reading  the  newspapers
    in  Winston-Salem.  I  was  not  employed  by  the  union  during  the
    period  of  the  strike.

    Mr.  NixoxT.  Mr.  McCrea  indicates  that  that  was  the  case,  in  his  state-
    ment. In  your  opinion,  from  what  you  know,  was  the  strike,  from  a
    strictly  union  standpoint,  justified?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  could  not  decide  because  I  was  not  connected  with
    the  local  at  the  time  the  strike  was  called.  I  can  only  say  that  during
    my  term  of  employment  with  the  local  union,  each  year  as  the  contract
    was  ready  to  come  up  for  negotiation  the  local  made  arrangements
    to  be  prepared  in  the  event  they  felt  during  the  period  of  negotiations
    a  strike  was  going  to  be  necessary.  Prior  to  the  opening  of  negotiations
    they  prepared  their  machinery,  as  I  think  quite  a  number  of  other
    unions  do  under  the  circumstances,  where  they  feel  they  might  have
    difficulty.  It  doesn't  necessarily  follow  a  strike  will  be  called,  but  they
    set  their  machinery  up  in  preparation  so  they  will  not  find  themselves
    in  a  chaotic  state  if  a  strike  is  called  or  if  they  find  it  necessary  to  call  a
    strike.  But  that  is  an  annual  affair — at  least  during  the  2  years  I  was
    employed  in  the  local.  One  year  I  took  the  minutes  of  negotiation
    meetings.  That  was  in  11)46.  Prior  to  the  opening  of  negotiations,  the
    local  had  set  up  its  machinery,  such  as  electing  picket  captains,  and  so
    on  and  so  forth,  in  preparation  for  a  strike  in  the  event  they  felt  it  was
    going  to  be  necesasry,  during  negotiations.  They  wanted  to  complete
    their  negotiations.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Since  you  have  indicated  your  belief  in  the  trade-union
    movement  and  in  the  principles  and  aims  of  organization,  including
    this  particular  union,  is  it  your  belief,  from  your  service  in  the  union
    and  also  as  a  member  of  the  party,  that  the  Communist  Party  and  its
    members  serve  the  best  interest  of  the  union,  in  building  the  union  and
    working  for  union  principles  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir ;  I  do  not  think  so.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  don't  think  so?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  81

    Miss  Mathews.  No,  sir.  You  wanted  to  know  whether  I  think  it
    serves  the  best  interests  to  have  the  party  functioning  within  the
    trade-union?

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  right.

    Miss  Mathews.  No;  I  have  finally  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  does
    not  serve  the  best  interests  of  the  union.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you,  on  the  other  hand,  believe  by  having  Com-
    munists in  the  union  it  is  harmful  to  the  interests  of  the  union  itself?

    Miss  Mathews.  I  think  it  has  proven  so  in  local  '2*2;  definitely.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Vail.

    Mr.  Vail.  Miss  Mathews,  would  you  say  there  has  been  a  consistent
    organized  movement  within  the  union  to  recruit  members  for  the
    Communist  Party?

    Miss  Mathews.  The  actual  organization  for  recruiting  members
    didn't  really  start  until  after  Sam  Hall  arrived  in  Winston-Salem.
    While  there  were  members  of  the  Communist  Party  on  the  staff  of  the
    union  prior  to  Mr.  Hall's  appearance  in  Winston-Salem,  there  was  no
    definite  drive.  Now,  whether  individual  members  of  the  staff  or  other
    people  in  Winston-Salem  might  try  to  recruit  a  member  of  the  union
    here  and  there,  I  can't  say,  but  there  was  no  concerted  campaign  to  get
    membership  for  the  Communist  Party  from  within  the  union  ranks.

    Mr.  Vail.  In  your  opinion,  what  percentage  of  the  union  member-
    ship was  communistic?

    Miss  Mathews.  As  far  as  the  members  of  the  union  were  concerned,
    it  was  quite  small.

    Mr.  Vail.  Quite  small  ?    -

    Miss  Mathews.  I  testified,  I  think,  the  union  estimated  they  had  a
    membership  of*  8,000,  including  the  K.  J.  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.  and
    three  leaf  houses.  At  the  time  I  left  the  employ  of  the  union  I  think
    there  were  approximately  150  members  of  the  Communist  Party  within
    Winston- Salem,  all  of  whom  were  not  members  of  the  union.

    Mr.  Vail.  To  what,  then,  do  you  attribute  the  success  of  these  men
    in  being  elected  to  office — Communists  being  elected  to  office — within
    t  lie  union?

    Miss  Mathews.  What  do  I  attribute  their  success  to?

    Mr.  Vail.  Yes.

    Miss  Mathews.  Well,  a  good  number  of  the  people  who  are  still
    holding  office  were  holding  office — a  number  were  on  the  executive
    board  of  the  local — when  I  first  went  in  there.  They  were  known
    then  as  leaders  of  local  22,  leaders  of  the  workers  in  the  R.  J.  Reynolds
    Tobacco  Co.,  or  leaders  of  the  workers  in  the  leaf  houses.  Of  course,
    when  a  concerted  drive  was  put  on,  attention  was  given  first  of  all  to
    the  executive  board  members  and  many  of  the  executive  board  mem-
    bers joined  the  party,  but  since  they  had  already  held  office  prior  to
    this  time  and  had  been  known  as  leaders  in  local  ±2,  they  seemed  to
    be  reelected  to  office.

    Mr.  Vail.  Well,  were  they  originally  identified  with  the  creation
    of  the  union  in  the  first  place?

    Miss  Mathews.  Some  of  them  were;  yes.  Theodosia  Simpson
    worked  at  the  R.  J.  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.  plant  and  was  one  of  the
    principal  organizers,  as  was  Mr.  Black.  I  am  only  giving  you  what
    I  have  learned  since  coming  into  AVinston-Salem,  since  I  was  not  in

    82  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Winston-Salem  in  the  original  organizational  campaign  of  the  R.  J.
    Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.  But  after  being  in  the  employ  of  the  union  and
    learning  its  history,  I  found  out  that  Robert  Black,  Theodosia  Simp-
    son, Clark  Sheppard,  and  some  others  whom  I  don't  quite  recall,  were
    among  the  leaders  in  the  original  organization  of  the  R.  J.  Reynolds
    Tobacco  Co.  plant.

    Mr.  Vail.  No  more  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling,  do  you  have  any  more  questions?

    Mr.  Stripling.  No  ;  I  have  no  more  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Any  member  of  the  committee  have  any  more
    questions?

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  would  like  to  ask  a  question.  What  is  a  leaf
    house  ?

    Miss  Mathews.  Where  they  process  the  leaf  tobacco.  They  don 'r
    manufacture  the  tobacco,  like  the  R.  J.  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.  They
    process  it.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  questions,  Mr.  Appell  ?

    Mr.  Appell.  No.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  all,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Thank  you  very  much.  Miss  Mathews.

    Your  next  witness.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  will  be  Mr.  Gene
    Pratt,

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Pratt.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  before  you  swear  the  witness,  I
    would  suggest  that  you  instruct  Miss  Mathews  that  she  is  still  under
    subpena  and  to  remain  at  the  hearings  or  to  remain  in  the  committee
    office  until  the  hearing  is  completed.

    The  Chairman.  Yes.  Miss  Mathews  and  the  other  witnesses  arc
    all  under  subpena  and  we  want  you  to  remain  here  in  the  hearing
    room  until  the  hearings  are  completed  today.

    Mr.  Pratt,  will  you  raise  your  right  hand,  please  ?  Do  you  solemnly
    swear  that  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  is  the  truth,  the  whole
    truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  do.

    The  Chairman.  Be  seated,  please.

    Mr.  Pratt  (indicating  photographers) .     Is  this  necessary  ?

    The  Chairman.  Just  one  or  two  pictures.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  object  to  having  your  picture  taken.  Mr.
    Pratt?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes ;  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  like  to  submit  your  objections  to  the
    chairman?  If  you  have  any  personal  objections,  why  I  suggest  you
    submit  them  to  the  chairman.

    The  Chairman.  You  want  to  come  up  here.  Mr.  Pratt  ?
    (Discussion  off  the  record.)

    The  Chairman.  All  right,  Mr.  Stripling;  proceed.

    TESTIMONY  OF  EUGENE  C.  PRATT

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Pratt,  will  you  state  your  full  name  for  the
    record,  please?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.  My  full  name  is  Eugene  C,  Pratt.  I  have
    signed  my  name  for  years  as  Gene  Pratt,  and  I  am  known  at  home  as
    Gene  Pratt.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR    UNIONS  S3

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  von  born.  Mr.  Pratt  %

    Mr.  Pratt.  April  11, 1909.  in  St.  Louis.  Mo.

    Mr.  Stripling.  April  11,  1901?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Nine.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Nine  \

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.

    Mr  .Stripling.  In  St.  Louis.  Mo.?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  address  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Pfafftown,  N.  C.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  employed  by  local  22  of  the  Food,
    Tobacco,  and  Agricultural  Workers,  in  Winston-Salem.  N.  C.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir ;  I  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  what  position  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  As  business  agent.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Business  agent  I

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  occupation,  Mr.  Pratt ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  You  mean  now  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  No;  I  mean,  what  has  been  j^our  occupation  for  the
    past  10  years  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  was  employed  by  the  Brown  &  Williamson  Tobacco
    Co.  for  a  period  of  about  12  years,  prior  to  1945.  when  I  became  con-
    nected with  local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  As  the  business  agent  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Pratt,  at  the  time  you  joined  the  staff  of  local
    22  as  business  agent,  did  you  know  of  any  alleged  Communist  affilia-
    tion of  the  leadership  of  local  22?     Had  you  ever  heard  of  any?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Not  of  my  own  knowledge.  I  heard  of  Communists
    being  present  in  that  organization.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  had  heard  that  \

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  But  you  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  it  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  accepted  the  position  as  business  agent,
    did  you  have  any  concern  over  this  information  that  you  had  heard
    that  there  were  Communists  within  the  local?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  I  had  a  great  amount  of  concern.  That  hap-
    pens to  be  my  home  town — or  the  little  village  I  live  in,  known  as
    Pfafftown,  is  about  8i/>,  9  miles  from  Winston-Salem.  I  have
    lived  in  and  around  Winston-Salem  most  of  my  life.  I  was
    greatly  concerned  with  Communist  infiltration  into  that  organization,
    that  had  a  contract  with  the  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.,  because  of  the
    number  of  people  that  were  involved  there  and  the  detriment  that  I
    understood  it  would  be  to  the  community  as  a  whole.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  why.  then,  did  you  accept  the  position  \

    Mr.  Pratt.  At  that  time  I  was  very  much  interested  and  still  am
    very  much  interested  in  organized  labor — mind  you.  clean  organized
    labor,  not  Communist-dominated  organized  labor — and  I  accepted
    the  position  hoping,  if  I  found  what  I  had  heard  to  be  true,  we  might
    be  able  to  break  it  up  from  the  inside,  and  that  it  would  not  serve
    as  a  draw-back  to  the  organization  that  w;is  already  started  in  the
    Revnolds  Tobacco  Co.

    84  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  now.  after  you  accepted  the  position  as  busi-
    ness agent,  did  you  observe  anything  which  would  indicate  to  you
    that  there  was  Communist  influence  within  the  union  '.

    Mr.  Pratt.  For  the  first  few  months  I  didn't,  but  as  time  went
    along  it  became  more  and  more  evident  that  Communist  influence  was
    present,  as  I  got  to  know  the  people  I  was  working  with  better  and
    they  got  more  and  more  lax  about  their  discussing  matters  along  that
    line  in  the  presence  of  me,  and  I  guess  other  people,  too.  In  the
    library  there  were  articles  written  by  people  who  I  understand  are
    connected  with  the  Communist  Party.  I  found  that  secret  meetings
    were  being  held  and  attended  by  a  great  number  of  the  people  who
    were  working  in  the  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  call  that  a  clique  or  a  dominating  group
    within  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  it  was  a  clique  and  I  would  say  it  was  dominat-
    ing because  many  of  the  matters  that  came  before  the  executive  board
    and  before  the  staff  seemed  to  have  been  predecided.  I  had  no
    knowledge  of  why  or  how  it  had  come  about.  The  matters  would
    just  be  adopted,  be  thev  issues  or  whatever  they  happened  to  be.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Everything  was  prearranged?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Prearranged.  They  would  be  adopted  and  everybody
    seemed  to  have  an  understanding  of  what  it  was  all  about,  without
    too  much  discussion.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  give  the  committee  the  names  of  the
    members  of  this  clique  or  dominating  group?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  at  that  time  particularly,  shortly  after  I  went
    there  and  I  first  began  to  notice  that.  Frank  Green  was  the  director.
    Frank  Green  was  also  the  chairman  of  the  tri-State  council,  which
    covers  North  Carolina.  Virginia,  and  South  Carolina.  I  later  learned
    that  Frank  Green  was  a  Communist.  I  thought  so  at  the  time  and
    I  lived  and  learned  that  he  was.  Miss  Eleanor  Hoagland  was  edu-
    cational director.  She  is  the  Avife  of  William  Binkley.  who  is  an
    admitted  Communist.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Binkley — B-i-n-k-1-e-y  '.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Binkley,  yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  is  an  admitted  Communist?

    Mr.  Pratt.  He  is  an  admitted  Communist,  yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  lie  identified  in  any  way  with  local  22  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No.  sir.  but  he  was  connected  with  the  fur  and  leather
    workers,  and  for  some  months  occupied  one  of  the  offices  in  the  build-
    ing that  local  22  was  paying  rent  on.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  are  some  of  the  other  members  of  this  group?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  at  that  time  Clark  Sheppard  was  an  organizer
    for  local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Sheppard  is  now  cochairman.  is  that  right?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  that  the  highest  position  of  the  local?

    Mr.  Pratt.  It  is  now.  Robert  C.  Black  was  an  organizer  at  that
    time.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  was  a  member  of  this  group  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  he  also  a  cochairman  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  He  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  At  the  present  time?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  85

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  sir.  When  1  first  became  affiliated  with  local  22,
    Ann  Ross  was  working  there — or  worked  there  a  few  weeks  or  a  month
    or  so.  She  admitted  to  me  later  that  she  was  a  member  of  the  Com-
    munist Party  and  had  been  over  a  period  of  years.  Also,  there  was
    Theodosia  Simpson.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  did  Theodosia  Simpson  hold  at  that
    time?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  she  did  office  work  and  made  an  attempt  at  or-
    ganizing. She  just  worked  for  the  local  in  general.  She  is  now  chair-
    man of  the  political  action  committee.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  chairman  of  the  PAC?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.  She  admitted  to  me  later  she  was  a  mem-
    ber of  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Any  others  that  you  recall?

    Mr.  Pratt.  None  that  I  recall  right  now.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  Mr.  Pratt,  these  meetings  in  which  the  arrange-
    ments were  made,  were  they  being  held  in  the  union  offices — or  where
    were  they  being  held  ?

    Mi-.  Pratt.  I  was  given  to  understand  those  meetings  were  held  at
    the  home  of  one  Daniel  Brown  Jackson,  on  West  End  Boulevard.

    Mi-.  Striplinc  Daniel  Brown  Jackson  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  he  a  member  or  an  official  in  the  union?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No  ;  not  at  that  time.  He  had  been  a  member.  Whether
    or  not  he  had  ever  worked  for  the  local,  I  don't  know.  I  understood
    he  worked  for  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.  and  had  gotten  to  be  a  member  by
    virtue  of  the  fact  that  he  was  an  employee  of  that  company.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  that  Daniel  Brown
    Jackson  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  or  is  considered  to  be  a
    member  of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Nothing  except  hearsay.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  Mr.  Pratt,  as  business  agent  of  local  ±2.,  did
    you  come  in  contact  with  people  who  were  members  of  the  Communist
    Party  or  who  were  officials  of  the  party,  but  who  were  not  active  in
    local  22  \

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  sir.  I  did  from  time  to  time.  My  connection  there
    called  for  me  to  supply  the  use  of  an  automobile.  I  was  called  on
    by  the  various  departments  to  make  short  runs  for  them,  if  I  had
    time  to  do  so,  which  1  did  on  many  occasions.  I  was  approached  by
    Miss  P]leanor  Hoagland  early  one  afternoon  and  asked  if  I  would
    make  my  car  available  to  meet  some  parties  at  the  Robert  E.  Lee  that
    evening  about  6:30  o'clock,  or  7.  and  give  them  transportation  to  a
    colored  church  known  as  the  Frank  O'Neil  Church.  At  that  time  she
    gave  me  a  special  invitation  to  attend  what  she  called  a  lecture  that
    was  to  be  given  by  a  Robert  Miner.  I  didn't  know  at  that  time  who
    Robert  Miner  was.  I  did  not  question  her  because  she  just  came
    in  to  my  desk  and  made  that  request.  1  said.  "All  light."  and  she
    passed  on  out  of  the  office.

    I  started  to  leave  the  office  that  evening  to  go  to  the  Robert  E.  Lee
    Hotel  to  pick  up  these  parties.  Miss  Mathews  asked  me  if  she  mighl
    ride  along.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Miss  Mathews?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.  She  did.  It  Avas  a  very  had  night.  It
    was  snowing.     I  got  around  to  the  Robert  E.  Lee  Hotel.     I  went  inside

    86  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    and  I  found  Miss  Hoagland.  She  said  her  parties  were  not  quite  ready
    and  that  if  I  would  tell  her  where  I  was  parked  she  would  be  along
    in  a  minute.  I  did  that,  and  went  to  the  car.  Pretty  soon  she  came
    out  of  the  hotel  with  this  Robert  Miner — he  was  introduced  to  me  as
    Robert  Miner — and  Alice  Burke.  Robert  Miner,  Miss  Alice  Burke,
    Miss  Hoagland,  Miss  Mathews,  and  myself  proceeded  to  the  church
    through  the  snow  in  my  automobile.  There  were  a  few  other  people
    who  attended  that  lecture,  just  a  few  others  because  of  the  severity
    of  the  weather.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  you  learned  at  the  meeting  who  Robert  Miner
    was  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  is  a  member  of  the  national  board  of  the  Com-
    munist Party  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  understand  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  he  speak  on  Communist  Party  matters  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  he  did.  He  deviated  from  what  he  had  intended
    to  say  to  us  and  said,  "I'm  just  going  to  talk  to  you,"  and  he  went  on
    to  tell  about  the  economic  set-up  of  the  United  States  and  this,  that,
    and  the  other.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I  ask  if  this  is  Robert  Miner,
    the  old-time  cartoonist  and  the  veteran  Communist  figure  for  many
    years  from  the  New  York  headquarters  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes,  he  is.

    Mr.  Pratt,  did  you  ever  speak  to  any  of  the  leaders  of  local  22  who
    were  members  of  this  group  about  these  secret  meetings  that  were  going
    on,  in  which  everything  was  arranged  in  advance?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  I  did.  I  would  like  for  the  committee  to  re-
    member that  my  interest  was  in  organized  labor.  I  had  to  move  very
    cautiously — I  felt  that  I  had  to — if  I  was  going  to  remain  in  a  posi-
    tion to  protect  organized  labor  against  what  I  thought  was  a  detri-
    ment to  it.  Therefore,  I  could  not  speak  openly  at  any  time  and  give
    my  position  away,  or  I  woidd  be  short-lived  there.  I  approached
    Frank  Green  about  this  matter  of  secret  meetings  and  prearranged
    ideas,  and  so  on.  I  approached  him  by  saying  I  felt  left  out  and  I
    wondered  if  I  was  not  being  trusted.  I  showed  some  resentment.  I
    meant  to  reflect  some  interest  along  with  it.  When  I  talked  to  him
    along  that  line,  he  told  me  it  was  against  the  policy  of  the  party  to
    admit  membership  or  to  point  out  who  was  or  who  was  not  a  member,
    but  he  would  tell  me  that  I  was  not  distrusted.  He  went  on  to  say
    that  the  party  was  not  functioning  as  a  part}'  at  that  particular  time
    and  had  not  been  through  the  war  years

    The  Chairman.  That  is,  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Pratt.  The  Communist  Party.  But  very  shortly  they  planned
    to  function  as  a  party  and  to  go  out  for  new  recruits,  and  that  at  that
    time  my  name  would  be  given  consideration  and  on  that  score  I  need
    not  have  any  worries.

    So  far  as  the  prearranged  ideas,  he  explained  it  was  for  the  good  of
    the  union;  that  there  were  things  that  could  not  be  talked  about  to  the
    membership  in  general ;  that  it  had  to  be  done  that  way ;  and  that  after
    the  effort  for  new  recruits  came  about  I  would  probably  be  on  the
    inside,  where  I  would  understand  the  workings  of  the  meetings  that
    were  held  where  the  ideas  were  prearranged.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  87

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  talked  with  him,  did  you  have  any  sincere
    intention  of  joining  the  Communist  Party,  or  were  you  simply  feeling
    him  out  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  was  simply  feeling  him  out.  I  did  not  have  then,  and
    never  have  had,  a  feeling  that  I  wanted  to  join  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Frank  Green  was  then  the  director ;  is  that  right?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  was  he  succeeded  by?

    Mr.  Pratt.  He  was  succeeded  by  Philip  Koritz.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Koritz?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  was  Koritz'  position  in  the  union  prior  to  his
    succeeding  Frank  Green?     Was  he  an  international  representative?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Koritz  came  to  Winston-Salem  and  took  the  position
    of  director  of  local  22,  from  California.  As  to  whether  or  not  he
    had  been  affiliated  with  FTA  in  California  I  can't  say.  I  understand
    lie  was  with  some  CIO  organization,  but  whether  it  was  the  FTA,
    I  do  not  know.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  Mr.  Koritz  become  involved  in  any  difficulty
    with  the  law-enforcing  authorities  in  North  Carolina,  in  connection
    with  a  strike,  at  any  time  while  you  were  connected  with  the  union?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.  Mr.  Koritz,  during  a  strike  at  the  Piedmont
    Leaf  Tobacco  Co.,  was  arrested  for  resisting  an  officer,  was  tried
    .and  found  guilty.  The  case  is  now  pending,  I  understand,  before
    the  Supreme  Court.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Pratt,  did  you  ever  observe  any  other  Com-
    munist activity  within  local  22,  or  any  influence  which  would  lead
    you  to  believe  that  Communist  activity  was  being  carried  on  or  was
    prevelant  within  the  leadership  of  the  union?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  the  prearrangement  of  issues  brought  before  the
    executive  board  continued.  There  were  donations  to  what  I  would
    term  Communist-front  organizations  without  too  much  discussion
    on  the  floor  of  the  executive  board.  Many  members  of  the  union
    who  knew  about  such  donations  considered  that  was  going  outside
    the  needs  of  the  union,  with  their  funds.  There  was  little  or  nothing
    they  could  do  about  it.  The  board  was  elected  to  administer  such
    matters,  and  they  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  are  speaking  now  of  the  executive  board?

    Mr.  Pratt.  The  executive  board  of  the  union.  There  were  resolu-
    tions passed  that  had  to  do  with  moving  troops  from  China  to  some
    other  place,  there  were  resolutions  passed  concerning  the  African
    situation,  and  so  forth.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  did  you  hear  the  testimony  of  Miss  Anne
    Mathews,  who  preceded  you  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  She  testified  that  copies  of  the  Daily  Worker  could
    be  obtained  or  bought  at  the  offices  of  local  22.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Copies  of  the  Worker  were  sold  continuously.  There
    may  have  been  a  break  from  time  to  time,  on  the  basis  of  objection
    of  some  of  the  members,  because  many  of  them  objected  to  me  about
    it  and  I  voiced  my  objection.  Nevertheless,  the  break,  if  there  was
    such  a  break,  in  the  distribution  of  those  papers  wasn't  very  notice-
    able.    It  was  almost  continuous.

    88  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  ever  see  any  Community  Party  records,  in
    the  nature  of  membership  books  or  anything  of  that  kind,  at  the
    offices  of  local  22  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  have  here  two  Communist  Party  cards — membership
    cards,  I  suppose — that  I  picked  up  from  the  floor  of  the  union  office
    [handing  documents].

    Mr.  Striplino.  Where  was  that  union  office  located.  Mr.  Pratt  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  247%  North  Main  Street,  Winston-Salem,  N.  C.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Sir.  Chairman,  this  is  a  membership  card  for  the
    year  1946,  Communist  Party,  United  States  of  America,  No.  77026.
    The  name  is  blank.  There  is  a  space  for  city.  State,  and  date  issued.
    It  is  signed  by  "Sam  Hall,"'  as  State  chairman.  On  the  back  it  says,
    ""Rights  and  duties  of  party  members."  On  the  inside  it  has  space
    for  "1946  dues,"  with  a  blank  square  for  January,  February,  and  each
    month.  It  also  says.  "Dues  rates,  income  over  $60  per  week,  $2  per
    month;  income  $25  to  $60  a  week,  $1  per  month:  income  under  $25
    per  week,  35  cents  per  month:  unemployed.  10  cents  per  month."
    Under  that  it  says,  "Read  the  Daily  Worker  and  the  Worker.  Read
    our  monthly  magazine.  Political  Affairs."  It  also  has  a  space  for  as-
    sessment stamp  and  initiation  stamp,  and  two  other  spaces,  under
    "1945  dues,"  which  say,  "third  quarter,'1  and  "fourth  quarter.'1

    The  other  document  which  he  submits  is  identical  with  the  first
    except  it  is  numbered  77027.  It  is  also  in  blank  and  contains  the  same
    information  thereon.

    I  would  like  the'se  to  be  received.  Air.  Chairman,  as  exhibits.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.9

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Pratt,  did  you  approach  any  of  the  officers  of
    local  22  with  respect  to  this  nonunion  activity — I  mean,  of  selling  the
    Daily  Worker,  passing  resolutions,  and  so  forth.

    Mr.  Pratt.  As  to  the  Daily  Worker.  I  had  that  done  by  another
    person  because  it  wasn't  a  thing  for  me  to  do.  Many  of  the  white
    people  came  to  me  with  their  complaints  about  such  matters,  and
    the  Daily  Worker  was  one  of  them.  I  approached  Ed  McCrea  about
    the  union's  taking  part  in  many  outside  matters.  At  that  time  he
    explained  to  me  that  I  should  remember  these  people  are  not  fighting
    for  just  the  union;  that  they  are  lighting  for  their  rights  as  Ameri-
    can citizens:  and  that  some  of  the  things  I  had  mentioned  to  him
    would  be  taken  up  in  due  time  and  could  be  ironed  out.  That  led
    me  to  believe  that  some  of  the  people  were  involved  in  some  of  the
    complaints,  people  who  were  members  of  the  party  were  involved  in
    some  of  the  complaints,  and  therefore  had  to  be  handled  very  care-
    fully.    It  had  to  come  around  very  gradually.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  talked  with  Mr.  Green,  did  you  ever  re-
    ceive any  Communist  Party  literature  in  the  mails?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  Mr.  Green  placed  in  my  hand  some  pamphlets  at
    that  time  that  were  in  the  office.  On  the  occasion  of  the  conversation
    that  I  spoke  to  you  about  a  moment  ago,  Mr.  Green  instructed  me
    that  those  pamphlets  were  very  confidential.  Now.  you  asked  :  Did  I
    receive  Communist  literature  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Literature,  or

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes;  after  that  time  I  got  Communist  Party  literature.
    I  have  some  of  it  here  with  me  now.     This  is  a  letter  signed  bv  Sain

    See  appendix,  p.  231,  for  exhibits  1  and  2,  hearing,  July  23,  1047.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR    UNIONS  89

    Hall.     This  is  another  matter.     I  will  submit  them  for  your  inspection.
    They  came  to  me  in  this  envelope,  right  here.     [Handing  documents.]

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Pratt,  do  you  have  any  information  or  is  it
    your  opinion  the  roster  of  the  membership  of  local  22  was  being  used
    by  the  Communists  for  the  purpose  of  distributing  their  literature  \

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  it  is  my  opinion,  and  I  base  my  opinion  on
    this:  Many  of  the  white  people  and  a  few  colored  people  approached
    me  saying  immediately  or  very  shortly  after  they  had  become  a  member
    of  the  union  they  had  begun  to  receive  this  literature.  Many  of  them
    objected  to  it  strenuously,  saying-  they  were  not  interested,  and  they
    were  surprised  to  find  it  in  the  union  and  that  their  membership  in
    the  union  started  bringing  this  type  literature  to  their  door  through
    the  mail.  Therefore,  they  had  only  one  thing  to  assume  and  that  is
    that  as  soon  as  their  name  went  on  the  union  books  it  was  turned  over
    to  the  Communist  Party.     That  is  all  I  have  to  go  on.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  letter  says:  "Carolina  District,
    Communits  Party,  V.  S.  A.,  Post  Office  Box'2884,  Winston-Salem,
    North  Carolina,  Sam  Hall,  Chairman:

    "'Dear  Friend" — I  won't  read  the  text  of  the  letter,  but  it  concerns
    the  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Congress  to  outlaw  the  Communist  Party.
    At  the  bottom  it  says :  "For  a  Free,  Happy,  and  Prosperous  South.''

    The  other  piece  of  literature  is  a  reproduction  of  a  political  adver-
    tisement which  appeared  in  the  Raleigh  News  and  Observer,  sponsored
    by  the  Communist  Party  of  the  United  States.

    You  say,  Mr.  Pratt,  the  rank  and  file  objected  to  the  receipt  of  such
    material  through  the  mails?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  would  say  some  of  them  voiced  objections  to  me.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.  As  far  as  the  rank  and  file  of  local  22,  do  you
    think  any  appreciable  percentage  of  its  members  are  interested  in
    communism  or  are  identified  with  the  Communist  movement,  accord-
    ing to  any  knowledge  you  might  have?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  would  say  no,  sir,  not  a  great  many  as  compared  with
    the  over-all  picture.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.

    Mr.  Pratt.  However,  I  do  feel  the  Communist  Party  has  made  great
    gains.  They  move  very  cautiously,  I  understand.  They  have  made
    great  gains,  considering  that  they  do  move  cautiously.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  local  22  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  In  local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  approached  to  join  the  Communist
    Party?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.  Along  in  May  1046  I  was  approached.  I  was
    a  candidate  for  the  House  of  Representatives  from  the  State  of  North
    Carolina.  Before  the  primary  election  was  held  a  Larry  Larson  ap-
    proached me  in  my  office  and  told  me  that  he  liked  to  introduce  me
    to  a  friend  of  his.  AVe  went  over  into  Mr.  Green's  office.  Mi-.  Green,
    after  being  replaced  by  Koritz,  still  retained  an  office  in  local  22's
    office  building.  So  we  went  from  my  office  over  into  Mr.  Green's  office,
    and  there  he  introduced  me  to  a  Sam  Hall,  a  man  whose  name  I  had
    already  learned  and  whom  I  had  seen  go  in  and  out  of  the  union
    office  on  several  different  occasions  prior  to  that.  At  that  time  he
    asked  me  about  joining  the  Communis!  Party.  As  I  said,  I  couldn't
    pretend  that  I  wasn't   interested — I  still  didn't  want  to  join  because

    90  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR    UNIONS

    I  wasn't  interested,  but  as  I  say  I  couldn't  show  that — so  I  merely
    stalled  the  thing  off  until  after  the  election.  After  the  election  I  did
    have  to  dig  up  more  excuses :  My  wife  objected,  and  so  on.  It  went
    on  like  that.  I  understood  they  gave  great  consideration  to  your
    home  status,  and  that  stood  me  in  good  stead.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  see  Sam  Hall  at  the  office  of  local  22  fre-
    quently ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Along  about  that  time  it  was  fairly  frequent.  I  would
    say  it  was  as  much  as  three  times  a  week.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  would  come  to  the  offices  of  the  local  union  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  Later  his  presence  was  not  seen  there  as  fre-
    quently.    After  he  announced  it  publicly,  he  was  rarely  present.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Pratt,  is  local  22  administered  by  the  local
    members  or  by  the  international  body  of  the  Food,  Tobacco,  and  Agri-
    cultural Workers?

    Mr.  Pratt.  At  the  time  of  my  affiliation  or  employment,  local  22:
    had  a  director  who  was  on  the  pay  roll  of  the  international — and  of
    course  exercised  a  great  influence  over  the  board.  He  was  succeeded
    by  another  director,  known  as  Philip  Koritz.  Then,  in  November
    1946 — I  believe  I  am  right — the  directorship  was  replaced  by  the  co-
    chairmanship.  Ed  McCrea  was  assigned  as  international  representa-
    tive to  work  with  local  22.  After  the  cochairman  came  into  office,  Ed
    McCrea  was  the  brains  behind  the  organization.  He  was  on  the  pay
    roll  of  ETA,  the  international.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  say,  then,  the  membership  of  the  local
    did  not  direct  the  union  affairs  in  a  democratic  manner?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  But  they  were  being  directed  from  the  top,  so  to
    speak,  by  the  international?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  and  I  would  base  my  decision  on  many  things,
    one  of  which  I  will  cite  to  you  if  you  are  interested.  Ed  McCrea
    came  to  my  house  during  the  Christmas  holidays  last  year.  He  told
    me  that  Koritz  had  had  a  dislike  for  me  and

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  didn't  appeal  to  Koritz?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right;  he  had  a  dislike  for  me,  and  that  Koritz
    in  leaving — he  was  going  out  of  town — and  being  replaced  by  a  co-
    chairman  and  maybe  feeling  that  he  hadn't  done  such  a  good  jot) —
    was  trying  to  sabotage  the  organization.     He  had  also  done,  as  he
    put  it,  a  job  on  me  with  many  members  of  the  executive  board  and
    he  had  convinced  enough  members  of  the  executive  board  that  I  should
    be  ousted  and  that  that  would  probably  have  come  about  if  Ed  him-
    self hadn't  stepped  in  and  stopped  it.    Any  time  he  is  able  to  control
    the  majority  membership  of  the  executive  board,  I  would  say  he-
    controlled  the  union.     He  asked  me  if  I  would  agree  to  continue  to
    work  for  local  22.    I  told  him  I  was  interested  in  organization.    I  had
    also  known  what  Koritz  had  tried  to  do  to  me.    I  wondered  where  I
    had  slipped  up.  because  I  had  a  job  to  do.  too.    I  agreed  with  Ed  that
    I  woidd  continue  to  work  for  local  22.    He  agreed  to  go  out  and  do
    the  job  on  the  majority  of  the  members  of  local  22's  executive  board,
    which  he  did,  and  I  continued  to  work  for  them  until  I  left  there  in
    May  of  this  year.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Under  what  circumstances  did  you  leave,  Mr.
    Piatt  ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR    UNIONS  91

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  left  the  local  union  during  the  strike.  When  it  be-
    came apparent  we  were  going  to  have  racial  trouble  in  Winston-Salem
    because  of  the  fact  that  we  were  not  adhering  to  the  understanding
    between  the  police  department  and  the  union,  it  became  necessary  for
    me  to  make  known  the  information  I  had  gathered  since  I  had  been
    there.

    I  didn't  want  to  do  it  during  the  strike,  because  1  felt  it  would
    work  a  hardship  on  a  great  many  innocent  people  that  didn't  even
    know  that  communism  existed  in  their  organization  or  the  organiza-
    tion they  were  paying  dues  to.    I  was  reluctant  to  do  it  at  that  time.

    Nevertheless,  I  could  see  the  control  gettig  away  from  us  more
    and  more  and  more.  In  order  to  save  the  organization,  I  approached
    Mr.  Phil  Murray,  president  of  the  CIO,  and  Mr.  Alan  Haywood,  the
    vice  president.  1  told  him  what  we  were  up  against.  I  told  him  I
    believed  the  company's  objection  to  dealing  with  that  organization  was
    because  of  the  Communists  in  the  organization,  and  that  if  he  could
    in  some  manner  remove  the  company's  objection  the  company  would
    do  business  with  that  union  and  take  those*  people  back  to  work —
    off  the  street — with  a  reasonable  settlement.  He  said — would  you
    like  me  to  continue  (

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead.

    Mi-.  Pratt.  He  said,  "'What  will  be  the  outcome  if  the  objections
    of  the  company  are  not  removed'' — or  the  Communists  are  not  re-
    moved, we  will  put  it  that  way.  I  said.  "In  my  opinion,  the  company
    will  continue  to  hire  until  they  get  a  full  complement  of  personnel,
    and  after  they  have  had  a  full  complement  of.  personnel  they  will
    allow  the  strikers — the  people  who  have  been  members  of  the  union
    now  for  some  years,  who  have  a  right  to  look  to  the  CIO  for  protec-
    tion— to  continue  to  walk  the  streets  as  long  as  they  want  to  and  the
    company  will  operate  without  them."

    I  told  Mr.  Murray  those  people  were  the  people  who  were  entitled
    to  consideration:  that  they  had  been  paying  their  dues — and  to  the
    CIO — for  protection  under  the  union  and  not  under  the  Communist
    Party  leadership.

    He  agreed  with  me.  and  then  he  replied  to  me.  "Mr.  Pratt,  it  is  a
    big  job.    I  am  not  God."

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  repeat  his  reply  '.

    Mr.  Pratt.  1  le  replied,  "Mr.  Pratt,  that  is  a  big  job.    I  am  not  God."

    Mr.  McDowell.  Did  he  say.  "I  am  not  God"?

    Mr.  Pratt.  "I  am  not  God."  He  added.  "I  am  a  small  potato  in  a
    big  sack."  Then  he  ordered  Mr.  Haywood  to  go  further  into  the  de-
    tails with  us  on  that  matter,  which  he  did.  It  resulted  in  ordering  Mr.
    Don  Henderson  from  Philadelphia  to  Washington,  to  discuss  the
    matter,  which  he  eventually  did.  Mr.  Henderson.  Mr.  Murray,  and
    Mr.  Alan  Haywood  said  if  there  was  anything  they  could  do  about  it
    they  would,  but  they  wanted  to  cite  to  us  that  the  internationalists
    had  full  autonomy  and  that  at  present  their  hands  were  tied  to  a
    great  extent.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment.  Mr.  Pratt.

    Mr.  Pratt.  All  right,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  the  date  of  this  conference  with  Mr.
    Murray  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  The  date  of  this  conference  must  have  been  between  the
    16th  and  the  20th  of  May.

    92  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR    UNIONS

    4

    Mr.  Stripling.  1947  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  1947.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Here  in  Washington  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir ;  in  Mr.  Murray's  office.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  talk  with  Mr.  Donald  Henderson  the  fol-
    lowing day — or  how  much  time  elapsed  before  you  talked  with  Donald
    Henderson  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  We  talked  to  him  the  following  afternoon.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  he  is  the  international  president

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Of  the  union?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  ever  heard,  or  do  you  have  any  informa-
    tion to  the  effect  that  Donald  Henderson  is  a  member  of  the  Com-
    munist Party?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  have  been  told  that  he  admitted — if  my  memory  serves
    me  correctly — before  the  Dies  committee,  that  he  was  or  had  been  a
    member  of  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  report — Union  Calendar  No.
    443,  House  Report  No.  1311,  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American
    Activities — there  is  a  section  dealing  with  the  Communist  activities  of
    Donald  Henderson,  which  appear  on  pages  118.  119,  and  120.  I  ask
    that  Mr.  Henderson's  record,  as  taken  from  this  report,  appear  in  this
    record  at  this  point.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.

    (The  record  is  as  follows:)

    Donald  Henderson

    Donald  Henderson,  general  president  of  the  United  Cannery.  Agricultural,
    Packing,  and  Allied  Workers  (CI()  affiliate),  is  prominent  in  the  CIO  Political
    Action  Committee.  On  January  14,  1944,  Henderson  addressed  a  national  con-
    ference of  the  Political  Action  Committee  which  was  held  at  the  Park  Central
    Hotel  in  New  York  City.

    There  is  no  secrecy  about  Donald  Henderson's  membership  in  the  Communist
    Party.  He  has  been  a  puclicly  avowed  card-holding  member  for  more  than  10
    years.  In  that  period  of  time,  he  has  subserviently  followed  all  the  ideological
    zig-zagging  of  the  party  line,  including  the  patently  seditious  activities  of  the
    American  Peace  Mobilization  (to  which  the  Department  of  Justice  was  totally
    blind)  and  the  current  pretended  superpatriotism  of  all  the  Muscovite  stool
    pigeons.  In  some  cases,  the  CIO  Political  Action  Committee  might  seek  the
    shelter  of  ignorance  concerning  the  Communist  connections  of  its  active  leaders,
    but  emphatically  not  in  the  case  of  Henderson.  No  German-American  Bundist
    ever  worked  more  assiduously  than  Donald  Henderson  for  the  destruction  of
    American  free  institutions.  When  the  CIO  Political  Action  Committee  includes
    among  its  leaders  such  men  as  Henderson,  it  demonstrates  beyond  dispute  the
    un-American  nature  of  its  objectives.  Who  is  Henderson  that  he  should  be
    welcomed  to  a  place  of  leadership  in  an  organization  winch  sets  out  to  spend
    $2,000,000  to  influence  the  1044  elections  to  the  end  that  the  Congress  of  the
    United  States  should  be  brought  under  the  complete  domination  of  a  sinister
    minority  pressure  group?      Let  his  public  record  answer  the  question.

    In  (he  September  1935  issue  of  the  Communist,  Donald  Henderson  appeared  as
    the  author  of  an  article  entitled  "The  Rural  Masses  and  the  Work  of  Our  Party."
    The  article  opened  with  the  following  statement :

    "On  the  basis  of  the  Open  Letter,  during  the  past  2  years  our  party  has  been
    successful  in  developing  policies  and  organization  which  are  rapidly  achieving
    a  successful  turn  to  mass  revolutionary  work  and  influence  in  the  cities  and  among
    the  industrial  urban  proletariat  "

    Note  that  Henderson  used  the  phrase  "our  party."     Later,  in  his  article,  Hender-
    son wrote  of  the  necessity  for  the  Communist  Party  to  "carry  through"  its  idea  of

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  93

    "Soviet  power      *      *      *      in  Uie  small  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  and  on  the
    farms."

    Donald  Henderson  has  not  only  functioned  as  a  leader  in  the  Communist  Tarty
    and  in  the  top  ranks  of  the  CIO.  He  has  also  been  extraordinarily  energetic  in
    the  leadership  of  the  numberless  trout  organizations  of  the  Communist   Party.

    In  the  spring  of  1933,  Henderson  was  dropped  from  the  teaching  staff  of
    Columbia  University.  For  a  number  of  weeks,  the  Communist  carried  on  a  noisy
    agitation  for  his  reinstatement,  but  to  no  avail.  The  clamor  of  the  Communists
    against  Columbia  University  for  its  action  in  the  case  of  Henderson  was  expressed
    chiefly  through  its  front  organization  for  students,  the  National  Student  League.
    Henderson  was  secretary  of  the  National  Student  League,  about  which  Earl
    Browder  wrote  as  follows:  "From  the  beginning,  it  has  been  clearly  revolutionary
    in  its  program  and  activities"  (Communism  in  the  United  States,  by  Karl  Browder,
    p.  43).  Other  Communist  leaders  of  the  National  Student  League  included  Joseph
    Starobin  (now  an  editor  of  the  New  Masses),  Adam  Lapin  (now  Washington
    correspondent  for  the  Daily  Worker) ,  and  James  Wechsler  (now  on  the  staff  of  the
    newspaper  I'M).

    In  August  1932  the  Communist  International  sponsored  an  international  gath-
    ering at  Amsterdam  which  was  known  as  the  World  Congress  Against  War.  That
    gathering  called  upon  the  proletariat  of  the  world  to  prepare  to  "turn  imperialist
    war  into  civil  war."  The  delegates  to  the  Amsterdam  congress  were  instructed  to
    organize  in  their  respective  countries  national  branches  to  be  affiliated  with
    the  world  organization.  In  the  United  States,  in  the  fall  of  1932.  the  American
    Committee  for  Struggle  Against  War  was  organized  in  response  to  these  in-
    structions of  the  Amsterdam  congress.  Donald  Henderson  became  executive
    director  of  the  American  branch.

    During  the  Christmas  holidays  of  1932,  the  Student  Congress  Against  War
    was  convened  at  the  University  of  Chicago.  This  gathering  was  held  at  the
    direct  instigation  of  the  (Amsterdam)  World  Congress  Against  War.  The  Chi-
    cago congress  was  completely  controlled  by  the  Communists  of  the  National  Stu-
    dent League.  Donald  Henderson  was  the  principal  organizer  of  the  gathering.
    He  was  also  the  floor  leader  who  voiced  the  Communist  Party  line  on  every  issue
    which  arose.  On  the  program  of  the  Student  Congress  Against  War,  Henderson
    was  listed  as  a  speaker  and  as  a  member  of  its  national  committee.  The  gathering
    ended  its  sessions  by  adopting  the  program  of  the  (Amsterdam)  World  Congress
    Against  War  which,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  called  for  "the  turning  of  imperialist
    war  into  civil  war."  For  many  years,  the  latter  slogan  represented  one  of  the
    chief  objectives  of  the  Communist  movement  throughout  the  world.

    In  the  spring  of  1933  the  arrangements  committee  for  the  United  States  Con-
    gress Against  War  was  organiz°d  at  a  meeting  h°ld  in  The  New  School  for
    S<  cial  Research  in  New  York  City.  Donald  Henderson  was  made  secretary  of  the
    committee.

    The  United  States  Congress  Against  War  convened  in  St.  Nicholas  Arena,  New
    York  City,  on  September  29,  1933.  Donald  Henderson  was  executive  secretary  of
    the  gathering,  which  was  completely  under  the  control  of  the  Communist  Party.
    Earl  Browder  was  a  leading  figure  in  all  its  deliberations.  In  his  report  to  the
    Communist  International,  Browder  stated  :

    "The  Congress  from  the  beginning  was  led  by  our  party  quite  openly  (Com-
    munism in  the  United  States  by  Earl  Browder.  p.  184)."

    The  United  States  Congress  Against  War  adopted  a  10-point  urogram  which
    became  the  platform  of  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  That
    platform  included  the  following:

    "The  work  toward  the  stopping  of  the  manufacture  and  transport  of  munitions
    and  all  other  materials  essential  to  the  conduct  of  war,  through  mass  demon-
    strations, picketing,  and  strikes."

    Years  later,  this  was  translated  into  overt  acts  when  the  Communist-led  CIO
    unions  did  everything  possible,  especially  through  strikes  to  stop  the  manufacture
    of  "munitions  and  all  other  materials  essential  to  the  conduct  of  war."  Donald
    Henderson  was  a  leading  figure  not  only  in  the  adoption  of  this  seditious  platform
    at  the  LTnited  States  Congress  Against  War  in  1933  but  also  in  its  treasonable
    translation  into  action  under  the  auspices  of  the  Communist  Tarty  and  the  Ameri-
    can Peace  Mobilization  in  1940-41.

    The  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  was  launched  at  the  United
    States  Congress  Against  War.  Donald  Henderson  was  made  excutive  secretary
    of  the  American  League,  a  post  which  he  held  tintil  the  Communist  Party  trans-
    ferred him  to  work  in  the  agricultural  field  :

    65744 — 47 7

    94  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    When  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism  changed  its  name  to  the
    American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy.  Donald  Henderson  remained  a
    member  of  the  organization's  national  committee.  The  American  League  was
    eventually  disbanded  after  Hitler  and  Stalin  signed  their  pact,  and  a  few  months
    later  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  took  its  place  as  the  principal  Communist
    Party  front  dealing  with  international  questions.

    The  American  Peace  Mobilization  was  launched  in  Chicago  in  September  1940.
    Donald  Henderson  was  elected  a  member  of  the  organization's  national  council.
    The  treasonable  character  of  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  is  now  generally
    conceded.  The  organization  aided  and  abetted  strikes  in  many  of  the  country's
    most  important  defense  industries.  These  strikes  were  political  in  nature  and
    aimed  at  leaving  the  United  States  in  a  position  of  unpreparedness.  The  organ-
    ization conducted  a  picket  line  in  front  of  the  White  House  in  the  spring  of  1941,
    withdrawing  its  pickets  within  a  few  hours  of  Hitler's  march  against  Russia.

    Other  Communist  fronts  with  winch  Donald  Henderson  has  been  affiliated  in-
    clude the  following:  National  Negro  Congress,  First  Congress  of  the  Mexican
    and  Spanish-American  Peoples  of  the  United  States,  Coordinating  Committee  to
    Lift  the  Embargo,  Joint  Committee  for  Trade  Union  Rights,  American  Committee
    for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born,  National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties,
    New  Theater  League,  Schappes  Defense  Committee,  and  National  Council  of
    American-Soviet  Friendship.

    The  foregoing  record  of  Henderson's  Communist  positions  and  activities  is
    clear  proof  that  he  is  one  of  the  leaders  in  whom  the  Communist  Party  places
    extraordinary  confidence.

    Despite  the  utterly  un-American  character  of  Donald  Henderson's  activities
    and  affiliations  over  the  past  12  years,  and  despite  his  publicly  acknowledged
    membership  in  the  Communist  Party,  Sidney  Hillman  permits  him  to  take  a  place
    of  leadership  in  the  CIO  Political  Action  Committee.  There  is  no  possibility  of
    disputing  the  charge  which  has  been  leveled  at  Hillman  by  the  right-wing  leaders
    of  the  American  Labor  Party,  namely  that  he  has  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with
    the  Communist  Party.  That  conspiracy  has  as  its  main  objective  the  subordina-
    tion of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  an  un-American  minority  pressure
    group.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  Mr.  Pratt,  after  your  conference  with  Mr.
    Murray,  Mr.  Henderson,  and  Mr.  Haywood,  did  anything  happen  in
    Winston-Salem  to  correct  the  situation  which  you  had  spoken  to  them
    about  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  As  I  said  a  moment  ago,  Mr.  Murray  and  Mr.  Haywood
    pointed  out  their  helplessness  to  us  as  regards  that  situation.  After
    having  a  conference  with  Mr.  Henderson,  Mr.  Henderson  did  not  offer
    any  solution  to  the  problem  whatsoever.  He  seemed  to  be  mainly  in-
    terested in  having  us  prove  there  were  Communists  there.  He  shouted
    on  several  occasions,  "Prove  it,  prove  it,  prove  it"  and  complained  we
    had  not  brought  that  matter  to  his  attention  organizationally  cor-
    rectly— that  it  should  have  come  up  through  the  ranks.  I  would  like
    to  point  out  here  I  was  instrumental  in  having  Mr.  Henderson  called
    in  on  various  occasions  and  talked  to  about  the  Communist  element
    in  the  local.  He  always  bypassed  it.  I  was  quite  aware  of  the  fact
    that  we  would  be  shouted  down  if  they  had  brought  it  organizationally
    correctly.  That  is  why  I  wrent  to  the  head  of  the  CIO,  over  Mr.  Hen-
    derson's head,  in  an  effort  to  save  the  union  itself.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  did  you  understand  from  Mr.  Murray's  re-
    mark that  he  was  helpless?  Why  couldn't  the  national  office  inter-
    vene?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  as  he  put  it  to  us,  because  of  their  constitution,
    which  gives  the  internationals  full  autonomy.

    Mr.  McDowfxl.  You  are  aware,  Mr.  Pratt,  of  Mr.  Murray's  public
    statements  on  communism  in  the  labor  movement?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  95

    Mr.  McDowell.  Of  course,  you  know  he  is  the  president  of  the
    CIO  in  general.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  If  he  can't  do  anything,  the  CIO  is  in  a  bad  way—
    if  the  head  man  can't  do  anything.

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  didn't  get  the  last.    He  can't

    Mr.  McDowell.  1  say.  if  the  president  of  the  CIO  can't  do  a
    thing  about  communism,  or  any  other  k'isms,"  so  far  as  that  goes,  in
    your  local,  you  are  in  a  very  bad  way.    All  the  CIO  would  be.

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  agree  with  you.  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  there  are  any  questions  by  any
    of  the  members  on  this  particular  point  now,  I  suggest  that  they  go
    ahead  and  ask  them.    I  am  going  to  leave  this  point.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner,  do  you  have  any  questions  on  this
    particular  point,  or  would  you  like  to  wait?

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  would  like  to  ask  the  witness  a  few  questions.

    The  Chairman.  You  will  have  the  opportunity.  At  this  time,  do
    you  want  to  ask  an}'  questions?

    Mr.  Stripling.  On  the  conference  with  Mr.  Murray.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  didn't  repeat  any  conversations  you  may  have  had
    with  Mr.  Henderson  at  this  time  (

    Mr.  Pratt.  Just  now

    Mr.  Bonner.  As  I  remember,  you  spoke  about  having  had  a  con-
    versation with  Mr.  Henderson.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  "What  was  the  conversation?  You  gave  Mr.  Murray^
    conversation.    What  was  Mr.  Henderson  s  conversation,  if  you  recall ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  We  simply  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Henderson  what  the  situa-
    tion was.  I  don't  remember  it  word  for  word.  We  asked  him  if  he
    couldn't  do  something  about  it.  He  said  to  us,  "Assuming  what  you
    say  is  true,  if  we  should  do  anything  about  it  it  would  mean  chang-
    ing the  leadership  of  the  local  union  and  to  do  that  during  a  strike
    would  of  course  mean  to  lose  the  strike'' — so  he  said.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  am  not  interested  at  all  in  the  strike.

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  was  the  conversation.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  am  not  interested  in  the  strike  at  all.  Why  did  you
    go  to  Mr.  Murray?  Isn't  Mr.  Henderson  the  nearest  head  to  youi
    organization?

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Why  did  you  go  to  Mr.  Murray,  then,  before  you
    went  to  Mr.  Henderson?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Because  we  had  gone  to  Mr.  Henderson  on  previous
    occasions.    I  just  now  stated  that.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.    That  is  right.

    Mr.  Pratt.  We  didn't  get  results.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Before  you  proceed  further,  are  you  a  native  of
    Winston-Salem  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Of  Winston-Salem  }

    Mr.  Bonner.  Yes.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.  I  live  in  the  country,  outside  of  Winston-Sali

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  mean,  you  were  born  and  raised  there?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  was  raised  there,  yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  And  you  grew  up  with  the  organization  of  this  union
    at  the  plant  ?

    96  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Pratt.  How  is  that  ?    I  grew  up  with  the  organization  ?
    Mr.  Bonner.  I  am  interested  to  lmow  how  you  first  became  con-
    nected with  that  local.    You  said  you  were  employed  as  manager.
    Mr.  Pratt.  Business  agent,  yes,  sir.
    Mr.  Bonner.  Business  agent?
    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  long  have  you  been  employed,  and  when  did  your
    employment  begin  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  was  with  them  2  years.
    Mr.  Bonner.  What  did  you  do  previous  to  that  ?
    •     Mr.  Pratt.  I  was  with  the  Brown  &  Williamson  Tobacco  Co.
    Mr.  Bonner.  What  was  your  relation?
    Mr.  Pratt.  There  we  had  a  union.
    Mr.  Bonner.  You  were  in  union  work  there?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  was  employed  by  the  company  and  did  union  work
    on  the  side.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  worked  with  the  company  and  still  you  were  a
    union  leader?
    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Then  you  transferred  from  the  Brown  &  Williamson
    Co.  to  the  organization  in  the  Reynolds  plant?
    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right,  sir.
    Mr.  Bonner.  Did  you  work  in  the  Reynolds  plant?
    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  many  of  these  prime  executives  or  leaders  in
    the  local  actually  work  in  the  plant?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Most  of  them,  I  think,  came  out  of  the  plant.
    Mr.  Bonner.  These  gentlemen  you  had  the  difference  with,  do  they
    work  in  the  plant  ?
    Mr.  Pratt.  Which  gentlemen,  by  names?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Well,  there  are  about  three  or  four  of  them,  I  think.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Frank  Green  and  Edwin  McCrea — are  those  the  ones
    you  referred  to  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir ;  neither  of  them  came  out  of  the  Reynolds  plant.
    Mr.  Bonner.  The  gentlemen  who  more  or  less  formed  the  policy  of
    the  local,  they  were  sent  there  from  elsewhere,  weren't  they?
    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  they  were.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  are  not  employees  of  the  plant  at  all?
    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right,  sir.
    Mr.  Bonner.  How  many  of  those  are  there  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  There  was  Mr.  Green

    Mr.  Bonner.  Just  the  number.
    Mr.  Pratt.  Mr.  Koritz  and  Mr.  McCrea.
    Mr.  Bonner.  Three  of  them  ?
    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  They  are  the  group  that  formed  the  policy  of  the
    local ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  They  head  it ;  yes,  sir.
    Mr.  Bonner.  They  run  it.     Whatever  they  say  goes  ?
    Mr.  Pratt.  They  exercise  an  influence;  yes,  sir.
    Mr.  Bonner.  One  other  question  I  want  to  ask  you.     What  caused
    your  concern  about  any  local  trouble  that  might  arise  among  the
    people  of  the  community?

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  97

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  one  thing  was — that  is,  during  the  strike — we  had
    an  agreement  with  the  police  department  that  we  would  meet  with
    them  each  day  and  discuss  our  problems,  and  meet  more  often  if
    necessary.  Well,  those  meetings  were  held,  and  it  was  decided  what
    they  would  do  about  any  change  in  the  arrangement  of  picketing  or
    any  other  matters  concerning  the  strike.  I  found  the  local  union
    strike,  under  the  leadership  of  the  strike  chairman,  Ed  McCrea,  going
    beyond  the  agreements  with  the  police.  On  one  occasion  the  chief
    of  police  made  a  trip  to  the  union  office  and  stated,  "If  you  get  out

    of  line  one  more  time  I  am  going  to  have  to  make  some  ar si  O

    After  that  he  talked  to  me  and  said  that  making  arrests  would  be
    very  dangerous,  it  might  lead  to  race  rioting,  and  with  that  knowledge
    in  mind  he  had  bent  over  backward  and  allowed  the  union  more
    leniency  than  he  should,  up  until  that  point.

    Now,  they  attempted  to  stage  a  parade  of  veterans — I  would  say
    between  three  and  four  hundred.  I  don't  know  the  exact  number —
    and  there  was  no  permit  granted  for  a  parade.  Under  the  city  ord-
    nance of  Winston-Salem,  you  must  have  a  permit  before  you  can
    parade.  There  was  no  permit  granted.  The  police  had  to  step  in
    and  stop  that  parade.  He  broke  the  veterans  up  into  small  groups  and
    allowed  them  to  proceed  in  small  groups  to  wherever  they  wanted  to
    picket,  and  fall  in  line  and  picket.  They  proceeded  to  picket  like  that
    that  day.  They  assembled  at  the  hall  again  in  the  afternoon.  The
    general  trend  of  conversation  was  that  they  had  talked  too  much  :  that-
    the  police  got  ahold  of  what  they  were  going  to  do — and  the  next
    time  they  would  be  more  quiet  and  they  would  succeed  before  the
    police  could  stop  them.  The  chief  of  police  had  just  told  me  that
    another  violation  would  mean  arrest.

    Now.  I  remembered  very  vividly  the  arrest  of  Koritz  just  about  a
    year  prior  to  that,  and  I  know  we  almost  had  a  race  riot  in  Winston-
    Salem  because  of  it.

    Mr.  Bonner.  The.  arrest  of  whom  ?
    Mr.  Pratt.  The  arrest  of  Koritz,  who  was  director.
    Mr.  Stripling.  Philip  Koritz.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Philip  Koritz,  at  the  time  of  the  Piedmont  strike  a  year
    prior  to  this.     I  know  we  almost  had  a  race  riot  then.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Now,  from  time  to  time,  when  the  negotiations  were
    going  on  as  to  the  renewal  of  the  contracts,  I  presume  you  had  meet-
    ings with  the  membership  of  the  local  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  the  contract  committee ■

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  am  talking  about  these  meetings.     Did  yon  have  any
    open  meetings  for  the  membership,  or  closed  meetings  ?
    Mr.  Pratt.  They  had  mass  meetings.
    Mr.  Bonner.  Mass  meetings?
    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes:  or  open  meetings.

    Mr.  Boxner.  Now,  at  that  time  were  there  anv  lectures  •  talks
    given  to  the  membership  that  would  incite  trouble  among  the  people?
    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.  One  person — Miranda  Smith — made  a  talk.
    She,  incidentally,  is  educational  director  of  local  '2-2  at  this  time,  and
    was  then.  She  made  a  talk  on  a  Sunday  afternoon  program  at  the
    mass  meeting,  held  for  the  purnose  of  enlightening  the  people  on  the
    negotiations  up  to  that  point.  During  her  talk  she  cited  to  the  people,
    that  the  police — although  they  had  acted  very  cooperatively  and  had

    Qg  COMMUNISM   IX    LABOR   UNIONS

    shown  a  great  deal  of  consideration — all  that,  were  not  entitled  to  any
    consideration ;  that  they  were  their  enemies ;  that  they  wonld  stab  them
    in  the  back  the  moment  they  turned  their  heads ;  and  that  they  were
    not  due  any  credit  for  what  they  had  done  as  they  were  getting  paid
    for  it,  and  ito  remember  that.  At  that  same  meeting  Mr.  Long,  who  is
    present  here  today,  was  scheduled  to  speak.  Because  of  that  state-
    ment that  this  official  of  the  union  had  made  to  those  thousands  of
    people  listening  to  her  that  day  and  because  it  was  entirely  contrary,
    as  she  told  me,  to  the  way  he  felt  the  police  department  had  worked —
    and  it  certainly  was  contrary  to  what  I  felt  about  them  because  of  the
    way  they  had  worked  with  us — Mr.  Long  refused  to  speak  on  the  same
    program.  He  was  slated  to  speak  on  that  program,  but  he  refused  to
    after  she  made  those  remarks.

    Mr.  McCrea  prevailed  upon  Mr.  Long  to  speak,  anyway,  saving  that
    he  would  correct  that  statement  that  this  official  had  made.  He  got  up
    and  said  something — I  was  too  far  away  to  understand  what  he  said —
    but  Mr.  Long  did  not  agree  to  go  back  and  speak.  He  felt  the  people
    were  being  misled,  and  he  felt  he  knew  why.  He  wouldn't  have
    anything  to  do  with  it.     I  felt  the  same  way.

    Mr.  Stripling.  May  I  interrupt  there,  Congressman?
    ;  Mr.  Bonner.  Just  one  more  question.

    Have  there  always  been  very  pleasant  relationships  between  the
    people  in  that  part  of  North  Carolina?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Between  the  people  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Yes;  between  the  people.

    The  Chairman.  You  mean  between  the  white  people  and  the  Negro
    people  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  consider  them  all  North  Carolinians.  I  would  say,
    Yes.  between  the  colored  and  the  white  people.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir;  there  has  been.  When  I  was  with  Brown  &
    Williamson  Tobacco  Co.  and  negotiated  the  contract  for  the  plant  in
    Winston-Salem  and  the  Petersburg  plant — and  they  had  many  colored
    people  in  both  plants,  with,  I  believe,  a  majority  in  Petersburg,  and  I
    know  it  was  the  same  in  Winston-Salem — the  relationship  between  the
    two  races  was  excellent.     I  did  everything  I  could  to  keep  it  that  way.

    Mr.  Bonner.  And  at  that  meeting  that  we  have  just  discussed  in
    Winston-Salem,  you  feared  the  speech  made  by  this  person  would  stir
    up  trouble  between  the  people  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  I  have  only  to  assume  one  thing :  When  you  turn
    people  against  law-enforcement  officers,  something  might  happen,  be-
    cause the  law  is  the  law.     I  have  been  brought  up  to  respect  it.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  is  all.  Mr.  Chairman.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  just  want  to  clear  up  one  point.
    Mr.  Pratt

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  spoke  of  veterans  who  were  members  of  the
    Io,eal  who  were  out  on  strike  parading.    Were  they  all  Negro  veterans?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir.     There  was  a  sprinkling  of  white  people.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  percentage  were  white  people?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Oh,  very  small.    I  couldn't  say  what.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  they  all  in  uniform?

    Mr.  Pratt.  A  great  many  of  them  were.  I  would  say  about  90  per-
    cent of  them,  maybe  all  of  them.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  99

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  percentage  of  the  people  on  the  picket  line
    were  Negro  and  what  percentage  white?

    Mr.  Pratt.  About  95  percent,  or  i>7  percent  were  Negro.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  Negro?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Miranda  Smith,  the  person  who  made  the  speech,
    was  she  a  Negro?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  all,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  I  would  like  to  get  something  cleared  up.

    AVliy  did  you  say  that  an  arrest  might  cause  a  racial  disturbance?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Because  these  people  had  been  taught  the  police  were
    tools  of  the  company  and  they  would  arrest  them  at  the  least  provoca-
    tion, whether  they  were  due  to  be  arrested  or  not,  and  that  such  things
    should  not  be  taken  lying  down.  I  go  back  in  my  mind  to  one  thing
    that  Miss  Hoagland  told  me,  a  remark  she  made  to  me  while  she  was
    education  director.  Now,  the  education  director  tells  these  people
    what  to  do  and  what  trend  to  follow.  Miranda  Smith  at  this  time —
    the  time  of  the  speech — was  educational  director,  the  chairman  of  the
    education  committee  which  supplanted  the  directorship  of  the  former
    education  person.  Miss  Eleanor  Hoagland  told  me,  when  I  was
    having  lunch  with  her  in  the  Reynolds  cafeteria  on  the  tenth  floor
    of  the  Reynolds  Building,  that  the  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.  had  machine
    gun  nests  planted  in  all  of  the  buildings  around  there.

    I  asked,  "For  what?"  She  said,  "To  shoot  the  workers  down."  I
    said,  "Is  that  what  you  teach  the  workers  in  the  union?"  And  she
    said,  "Don't  you  think  they  should  know  it?"

    The  Chairman.  All  right.  Let  us  get  back  to  this  arrest.  Suppos-
    ing the  police  arrested  a  white  veteran,  would  that  cause  a  racial
    disturbance?

    Mr.  Pratt.  If  he  were  a  striker,  the  police  seem  to  fear  it  would.  I
    can't  say  that  it  would.

    The  Chairman.  I  just  can't  understand  why  a  simple  arrest  would
    cause  a  racial  disturbance.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  if  it  caused  a  disturbance  in  the  union,  the  greater
    number  of  members  being  Negroes

    The  Chairman.  You  mean  the  chances  are  that  the  police  would
    arrest  a  Negro  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Or  a  white  person  who  was  a  striker.

    The  Chairman'.  Yes,  but  if  they  arrested  a  Negro,  it  would  cause
    a  racial  disturbance  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  The  police  seemed  to  feel  that  it  would.  Now,  I  shall
    be  glad  to  cite  you  the  incident  that  happened  at  the  Piedmont  strike,
    when  Koritz  was  arrested.

    The  Chairman.  Was  he  a  Negro  or  a  white  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Koritz  was  white.  He  was  director  of  the  local.  Four
    or  five  Negroes  were  arrested  along  with  him.  The  entire  police
    department  was  called  down  there.  The  crowd  grew  to  three  or  four
    thousand,  I  would  estimate.  I  went  to  the  police  department  myself
    and  asked  the  chief  of  police  if  he  would  let  me  have  those  people,  on
    my  word,  to  go  down  to  this  place  and  disperse  the  crowd.  I  felt  this
    Koritz,  who  was  the  director  of  the  union,  could  do  it  better  than  any-
    one else.     He  told  me  that  he  did  not  trust  Mr.  Koritz;  that  if  he  let

    100  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    him  out,  on  his  word  and  on  my  word  and  if  I  wouldn't  be  able  to
    control  him,  he  wouldn't  get  him  back,  and  that  it  wasn't  customary  to
    arrest  a  man  and  then  turn  him  loose  right  away,  especially  when  he
    was  arrested  on  a  legitimate  charge.  Finally,  the  police  agreed  with
    me  and  let  me  have  Mr.  Koritz  and  all  of  the  colored  people  who  were
    arrested.  The  crowd  quieted  down.  Now,  we  feared  another  flare-
    up  of  such  a  thing  that  we  felt  had  almost  gotten  out  of  our  control.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Vail.

    Mr.  Vail.  When  you  approached  Mr.  Murray  and  discussed  this
    subject  of  the  infiltration  of  communism  into  local  22,  did  you  find
    him  readily  accessible  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Vail.  He  knew  in  advance  the  subject  matter  you  wanted  to
    discuss  with  him  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,,  sir.

    Mr.  Vail.  How  much  time  did  you  spend  with  him  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  We  spent,  I  would  say,  30  minutes  in  the  morning,  and
    then  he  turned  us  over  to  Mr.  Alan  Haywood,  the  vice  president,  and
    told  him  to  go  into  the  matter  with  us  and  do  for  us  whatever  he  could.

    Mr.  Vail.  When  he  said  he  was  not  God,  did  you  assume  from
    what  he  was  implying  that  none  but  the  Supreme  Being  could  prevent
    the  development  of  communism  in  CIO  operations?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  wouldn't  venture  any  supposition  at  all.  I  don't  know
    what  he  meant.

    Mr.  Vail.  It  does  seem  though,  being  president  of  the  CIO  and
    obviously  the  individual  who  could  shift  the  trend,  if  anyone  could,
    when  he  made  the  statement  that  he  was  not  God,  there  was  only  one
    assumption  left  to  you,  or  to  anyone  else,  and  that  was  that  there  was
    no  human  who  could  effectively  deal  with  the  situation  and  it  lay
    in  the  hands  of  the  Supreme  Being.  That  would  be  my  construction
    of  it.    But  it  is  not  yours  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  I  don't  say  it  wasn't  mine  at  the  time,  but  my
    meaning  of  what  was  in  back  of  it  and  his  meaning  back  of  it  could
    be  two  different  things.  That  is  why  I  didn't  want  to  venture  a  sup-
    position on  what  he  did  mean.

    Mr.  Vail.  No  further  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Nothing  at  this  time.

    The  Chairman.  You  might  as  well  ask  any  questions  that  you  might
    have  at  this  time.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Was  Mr.  McCrea  in  the  vicinity  throughout  the  period
    of  the  strike  ?     Did  he  spend  all  of  his  time  in  Winston-Salem  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  During  the  Reynolds  strike?

    Mr.  Nixon.  Yes.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir ;  I  believe  he  did.  I  don't  know  of  his  going  off
    on  any  occasion  at  all.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  are  probably  aware  of  the  charge  that  Mr.  McCrea
    has  made,  that  you  left  the  union  because  you  didn't  want  to  work
    without  pay  during  the  strike.

    Mr.  Pratt.  Oh,  yes,  certainly.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  is  your  side  of  that  story?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  my  side  of  the  story  I  think  has  already  come  out,
    sir.     I  said  I  didn't  want  to  make  this*  expose  at  this  time  because  of

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  101

    the  strike,  but  in  view  of  the  possible  trouble  we  might  have  I  felt  it
    was  necessary.  That  was  the  reason  I  left  the  union,  because  of  mak-
    ing known  to  the  public  the  information  I  had.  But,  remember,  I
    didn't  make  it  known  to  the  public  until  I  first  tried  to  correct  it  with-
    in the  ranks  or  the  framework,  we  will  say,  of  the  union.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  did  you  have  any  conversations  with  Mr.  McCrea
    or  other  officials  of  the  union  in  regard  to  being  paid  during  the  strike?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No;  not  that  I  remember,  not  with  him  personally —
    nothing  more  than  the  board  passing  it  and  we  all  accepted  it.  That  is
    all.  I  never  applied  for  any  relief,  or  anything  of  the  sort.  They
    had  some  sort  of  machinery  set  up  to  give  people  who  were  in  need  of
    funds  a  certain  amount  of  funds,  if  they  had  them.  I  never  applied
    for  those  funds.  I  just  took  the  decision  of  the  board  and  went  along
    with  it.     That  is  all  I  could  do.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Pratt,  you  have  testified  here  as  to  the  things
    leading  up  to  the  strike,  the  strike  itself,  the  Communist  activities,  and
    how  you,  as  a  comparatively  small  figure  in  this  union — —

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Finally  worked  your  way  up  to  the  very  top  of  the
    union.

    Mr.  Pratt.  To  the  president.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  finally,  indeed,  got  to  the  president  of  the  CIO,
    Mr.  Philip  Murray.

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  And  Mr.  Muray,  after  hearing  your  story  and
    saying  he  was  helpless,  finally  dusted  you  off  by  saying,  "I  am  a  small
    potato  in  a  big  sack."

    Mr.  Pratt,  it  is  my  impression  that  President  Murray  has  an  income
    from  your  union  of  some  $50,000  a  year  or  better.  Now,  k'I  am  a  small
    potato  in  a  big  sack,"  he  said.  Mr.  Murray  is  constantly,  almost  daily,
    advising  the  American  public  on  such  matters  as  houses  for  veterans,
    on  all  sorts  of  economic  matters,  and  also  even  on  who  should  be  the
    personnel  of  the  United  States  Congress.  He  is  conversant  with  the
    intricate  details  of  the  Steelworkers  of  America.  He  is  a  great  organ-
    izer. With  Mr.  John  L.  Lewis  he  organized  the  CIO.  He  is  a  member
    of  the  school  board  of  my  city — Pittsburgh.  In  view  of  the  fact  that
    Mr.  Murray  is  a  Scot,  his  modesty  is  actually  touching,  wouldn't  you
    think  ?    That  is  all  I  have.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Rankin.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Do  you  contend  this  strike  was  Communist-inspired?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  You  do  not  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir.  I  don't  think  anything  I  have  said  here  today
    implied  the  strike  itself  was  Communist-inspired.

    Sir.  Rankin.  But  there  was  a  Communist  organization  there?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Were  you  a  member  of  it  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir ;  I  am  not.

    Mr.  Rankin.  You  are  not  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  And  never  have  been.

    Mr.  Rankin.  That  is  all  I  have.

    102  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner,  any  more  questions?

    Mr.  Bonner.  No.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling?

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  have  one  more  question,  sir.

    Mr.  Pratt,  did  you  ever  observe  the  manner  in  which  local  22  con-
    ducted its  election  of  officers?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  was  that  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  The  election  was  held,  while  I  was  there,,  in  November
    of  last  year.  I  think  it  was  November.  They  voted  by  a  secret  ballot.
    There  were  times  when  certain  departments  in  the  plant  would  be
    released  from  its  day's  work  and  the  people  in  those  departments
    were  instructed  to  come  to  the  union  hall  and  vote.  I  don't  know  how
    many  people  voted  in  that  election.  But  I  do  know  that  a  little  publi-
    cation put  out  by  local  22,  known  as  the  Workers  Voice,  carried  a
    sample  ballot  in  one  of  its  issues,  a  complete  sample  ballot,  and  that
    certain  members  of  the  union  who  had  been  identified  as  members  of
    the  Communist  Party,  namely,  Thelnia  Hopkins  and  Miranda  Smith,
    met  these  lines  of  people,  which  extended  two  flights  of  stairs  up  in  the
    office — up  the  first  flight  to  the  second  floor  and  up  the  second  flight  to
    the  third  floor — and  out  on  the  street,  and  marked  them  a  sample
    ballot.  They  carried  those  sample  ballots  into  the  booths  with  them.
    I  understood  that  is  what  they  were  marked  for.  Whether  or  not
    they  voted  by  those  sample  ballots,  I  can't  say ;  but  I  do  know  at  the
    following  executive  board  meeting  there  was  some  objection  to  the
    way  those  particular  people  had  dominated  the  masses  by  means  of
    these  sample  ballots.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  consider  those  two  individuals  to  be  Com-
    munists?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  it  has  been  pointed  out  here  today.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  say,  do  you?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  From  their  behavior  and  activities  within  the  union,
    as  an  official  at  the  time  did  you  consider  they  were  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir ;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  this  a  copy  of  the  Workers  Voice,  dated  Novem-
    ber 1946,  which  contains  a  sample  ballot  inside  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  that  the  publication  which  you  referred  to  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  On  the  back  it  has  a  column,  with  your  picture.

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  i,s  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Entitled,  "First  and  Second  Stage  Settlements,  by
    Gene  Pratt."

    Mr.  Pratt.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  would  like  to  have  this  received,  Mr.  Chairman,  as
    exhibit  No.  3.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.10

    Mr.  Stripling.  Those  are  all  the  questions  I  have  of  Mr.  Pratt,  at
    this  time.

    Mr.  Rankin.  One  more  question.

    10  See  appendix,  p.  10,  for  exhibit  3,  hearing,  July  23,  1947.

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR   UNIONS  103

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Rankin.

    Mr.  Rankin.  I  didn't  hear  your  opening  statement.    Did  you  stat<
    that  that  union  was  Communist  infiltrated?

    Mr.  Pratt.  I  am  sorry,  I  didn't  get  your  question,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Did  you  state  that  that  union,  at  this  place — where—
    Winston-Salem?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Was  Communist  infiltrated?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  It  had  Communists?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.  That  is  what  has  been  implied  all  the  way
    through  here.

    Mr.  Ranklin.  Well,  were  you  aware  of  it?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  .sir ;  I  was.

    Mr.  Rankin.  You  were  aware  of  it  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Were  they  trying  to  get  control  of  it  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Well,  sir,  in  1113-  opinion  they  had  control  of  it.

    Mr.  Rankin.  In  your  opinion,  they  had  control  of  it  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.    That  is  why  I  am  here  today.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Is  that  what  brought  on  the  strike  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  The  strike  was  brought  on  by  something  else  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  But  they  had  control  of  the  union  at  this  place?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  The  Communists  did  ?

    Mr.  Piiatt.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner,  any  more  questions  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  negotiated  labor  relationships  in  that  part  of  the
    State  prior  to  this  instance,  didn't  you  ?

    Mr.  Pratt.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  did  they  compare?  Did  you  get  along  bettei
    previously,  or  did  you  get  along  better  this  time?

    Mr.  Pratt.  In  the  negotiations,  there  wasn't  too  much  difference.
    Of  course,  a  company  can  be  very  tight  with  its  funds.  You  may  fail
    to  get  your  request,  or  something  of  that  sort.  They  may  have  a  poli<  3
    that  will  not  allow  you  to  put  certain  working  conditions  into  effect.
    They  just  won't  look  down  the  line  with  you.  But  it  was  the  workings
    of  the  union  that  was  different  from  the  workings  of  the  union  that  I
    had  experienced  before.  That  is  where  the  difference  came  in — no'  in
    the  negotiations.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  The  Chair  wishes  to  announce  we  will  have  more
    witnesses  this  afternoon  on  this  same  subject,  and  that  the  first  w  I
    ness  tomorrow  morning  will  be  Dr.  Zorkin.  former  member  of  the
    Yugoslav  diplomatic  service  in  London   and   former  officer  of  feh<
    Yugoslav  Army.

    We  will  stand  in  recess  until  2 :  30  this  afternoon.  Thank  you  ver<$
    much,  Mr.  Pratt.

    (Whereupon,  at  12 :  30  p.  m.,  a  recess  was  taken  until  2 :  30  p.  m.
    of  the  same  day. )

    104  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    AFTERNOON  SESSION

    The  Chairman.  The  meeting  will  come  to  order.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness  will  be  Mr.  Spencer  Long.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Long,  please  raise  your  right  hand.

    Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  will
    be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you
    God?

    Mr.  Long.  I  do.

    TESTIMONY  OF  SPENCER  LONG

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Long,  will  you  please  state  your  full  name  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Spencer  R.  Long.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born?

    Mr.  Long.  I  was  born  June  13,  1902  in  Forsyth  County,  North
    Carolina.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  address?

    Mr.  Long.  1G04  East  Twenty-second  Street,  Winston-Salem.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  occupation?

    Mr.  Long.  Carpenter.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Long,  were  you  ever  employed  by  local  22  of
    FTA?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  period  were  you  employed  ?

    Mr.  Long.  I  was  granted  a  leave  of  absence  by  request  of  local  22
    in  June,  1946  for  3  months  and  beginning  February  1,  1947.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  type  of  work  were  you  doing  for  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Organizing.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Organizing?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  ever  belong  to  any  other  union  ?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Long,  while  you  were  connected  with  local  22,
    did  you  or  any  of  the  other  members  ever  take  any  action  to  rid  the
    union  of  Communist  leadership  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Immediately  after  the  election  of  last  year,  which  was
    the  latter  part  of  October  or  November,  I  called  on  President  Don
    Henderson  of  the  international  union  in  Winston-Salem  by  the  request
    of  several  workers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  say  you  did,  were  you  alone  in  that?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir ;  I  say  by  the  request  of.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  was  with  you  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Mr.  Henderson  came  in,  I  called  him  on  my  own  per-
    sonal telephone

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  anybody  present  when  you  called  him?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Lung.  Mr.  Henderson  came  in  and  we  had,  myself  and  Howard
    Piicher,  we  had  a  conference  of  approximately  2  hours  with  president
    Henderson.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  occurred  at  this  conference?

    Mr.  Long.  Well,  the  issue  was  taken  up  of  communism  and  how  the
    elections  had  been  carried  out.    Mr.  Henderson  said  that  he  couldn't

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  105

    control  people's  political  affiliations,  and  all  he  was  interested  in  was
    them  doing  a  job  in  the  labor  movement.  After  somewhere  in  January
    of  1947  we  called  a  meeting  among  the  white  workers-.  Some  3U  or  -iO
    were  present,  and  they  elected  a  chairman,  or  a  speaker,  to  call  a  spe-
    cial meeting  on  Mr.  Ed  McCrea  and  Mr.  Clark  Sheppard,  making  de-
    mand of  their  affiliation  with  communism.  Mr.  Sheppard's  mswer
    was  that  he  had  always  voted  the  Democratic  ticket  and  he  didn't
    know  what  communism  was.  Mr.  McCrea  said  that  he  had  been  a
    friend  of  labor  for  12  years,  was  proud  of  his  record,  and  it  was  no-
    body's damn  business  what  affiliation  he  had  in  the  political  line.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Long,  while  you  were  a  member  of  local  22.
    did  you  consider  that  union  was  being  directed  by  the  membership  as
    a  whole,  or  was  it  being  directed  by  the  international  representatives  or
    other  top  officials?

    Mr.  Long.  All  business  issues  were  taken  up  in  the  executive  board
    meetings,  mainly  were  proposed  by  the  international  representatives,
    and  the  executive  board  would  adopt  the  resolutions.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  mean,  is  it  your  opinion  that  the  rank  and  file
    dominated  the  union?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  its  policies  '.

    Mr.  Long.  No.  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  its  activities?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  do  you  think  is  responsible  for  that?

    Mr.  Long.  The  top  leadership — international  representatives.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  a  candidate  for  any  office  within  the
    union?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  office  was  that?

    Mr.  Long.  Cochairman.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Cochairman?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  believe  it  has  been  testified  here  that  that  is  the  top
    position  in  the  union.

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  elected?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  anything  occur  prior  to  the  election  ?

    Mr.  Long.  During  the  membership  meetings,  nominations  were  be-
    ing brought  forth  by  the  membership  for  the  election  of  officers  in  local
    22  and  I  had  been  nominated  for  several  different  office  and  \  leclined
    them  all  but  two,  chairman  of  organizing  and  cochairman  of  the  local.
    It  went  on  until  the  deadline  of  the  candidates  deciding  which  or  what
    position  they  would  run  for  and  declining  something  like  30  minutes
    before  deadline.  However.  I  declined  from  chairman  of  organizing
    to  run  for  cochairman  of  the  local.  Within  15  minutes  a  fter  my  deci-
    sion I  was  called  into  Phil  Koritz'  office.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  did  heoccupy  ai  that  ti '

    Mr.  Long.  He  was  international  representative  and  director  <>f
    local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  did  Mr.  Koritz  say  to  you  \

    Mr.  Long.  Mr.  Koritz  asked  me  if  I  wasirt  ashamed  to  rile  is  candi-
    date against  Mr.  Sheppard.     I  said  if  I  didn't  run  he  will  automatically

    106  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    be  elected  with  one  vote,  because  he  has  no  opposition.  Koritz  said
    that  it  would  be  a  damned  shame  for  Sheppard  not  to  be  elected  and
    asked  me  to  withdraw  my  decision.  I  told  him  "No";  because  of  the
    confidence  that  a  number  of  people  had  expressed  in  me  and  asked  me
    to  run,  that  I  would  not  withdraw  if  I  didn't  get  any  votes.  He  said,
    "I  will  see  that  damn  well  you  are  not  elected."

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  consider  Mr.  Koritz  to  be  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Long.  I  didn't  have  a  personal  knowledge  of  him  being  a  Com-
    munist.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  consider  him  to  be  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Long.  I  had  heard  on  many  occasions  that  he  was  and  his  atti-
    tude was  a  little  different  from  a  usual — or,  a  man  in  his  position.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  consider  Mr.  Sheppard  to  be  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Long.  No,  sir;  I  didn't  at  that  time.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  now  ?

    Mr.  Long.  I  have  no  personal  knowledge  that  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  Avas  the  result  of  the  election?
    '  Mr.  Long.  The  election  was  carried  out,  I  obtained  210  votes  for
    cochairman  and  approximately  580  votes  were  written  in  on  the  ballots
    for  vice  chairman.

    Mr.  Stripling.  For  you  ?

    Mr.  Long.  For  me.     That  is,  as  vice  chairman.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  Mr.  Koritz  did  a  good  job  in  carry-
    ing out  his  threats?

    Mr.  Long.  I  think  so.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  was  the  total  vote?

    Mr.  Long.  The  total  vote  was  approximately  2,021.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  a  member  of  the  contract  negotiating
    committee  of  local  22  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir;  in  1946  and  1947.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  the  alleged  Communist  domina-
    tion of  local  22  played  any  part  in  the  negotiations  for  a  new  contract?

    Mr.  Long.  As  I  said,  I  didn't  have  any  personal  knowledge  of  any
    individual  being  a  Communist,  other  than  the  attitude,  and  in  this
    negotiation,  according  to  statements  that  have  been  made,  that  there
    were  only  about  two  that  were  on  the  negotiation  that  were  not  called
    Communists.

    Mr.  Stripling.  There  were  two  who  were  not?

    Mr.  Long.  That  I  know  of;  yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  confer  with  Mr.  Henderson — did  the  nego-
    tiating committee  confer  with  Mr.  Henderson?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.  I  think  it  was  on  the  28th  of  April  that  Mr.
    Henderson  came  in  the  room  with  the  negotiating  committee  in  the
    union  office.  The  first  question  he  asked  was,  How  much  money  have
    you  got  ?  Secondly,  he  said  he  had  a  feeling  down  in  here  [indicating]
    (hit  we  will  have  to  strike  hell  out  of  that  company.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  what  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Local  22  would  have  to  strike  hell  out  of  the  Reynolds
    Tobacco  Co.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  why  you  were  negotiating  the  contract  ?

    Mr.  Long.  That  was  about  3  days  before  the  dead  line  of  the  strike.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  stated  that  you  would  have  to  strike  hell  out  of
    the  R.  J.  Reynolds  plant?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes;  had  a  feeling  that  w«  would  have  to  strike.

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR    UNIONS  107

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  participate  in  the  strike  that  subsequently
    occurred  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  in  charge  of  the  pickets?

    Mr.  Long.  I  was  cochairman  of  the  picket  committee.  My  duty
    was,  as  half  cochairman,  to  break  down  the  {ticket  lines  to  numbers
    that  would  be  within  the  range  of  law  or  city  ordinances:  also  meeting
    with  the  chief  of  police,  trying  to  keep  a  policy  worked  out  wherein
    we  might  operate  efficiently  without  any  interference.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now.  what  percentage  of  the  pickets  were  Negro
    and  what  percentage  were  white,  according  to  your  recollection?

    Mr.  Long.  I  couldn't  give  you  the  exact  percent.  I  could  give  you
    more  or  less  the  number.

    Mr.  Stripling.  All  right ;  give  us  the  number.

    Mr.  Long.  Approximately  5,000  or  5,200  Negroes;  75  to  100  whites.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  were  in  charge  of  Negro  pickets  as  well  as  white
    pickets,  as  cochairman?

    Mr'.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  hear  Mr.  Pratt's  testimony  this  morning?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  share  the  concern  expressed  by  Mr.  Pratt
    at  the  time  of  a  potential  danger  of  race  rioting  \

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.  As  cochairman  of  the  picket  committee,  I  was
    meeting  with  the  police,  working  out  policies  to  carry  out  the  strike
    efficiently,  and  the  other  cochairman  was  not  meeting  with  the  police,
    although  the  other  cochairman  had  as  much  power  to  give  orders  as  I
    did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  was  the  other  cochairman?

    Mr.  Long.  Velma  Hopkins.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  she  a  Negro?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  any  demonstrations  ordered  by  the
    officers  of  local  22  which  could  have  led  to  possible  rioting?

    Mr.  Long.  On  several  occasions  John  Henry  Minor,  chairman  of
    the  veterans'  committee,  was  trying  to  push  over  a  mass  demonstration
    of  veterans.  There  couldn't  be  any  kind  of  mass  demonstration  of
    picketing  without  a  permit  in  the  city.  I  knew  that  the  ordinance
    would  not  allow  a  permit  and  I  continuously  told  him  to  get  a  permit.
    You  are  chairman  of  the  committee,  go  get  your  permit,  then  we  will
    hold  a  mass  demonstration,  if'you  get  it.  He  kept  down  until  after
    my  leave.     Immediately  after  he  pulled  a  mass  demonstration.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  Mr.  Appell  has  some  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Appell.

    Mr.  Appell.  Mr.  Long,  could  you  explain  to  the  committee  how  it
    was  that  you  received  580  votes  for  the  office  of  vice  chairman,  an  office
    for  which  you  were  not  a  candidate?

    Mr.  Long.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  politicking  down  in  and  around
    local  22  during  the  election  days.  A  sample  ballot  was  \\<\^\  with  my
    name  written  in  as  vice  chairman  and  these  people  that  did  the  poli-
    ticking kept  those  sample  ballots,  marked  how  they  wanted  their
    workers,  the  fellow  workers,  to  vote,  and  they  were  each  handed  a
    sample  ballot  marked  how  to  vote.

    Mr.  Appell.  Now,  Mr.  Long,  with  respect  to  the  veterans'  demon-
    stration that  was  planned,  these  veterans  were  ordered  to  mass  in

    108  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    uniform.  Was  any  consideration  given  by  local  22  as  to  whether  or
    not  the  veterans  were  violating  existing  Army  and  Navy  regulations
    before  they  ordered  these  men  out  to  participate  in  the  mass  demon-
    stration ?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes.  I  told  the  chairman,  John  Henry  Minor,  at  differ-
    ent times  that  I  was  sure  that  it  was  against  the  law  for  a  veteran  to
    wear  a  complete  uniform,  and  he  stated  that  if  you  just  leave  a  tie
    off,  or  any  one  piece,  it  would  bring  them  into  bounds  of  law.

    Mr.  Appell.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Not  at  this  time.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  No  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Any  more  questions,  Mr.  Stripling?

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  would  like  to  ask  Mr.  Long  if  in  his  opinion  after
    serving  as  an  officer  of  local  22  and  as  a  member  of  the  union  it  is  his
    opinion  that  the  union  is  now  or  has  ever  been  controlled  by  a  Com-
    munist clique  or  group?

    Mr.  Long.  To  my  opinion,  it  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Those  are  all  the  questions  I  have.

    The  Chairman.  Any  more  questions?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Yes.

    Mr.  Long,  were  you  at  the  mass  meeting  that  Velma  Hopkins  spoke
    at?  It  was  testified  here  this  morning  that  you  had  some  large
    mass  meeting.

    Mr.  Long.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  you  were  present?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes.

    Mr.  Bonner.  And  that  Velma  Hopkins  was  one  of  the  speakers.
    Was  she  one  of  the  speakers  I

    Mr.  Long.  Smith  was  the  speaker.

    Mr.  Bonner.  What  Smith?

    Mr.  Long.  Miranda  Smith.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Were  you  in  hearing  distance?

    Mr.  Long.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  remember  anything  that  she  said  that  might
    incite  people  to  riot  or  disturbance,  inflammatory  actions  of  any  kind  (

    Mr.  Long.  She  said  that  some  people  were  giving  the  police  credit
    for  working  cooperatively  with  the  strike  program.  She  said  she
    had  no  credit  for  them  and  they  were  not  friends  of  workers  but
    they  were  tools  in  the  hands  of  the  company  to  stab  them  in  the  back.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Did  she  encourage  them?     Is  that  all  she  said?

    Mr.  Long.  I  don't  definitely  recall  all  the  words  she  said.  She  was
    probably  up  at  the  microphone  for  20  minutes,  15  minutes,  and  the
    entire  talk  was  in  that  strategy.  I  can't  recall  all  she  said  in  that
    time,  but  that  is  about  the  text  of  it — of  her  speaking.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  local  22  ?

    Mr.  Long.  Two  years.

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  long  has  it  been  in  existence?

    Mr.  Long.  Sir?

    Mr.  Bonner.  How  long  has  local  22  been  in  existence?

    Mr.  Long.  Four  years,  I  think.

    Mr.  Bonner.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Any  other  questions  ?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  109

    Thank  you  very  much,  Mr.  Long.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  will  be  Robert
    Black.

    Mr.  Black,  do  you  have  counsel  with  you?

    Mr.  Black.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  desire  counsel?

    Mr.  Black.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  Raise  3^0111*  right  hand.

    Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  in
    this  hearing  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the
    truth  >.

    Mr.  Black.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  should  like  to  have  counsel  identi-
    fied for  the  record.

    Mr.  Forer.  My  name  is  Joseph  Forer.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  are  a  member  of  what  law  firm  ?

    Mr.  Forer.  Greenberg,  Forer  &  Rein.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  on  July  14,  1947,  a  letter  was  ad-
    dressed to  you,  as  chairman  of  the  committee,  reading  as  follows :

    Dear  Mr.  Thomas  :  The  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  has
    subpenaed  Robert  C.  Black,  W.  Clark  Sheppard,  and  Edwin  K.  McCrea  to
    appear  as  witnesses  before  the  committee  on  July  23,  1947.

    I  have  been  retained  as  counsel  for  these  witnesses  in  connection  with  the
    forthcoming  hearings.  Unfortunately  it  appears  that  I  will  be  engaged  in  the
    trial  of  a  case  on  July  23.  I  request,  therefore,  that  you  postpone  the  date  for  the
    appearance  of  the  above  witnesses.

    Please  advise  me  as  to  what  date  the  hearing  will  be  set.
    Tours  very  truly,

    David  Rein.

    Were  you  asked  by  Mr.  Rein  to  represent  his  clients ?

    Mr.  Forer.  That  is  correct.    Mr.  Rein  is  a  partner  of  mine.

    Mr.  Stripling.   Do  you  care  to  state  where.  Mr.  Rein  is  today?

    Mr.  Forer.  In  court.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  the  District  of  Columbia?

    Mr.  Forer.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  he  counsel  for  Gerhart  Eisler?

    Mr.  Forer.  He  is.

    TESTIMONY  OF  ROBERT  C.  BLACK

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Black,  wall  you  please  state  your  full  name  for
    the  record?

    Mr.  Black.  My  name  is  Robert  C.  Black.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born?

    Mr  Black.  Concord,  N.  C,  April  23,  1905.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  address  \

    Mr.  Black.  14:>r>  Stadium  Drive,  Winston-Salem.  N.  C.  I  have
    lived  there  o4  years.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  occupation?

    Mr.  Black.  I  am  now  cochairman  of  local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  many  members  are  there  of  local  22  at  the
    present  time?

    Mr.  Black.  Approximately  9,000,  including  three  independent
    leaf  houses.

    65744 — 47 8

    110  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  what  percentage  of  the  membership  is  Xegro
    and  what  percentage  is  white?

    Mr.  Black.  I  don't  have  that  figure  at  hand,  but  I  would  say  that
    approximately  90  percent,  about  90  percent,  are  Negroes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  been  cochairman?

    Mr.  Black.  I  have  been  cochairman  for  the  local  for  the  past  3
    years.  I  served  in  the  local  as  voluntary  cochairman  during  the
    local  drive.

    Mr.  Steifling.  What  other  positions  have  you  held  in  the  local,
    Mr.  Black?

    Mr.  Black.  I  was  a  delegate  at  one  time  to  the  Tri-State  Council
    covering  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina — for  the  year
    of  1911, 1  think.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  that  the  only  position  you  have  ever  held  in  the
    local ?

    Mr.  Black.  Well,  other  than  a  board  member.  That  automatically
    made  me  a  member  of  the  board,  by  serving  as  cochairman  of  the  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Black,  are  you  now  or  have  you  ever  been  a
    member  of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Black.  Not  knowing  the  definition  of  the  Communist  Party —
    I  mean  I  am  just  a  worker — I  would  have  to  decline  to  answer  that ;  it
    may  tend  to  incriminate  me.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  decline  to  answer  whether  or  not  you  are  a
    member  of  the  Communist  Party  on  the  ground  that  you  might
    incriminate  yourself?

    Mr.  Black.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  witness  has  a  constitutional  right
    to  do  that,  I  assume — if  being  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  is
    incriminatory — and  he  has  counsel  with  him.

    I  have  a  series  of  questions  dealing  with  his  activities  in  connection
    with  the  Communist  Party.  I  should  like  to  ask  Mr.  Black  and  his
    counsel  if  his  answers  to  those  questions  would  be  the  same,  or  should  I
    proceed  to  ask  the  questions?

    Mr.  Forer.  Are  you  asking  me,  Mr.  Stripling?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.  Will  you  advise  him  to  refuse  to  answer  on
    the  grounds — on  the  same  grounds  if  I  ask  him  of  specific  instances
    regarding  his  Communist  activities?

    Mr.  Forer.  I  will.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Chair  in  that  instance,
    Mr.  Chairman?

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection  from  the  members  of  the  com-
    mittee, the  Chair  will  rule

    Mr.  Bonner.  What  is  the  question  ?

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling,  will  you  explain  to  Mr.  Bonner?

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  witness  was  asked,  Mr.  Bonner,  if  he  is  now  or
    has  ever  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  He  refused  to  an-
    swer on  the  ground  that  he  might  incriminate  himself.  I  have  a  series
    of  questions  dealing  with  his  alleged  Communist  activities,  questions

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  111

    based  upon  evidence  and  testimony  before  this  committee,  concern-
    ing his  Communist  activities.  I  asked  his  counsel  if  he  would  advise
    his  client  to  give  the  same  response  if  I  asked  those  other  questions.  I
    then  aked  the  chairman  if  I  should  proceed  to  ask  the  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection  from  any  member  of  the  com-
    mittee, the  Chair  will  rule  that  he  doesn't  see  any  reason  why  we
    should  continue  to  ask  the  questions  if  the  witness  is  not  going  to  be
    responsive  to  the  questions — upon  advice  of  counsel.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  since  this  committee  is  only  con-
    cerned with  the  Communist  influence  within  this  union — it  is  not  con-
    cerned with  strikes,  it  is  not  concerned  with  contract  negotiations  be-
    tween the  union  and  the  company — I  see  no  point  in  asking  additional
    questions  if  the  witness  is  going  to  refuse  to  answer  questions  regard-
    ing his  Communist  activities.

    I  have  no  further  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Does  any  member  of  the  committee  have  any  ques-
    tions?    Mr.  Vail.

    Mr.  Vail.  No  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  No  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  No  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  would  like  to  ask  the  witness :  Do  you  deny  that  you
    are  a  Communist  or  have  ever  been  affiliated  with  the  Communist
    Party?

    Mr.  Black.  Mr.  Bonner — is  that  the  name?

    Mr.  Bonner.  That's  it.

    Mr.  Black.  Mr.  Bonner,  I  will  tell  you,  I  would  have  to  refuse  to
    answer  the  question  on  the  same  ground,  for  this  reason:  I  am  not
    an  educated  man — I  mean,  I  just  don't  know  the  definition.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Well,  now,  I  can  tell  one  from  the  other.  You  know
    what  I  am  asking  you  and  you  can  answer  the  question  if  yon  want  to
    answer  the  question.  1  can  look  at  a  white  man  or  a  colored  man  and
    tell  whether  he  has  sense  enough  to  answer  a  simple  question.  Your
    plea  of  ignorance  doesn't  go  very  far  with  me.  You  convict  yourself,
    in  my  own  mind.  You  don't  want  to  defend  yourself.  You  can  either
    answer  the  question  or  not.

    Mr.  Black.  Mr.  Bonner,  I  refuse  to  answer  for  the  same  reason.

    Mr.  Bonner.  What?

    Mr.  Black.  I  refuse  to  answer  the  question  for  the  same  reason.

    Mr.  SxRirLiNG.  He  stated  he  refused  to  answer  for  the  same  reason,
    Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Did  you  ever  attend  a  meeting  held  by  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Black.  My  answer  would  be  the  same  to  that  question.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  are  getting  some  right  keen  advice,  aren't  you?
    You  are  the  first  man  of  your  race  that  I  ever  saw  that  couldn't — that
    didn't  have  the  cleverness  to  defend  himself  on  the  witness  stand.
    Most  of  the  time  your  people  are  the  cleverest  people  in  the  world  on
    the  witness  stand — smart.

    Do  you  know  of  anybody  who  is  a  Communist;  do  you  know  of  any
    person  who  is  a  Communist?

    112  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR    UNIONS

    Mr.  Black.  Mr.  Bonner,  I  have  already  implicated  why  I  refuse  to
    answer  questions  pertaining  to  characters  that  you  just  phrased.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Where  are  you  employed  ?

    Mr.  Black.  Me  ?  I  now  work  for  local  22 ;  formerly  a  worker  of
    the  Reynolds  Tobacco  Co.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Are  you  employed  in  the  factory  ?

    Mr.  Black.  No,  sir.  I  worked  in  the  factory  up  until  1946 — about
    this  time  last  year.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  are  paid  by  the  labor  organization  to  assist  your
    people  ?

    Mr.  Black.  By  the  local ;  yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  are  looking  to  the  best  interests  and  advancement
    of  your  people,  aren't  you  ?

    Mr.  Black.  That  is  right ;  to  all  the  people.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  think  that  the  charges  that  have  been  made
    against  the  leadership  of  the  organization  which  with  you  are  affiliated
    will  advance  your  people  more  than  the  people  that  you  grew  up  with
    and  have  known  all  your  life?

    Mr.  Black.  Let  me  get  your  question  clear,  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Put  it  this  way :  The  new  company  that  you  are  now
    in,  do  you  think  that  they  will  assist  the  advancement  of  your  race
    better  the  company  you  were  raised  with  1

    Mr.  Black.  Are  you  referring  to  the  company  that  we  represent —
    then.  J.Reynolds  Co.?

    Mr.  Bonner.  No  ;  I  am  not  interested  in  R.  J.  Revnolds  Tobacco  Co.
    at  all.

    Mr.  Black.  You  said  "the  company."

    Mr.  Bonner.  The  company  you  are  keeping  in  your  union  as  an
    official.

    Mr.  Black.  And  your  question  is  what,  now?  Do  I  think  it  will
    profit  my  people  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Yes.  You  answered  like  I  thought  you  would.  You
    are  smart  enough  now,  but  you  were  dummy  enough  to  ask  aid  in
    answering  the  other  question.  That  is  the  difference  in  the  two  ques-
    tions I  have  asked:

    Mr.  Black.  I  wanted  to  get  the  question.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  understood  me.     You  clearly  understood  me.

    The  Chairman.  Any  other  questions  ?

    Mr.  Bonner.  No.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  before  the  witness  leaves  the  stand
    I  want  the  record  to  show  that  he  is  here  in  response  to  a  subpena.

    That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  You  are  excused.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness  will  be  Mr.  W.  C.  Sheppard.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Sheppard,  will  you  raise  your  right  hand  and
    be  sworn.

    Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  shall
    be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you
    God?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes,  sir.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  113

    TESTIMONY  OF  W.  CLARK  SHEPPARD

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Sheppard,  do  you  desire  counsel?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  wish  to  be  represented  by  Mr.  Forer  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  it  is  agreeable

    The  Chairman.  That  is  agreeable.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Sheppard,  will  you  please  state  your  full  name
    for  the  record  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  W.  Clark  Sheppard.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  was  born  1904,  August  7,  1904,  Laurel  Springs,
    X.  C.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  address?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  451  South  Liberty  Street,  Winston-Salem.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  present  occupation?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Cochairman  of  local  22.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  hold  the  same  position  that  Mr.  Black  does?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  held  the  office  of  cochairman  in
    local  228

    Air.  Sheppard.  Well,  as  I  recall,  it  was  about  December  the  12th,
    somewhere  about  December  the  12th  of  last  year.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  have  you  been  a  member  of  local  22  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Since  it  started.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  it  start?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  1943, 1  think.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Sheppard,  are  you  now,  or  have  you  ever  been,
    a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  will  have  to  refuse  to  answer  that,  because  my
    answer  may  incriminate  me.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  refuse  to  answer  the  question  as  to  whether
    you  are  now  or  have  ever  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  on
    the  ground  that  your  answer  might  incriminate  you  '.

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  }'ou  do  that  upon  advice  of  counsel  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  take  the  counsel's  advice.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  giving  that  answer  upon  the  advice  of
    counsel  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes.

    Mr.  Strh'ling.  Are  you  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  series  of  questions  in  this
    case  dealing  with  the  Communist  activities  of  Mr.  Sheppard  based
    upon  testimony  and  evidence  before  the  committee.  If  Mr.  Shep-
    pard's  answers  are  going  to  be  the  same  as  to  the  question  I  have  just
    asked,  I  see  no  point  in  the  committee  wasting  its  time  sitting  through
    the  questions.

    The  Cilurman.  Without  objection,  the  Chair  makes  the  same
    ruling  as  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Sheppard  that  it  did  in  the  case  of  Mr.
    Black.

    Does  any  member  have  any  questions?     Mr.  Vail.

    Mr.  Vail.  No.

    114  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  No.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  None.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Bonner.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Mr.  Sheppard,  if  you  were  accused  of  being  a  Com-
    munist, would  you  deny  it ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  would  refuse  to  answer  that  on  the  basis  that  it
    may  tend  to  incriminate  me.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  of  anybody  that  to  your
    knowledge  is  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Mr.  Bonner,  we  have  tried  to  make  it  plain  to  you
    that  we  refuse  to  answer  the  questions — as  best  we  can.

    Mr.  Bonner.  What  is  your  fear  in  answering  a  question  as  to  your
    personal  conduct?    Are  you  ashamed  of  it?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Mr.  Bonner.  I  have  explained  my  position  as  clearly
    as  I  can.    I  see  no  need  for  discussing  it  any  further.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  explained  your  position?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  didn't  answer  whether  you  were  ashamed  of  not
    being  able,  with  your  own  knowledge,  your  intelligence,  to  answer
    an  intelligent  question.    You  haven't  explained  that,  have  you  ?

    The  Chairman.  I  don't  think  you  need  counsel's  advice  on  that
    question.

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  am  not  ashamed  of  anything  in  connection  with
    this.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  belong  to  any  church?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  What  did  you  say?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  belong  to  any  church  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Don't  belong  to  a  church?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  recognize  the  Supreme  Being?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  What  did  you  say?

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  recognize  a  Supreme  Being  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Do  you  know  the  value  of  an  oath?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Bonner.  You  know  all  those  things.

    How  would  you  incriminate  yourself  if  you  said  you  were  not  or
    you  were  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  would  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same
    basis.

    Mr.  Bonner.  What  is  the  basis  ?     What  basis  ?

    Mr.  Sheppard.  It  may  tend  to  incriminate  me.

    Mr.  Bonner.  Well,  how  would  denying  that  you  were  a  Communist
    incriminate  you  in  any  way?

    Mr.  Stripping.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  submit  that  counsel  is  instructing
    the  witness  what  to  answer.    He  ^an  advise  him  upon  his  rights.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  was  thinking  that.  too.  I  might  ask  counsel  some
    questions  himself  if  he  is  going  to  be  sworn.

    Mr.  Sheppard.  I  will  have  to  refuse  to  answer  that  question  as  the
    others.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  115

    The  Chairman.  I  think,  Mr.  Bonner,  that  the  witness  is  within
    his  legal  rights.  Upon  advice  of  counsel,  he  says  that  it  may  in-
    criminate him.

    Mr.  Bonner.  I  Mould  like  for  somebody  to  explain  to  me  how  <  gonf

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  don't  recall  ever  having  done  so.  1  might  have — I  think  I  went
    aboard  one  American  steamer  there.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Where?

    Mr.  DeMaio.   In  Barcelona.

    Mr.  Matthews.  In  Barcelona?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Yes.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Wasn't  it  the  American  steamship  Oregon?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  dfln't  know  whether  that  was  the  name  of  it  or  not.  There  were
    several  American  ships.

    Mf.  Matthews.  Who  went  with  you  when  you  went  aboard  the  ship?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  went  alone.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Are  you  sure  that  George  Mink  and  Colin  didn't  accompany
    you  when  you  went  aboard  the  ship?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  They  did  not.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Well,  what  was  your  purpose  in  going  aboard  the1  steamship
    Oregon  in  Barcelona?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  It  was  along  the  same  line  as  visiting  a  cafe.  It  was  part  of  the
    time — of  killing  time  while  in  Barcelona — possibly  being  able  to  pick  up  a  pack
    of  American  cigarettes  ;  that  is  all.

    138  COMMUNISM  IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Matthews.  Now,  Mr.  DeMaio,  didn't  you  go  aboard  the  American  steam-
    ship Oregon  to  place  Albert  Wallach  under  arrest?
    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did  not.

    Mr.  Matthews.  In  company  with  George  Mink?
    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did  not.

    Mr.  Matthews.  And  Captain  Conn?
    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did  not.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  have  any  acquaintance  that  you  can  now  recall
    or  any  knowledge  of  Albert  Wallach?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No  knowledge  whatsoever.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  know  Wayne  Taine?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Lawrence  McCullough ;  did  you  know  him?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  know  anyone  by  the  name  of  Frich?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    The  Chairman.  Did  you  know  Mr.  Wolff  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  knew  Mr.  Wolff  in  Spain.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  know  Virgil  Morris?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  hear  the  name  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Can't  recall.

    Mr.  Matthews.  George  Dempsey?

    Mr.  DeMaio.    (No  answer.)

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  meet  him?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  think  George  Dempsey  was  once  our  cook,  but  I  don't  know  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  know  them  any  time  as  prisoners — calling  the  name,
    reading  the  names?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  see  any  prisoners  in  Spain  who  were  members  of
    the  American  section?

    Mr.   DeMaio.  Never  paid  much   attention   to   them.     I  wouldn't   recall  their
    names  or  faces.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  see  any  prisoners?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  saw  the  labor  battalions  but  I  never  distinguished  their  faces
    or  anything.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Were  members  of  the  labor  battalion  the  same  as  prisoners?
    Is  that  what  you  mean  to  testify?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  don't  know  whether  they  were  or  not.     I  don't  know  anything
    about  the  disciplinary  units  in  Spain.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  know  Paul  White?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did  not.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  hear  the  name  of  Paul  White?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  can't  recall  the  name  definitely  or  the  face.

    Mr.  Matthews.  You  can't  recall  his  face.     Do  you  have  a  vague  recollection
    of  his  face?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  know  him  as  Johnnie  Adams  in  this  country?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Never  did.

    Mr.  Matthews.  But  you  now  have  some  vague  recollection?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  have  a  vague  recollection  of  the  name  but  the  individual  I  have
    no  recollection  or  knowledge  of.

    Mr.  Matthews.  And  you  associate  his  name  with  the  execution  about  which
    you  say  you  have  a  vague  recollection,  is  that  right?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  That  is  right.     That  is  the  only  recollection  £  have.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  meet  Robert  Minor  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Robert  Minor  spoke  to  us  a  few  times  only  in  the  capacity  of  a
    correspondent.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Was  that  the  limit  of  this  duties  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  As  far  as  I  know.     I  never  knew  him  personally.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  talk  to  him  personally  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  never  did.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  meet  any  of  the  members  of  the  International  Political
    Commission  for  the  International  Brigade  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  What  is  the  International  Political  Commission?

    Mr.  Matthews.  By  whatever  title  it  was  known — the  group  of  men

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Tell  me  exactly  what  you  mean.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  139

    Mr.  Matthews.  Well,  Andre  Marty,  for  example,  did  you  ever  meet  Andre
    Marty  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  have  seen  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  meet  Harry  Pollock  from  England?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  never  saw  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  You  know  he  was  in  Spain,  don't  you?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  don't  know.

    Mr.  Matthews.  You  know  Andre  Marty  was  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  know  Andre  Marty  was  in  Spain.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  meet  Earl  Browder  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  never  met  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  see  him  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  didn't  see  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  But  you  did  see  Robert  Minor  there.  How  long  was  Minor
    in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  don't  know.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  make  any  reports  to  Robert  Minor?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  told  you  I  never  spoke  to  Robert  Minor.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  ever  make  any  reports  to  him?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Never  did.

    Mr.  Matthews.  About  any  matters?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  About  nothing  at  all.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Pertaining  to  the  Lincoln  Brigade?

    Mr.  DeMaio.    (No  answer.)

    Mr.  Matthews.  Do  you  know  John  Little?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  don't  know  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  John  Little,  of  the  Young  Communist  League?

    Mr.  DeMaio.   I  don't  know  him.

    Mr.  Mai  thews.  You  don't  know  him?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  No.

    Mr.  Matthews.  You  did  not  meet  him  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did  not  meet  him  in  Spain.

    Mr.  Matthews.  How  much  time  did  you  spend  at  the  front  altogether?  Can
    you  give  us  a  rough  estimate  of  that,  Mr.  DeMaio?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  think  about  11  months,  exclusive  of  a  period  that  I  spent  con-
    valescing.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Eleven  months  at  the  front.  And  how  much  time  would  that
    leave?     About  9  or  10  months  when  you  were  not  at  the  front?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  About  that.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Were  vou  familiar  with  the  details  of  the  retreat  to  the  Ebro
    in  April  1938?

    Mr.  DeMa  o.  I  am  not.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  know  that  a  large  number  of  the  American  soldiers
    preferred  to  surrender  to  the  Fascists  at  the  time  of  that  retreat  than  to
    continue  in  the  service  of  the  International  Brigade?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  never  heard  of  it,  and  I  don't  believe  it.

    Mr.  Lyxch.  Mr.  DeMaio,  when  did  vou  return  to  the  United  States?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Sometime  in  March  1939.

    Mr.  Lynch.  And  did  you  return  on  a  passport  or  not?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  object ;  I  refuse  to  answer.

    The  Chairman.  You  refuse  to  answer  that?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  refuse  to  answer.

    The  Chairman.  On  what  ground?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  On  the  grounds  previously  stated.

    The  Chairman.  It  will  tend  to  incriminate  you?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  That  is  right.

    The  Chairman.  Is  that  right?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Lynch.  What  ship  did  you  return  on?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  on  the  same  ground.

    Mr.  Lynch.  At  what  port  did  y<>u  land?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  landed  in  the  port  of  New  York.

    Mr.  Lynch.  And  where  were  you  educated,  Mr.  DeMaio?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  In  Hartford,  Conn.

    Mr.  Lynch.  Did  you  graduate  from  high  school?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did.

    140  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Lynqh.  Which  high  school?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I  ask  what  that  has  to  do  with  this  investi-
    gation?

    The  Chairman.  Do  you  object  to  answering  that  question — what  high  school
    you  attended?

    Mr.  DeMaio.    (No  answer. )

    Mr.  Lynch.  Do  yon  know  what  high  school  you  attended?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question.

    The  Chairman.  All  right.

    Mr.  Lynch.  Did  you  go  under  the  name  of  Anthony  DeMaio  at  that  time?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did.

    Mr.  Lynch.  And  you  spelled  it  D-e-M-a-i-o ;  is  that  correct?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Lynch.  And  what  was  your  address  at  the  time  you  went  abroad  in  this
    country.

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  believe  it  was — I  refuse  to  answer'that  question.

    The  Chairman.  On  the  ground  it  tends  to  incriminate  you?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Lynch.  Did  you  have  a  witness  to  your  passport  application  when  you
    obtained  a  passport?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  refuse  to  answer.

    Mr.  Schwab.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  order  to  save  time,  I  would  appreciate  getting
    through  with  my  last  witness  here  so  we  could  all  leave.  And  I  think  the  witness
    has  indicated  clearly  that  he  won't  answer  any  questions  pertaining  to  the
    passport.

    Mr.  Lynch.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  section  of  the  law,  for  the  benefit  of  coun-
    sel who  never  heard  of  it,  is  section  103  of  the  Revised  Statutes,  says :

    Mr.  Schwab.  Nothing  in  that  statute,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  refers  to  a  constitu-
    tional right  that  everybody  in  America  knows  about — nothing  about  refusing  to
    testify  on  the  ground  that  it  may  incriminate  him.

    Mr.  Lynch.  Now,  the  next  section:

    "No  testimony  given  by  a  witness  before  either  House  or  before  any  committee
    or  by  the  Houses  of  Congress  shall  be  used  as  evidence  in  any  criminal  proceeding
    against  him  in  any  court  except  in  the  prosecution  for  perjury  committed  in
    giving  such  testimony."

    I  ask  the  chairman,  in  view  of  these  two  statutes,  to  direct  the  witness  to
    answer  the  questions  which  he  heretofore  refused  to  answer.

    The  Chairman.  Well,  that  is  a  matter  that  the  committee  will  have  to  forego
    for  the  time  being.     We  will  have  to  consider  that.

    Mr.  Matthews.  I  have  one  more  question  to  ask  the  witness.  Mr.  DeMaio,  did
    you  know  Bernard  Ades  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  Spell  that  last  name?

    Mr.  Matthews.  A-d-e-s — Bernard  Ades.

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  did  not  know  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  know  Major  Galleani?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  heard  of  him  ;  I  don't  know  him.

    Mr.  Matthews.  What  was  his  position  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  A  major,  that  is  all  I  know.  He  was  never  connected  with  any
    unit  that  I  was  connected  with.

    Mr.  Matthews.  But  you  do  know  he  was  in  Spain?

    Mr.  DeMaio.  I  took  that  for  granted.

    Mr.  Matthews.  The  next  witness  is  Major  Galleani,  Mr.  Chairman.

    Mr.  Schwab.  I  was  here  all  day  yesterday — I  had  a  matter  on — there  is  one
    more  of  my  witnesses  here  I  think  as  a  courtesy  to  me,  if  for  no  other  reason,
    you  should  not  make  me  stay  over  or  come  and  I  think

    The  Chairman.  Major  Galleani.

    Mr.  Schwab.  May  I  say  this,  I  have  to  be  back  tonight.  I  was  figuring  on
    making  the  next  plane.

    Mr.  Dempsey.  You  are  not  under  subpena.

    Mr.  Schwab.  I  am  an  attorney,  and  I  am  asking  a  courtesy.

    The  Chairman.  We  have  to  proceed  in  order.  We  will  take  that  up  in  a  few
    minutes.

    Mr.  Schwab.  Will  you  hear  this  witness  today?

    The  Chairman.  I  will  have  to  confer  with  counsel  with  reference  to  this  wit-
    ness.    What  witness  is  it  you  have?

    Mr.  Schwab.  Jerry  Cooke.

    The  Chairman.  We  will  take  that  up  in  a  few  minutes.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  141

    (7719)

    The  Chairman.  The  witnesses  who  have  been  subpenaed  and  who  are  present,
    Tony  DeMaio,  Milton  Wolff,  Fred  Keller,  and  Gerald  Cook.  They  :ire  witnesses
    who*  have  been  subpenaed  and  they  will  remain  here  subject  to  the  call  of  the
    committee.  You  will  let  the  clerk  of  the  committee  know  where  you  are  located
    ad  he  will  advise  you  when  we  will  hear  you.  We  will  hear  you  as  soon  as
    possible.

    (7732)

    Mr.  Wallach.  By  the,  as  I  understand  it,  these  people  in  charge  of  the  affairs
    of  the  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade.  This  happened  in  a  so-called  prison  camp  or
    jail  known  as  Castle  de  Fells,  which  I  understand  is  about  25  kilometers  south  of
    the  city  of  Barcelona  and  that  it  was  done  under  the  supervision  of  the  offi  :er
    known  as  Captain  Gates,  and  that  the  man  in  charge  of  this  prison  was  a  fellow
    by  the  name  of  Tony  DeMaio,  who  I  understand  was  the  actual  killer,  not  only
    of  my  boy  but  of  six  other  American  boys  whose  remains  to  this  very  moment
    are  in  the  courtyard  of  this  prison  camp,  Castle  de  Fells.

    (7815)

    Mr.  Matthews.  Now,  I  want  to  come  back  to  that  presently,  Major  Galleani,  but
    1  would  like  to  ask  you  if  you  knew  Tony  DeMaio  in  Spain?

    Mr.  Galleani.  Yes.  I  know — I  have  known  Tony  DeMaio.  As  a  matter  of  fact
    I  was  in  charge  of  the  Fifteenth  International  Brigade  in  Grandesa  around  the
    20th  of  March  1938,  when  a  battalion  arrived  from  the  instruction  base  at
    Terregona.  1  saw  the  list  of  the  men  and  I  saw  the  name  of  this  young  Italian
    man,  so  I  approached  him  and  I  asked  him  if  he  was  Italian  born.  He  told  me  he
    was  American  born.  I  saw  that  he  was  a  husky  young  fellow,  and  I  told  him,
    '•Well,  I  hope  you  will  do  good  here."

    After  about  5  or  6  days  I  went  to  inspect  the  Lincoln  Battalion  and  I  asked
    where  DeMaio  was.  DeMaio,  by  the  way,  had  the  rank  of  sublieutenant  at  the
    time.  So  I  learned  DeMaio  left  the  battalion  on  a  special  mission,  and  I
    protested  with  Copic  and  told  him  not  right  young  man  like  DeMaio  just  arrived
    at  the  front  sent  out  on  a  mission.  The  right  way  to  send  him  to  the  trenches
    before  and  see  what  he  could  do  in  the  trenches  and  then  send  him  on  special
    mission.

    Later  on  I  found  out  DeMaio  had  been  put  in  charge  of  the  International
    Brigade  prison  at  Castle  de  Fells,  near  Barcelona.
    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  hear  DeMaio's  testimony?
    Mr.  Galleani.  I  did  not  bear  it  completely,  the  testimony.
    Mr.   Matthews.  But  you   testify  that  you  learned  that  DeMaio  was  placed

    in  charge  of  the  prison  for  the

    Mr.  Galleani.  At  Castle  de  Fells.  And  when  I  left  Barcelona  at  the  end  of
    January,  just  a  couple  of  days  before  the  Fascists  arrived  in  Barcelona,  at  the
    railroad  station  at  about  15  kilometers  from  Barcelona.  I  don't  remember  the
    name  just   now,   I  met  DeMaio  with   his   prisoners— he  had  about,  oh,  I  don't

    know — I  can't  estimate — 180  or  200  prisoners

    Mr.  Matthews.  In  bis  charge?

    Mr.  Galleanl  In  his  charge.  And  I  talked  to  him,  and  as  I  know  what
    military  discipline  is,  I  asked  him  the  permission  to  see  some  of  the  Italian
    prisoners  who  had  been  in  the  formation  of  the  Garibaldi  Battalion.  So  I  saw
    two  or  three  of  the  prisoners — a  man  by  the  name  of  Ortega  and  a  man  by  the
    name  of  Perogina  and  another  man  by  the  name  of  Oloca,  and  all  the  three
    complained  to  me  about  the  brutal  treatment  that  DeMaio  was  giving  to  the
    prisoners.  But,  of  course,  at  the  time  the  International  Brigade  was  almost  —
    there  was  no  reason  for  making  any  way — we  were  where  we  could  not  take
    care  of  a  matter  of  that  kind  any  more.

    Mr.  Matthews.  How  long  was  it  between  the  time  that  you  first  learned  thai
    DeMaio  had  been  placed  in  charge  of  the  prison  at  Castle  de  Fells  and  the  time
    you  met  him  on  this  occasion?

    Mr.  Galleani.  About — now,  I  will  tell  you,  from  the  middle  of  April  1938  to
    the  end  of  January  1939.

    Mr.  Matthews.  For  a  period  of  8  or  9  months?
    Mr.  Galleani.  Yes.

    Mr.  Matthews.  DeMaio  was  in  charge  of  prisoners?
    Mr.  Galleani.  Yes,  sir.

    65744 — 47 10

    142  COMMUNISM  IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.   Matthews.  In   Spain?
    Mr.  Galleani.  In  Spain ;  yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  learn  of  any  individual  eases  which  were  handled
    by  or  under  DeMaio  which  had  to  do  with  discipline — even  with  execution?

    (7817)

    Mr.  Galleani.  Yes.  To  whom  DeMaio  made  the  threat  that  he  would  never
    come  back  to  the  United  States.  I  really  don't  know  if  Dougherty  came  back
    to  the  United  States.  Other  prisoners  who  complained  about  the  treatment  by
    DeMaio  were  Frank  Alexander,  Paul  Elliott,  Robert  Quinn,  and,  of  course,  these
    three  Italian  fellows  whom  I  have  named  before.

    I  have  been  told  also  that  the  man  whom  I  know  very  well  at  the  brigade
    by  the  name  if  Isenberg  was  put  in  the  old — you  have  to  know  the  prison  was
    an  old  monastery  and  there  was  a  little  church,  of  course,  with  marble  floor
    and  this  was  the  place  where  the  prisoners  were  put  who  had  to  be  punished —
    were  put  without  anything  to  sleep  in,  even  without  a  little  straw.  They  were
    sleeping  on  the  floor.  They  were  having  very  little  food.  They  were  forbidden
    even  if  they  had  the  means,  of  smoking,  and  so  on.

    This  Isenberg  was  put  in  the  church  because  it  seemed  he  complained  to
    DeMaio  about  the  treatment  he  was  receiving  there  and  about  the  fact  that  the
    guards  were  selling  tobacco  to  people  who  had  money  instead  of  putting  the
    tobacco  among  the  prisoners.

    Mr.  Matthews.  What  other  facts  did  you  learn  about  the  system  of  punish-
    ment, or  torture,  or  inhumanity  practiced  against  prisoners?

    Mr.  Galleani.  Well,  let  me  tell  yon,  I  am  absolutely  in  disfavor  of  any
    physical  punishment,  so  when  another  battalion  where  DeMaio  belonged  to  come
    over  to  Alcanz,  I  was  sent  to  meet  this  battalion  and  I  was  informed  for  the  first
    time  that  by  order  of  Maj.  Allen  Johnson  the  instruction  base  at  Tarragona
    had  a  special  police  and  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  battalion  told  me  that  he
    had  about  16  or  17  prisoners,  most  of  them  guilty  of  getting  drunk,  you  know,
    which  was  very  easy  in  Spain  because  the  wine  is  very  heavy  and  a  great
    alcoholic  content.  We  were  in  a  village  which  was  dominated  by  anarchists,
    and  the  anarchists  didn't  like  at  all  the  International  Brigade,  so  I  was  par-
    ticularly zealous  that  nothing  happened  that  gave  to  the  anarchists  any  reason
    for  showing  this  displeasure  for  the  International  Brigade.  Instead,  when
    this  little  platoon  of  prisoners  passed  on,  I  didn't  know  myself  for  what  reason
    the  man  in  charge  began  to  club  them  with  the  blackjack,  and  they  never  in
    any  other  brigade  in  Spain  use  the  blackjack.

    (7820)

    Mr.  G.nlleani.  Well,  these  are  two  brothers,  Joe  and  John,  to  whom  DeMaio
    made  threat  that  they  would  never  come  back  to  the  United  States.

    Mr.  Matthews.  DeMaio  threatened  them  they  would  never  come  back  to
    the  United  States?

    (7827)

    Mr.  McCuistion.  I  saw  George  Mink  and  Tony  DeMaio  and  Captain  Cohn  on
    May  2,  1938,  in  a  little  cafe — one  of  the  nicer  but  small  cafes  on  the  Rambla  de
    Catalonia.     I  saw  Tony  DeMaio  kill  two  men  in  that  cafe.

    Mr.  Matthews    Will  you  please  describe  the  circumstances?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  At  that  time,  they  were  having  a  round-up  of  stragglers,  a
    general  round-up  of  a  few  of  us  who  were  out  of  the  brigade.  I  was  in  the
    International  Brigade  at  that  time.  I  was  carrying  a  Ministry  of  War  letter
    that  protected  me  somewhat  from  the  International  Brigade  policy,  and  we  were
    circulating  more  or  less  freely,  but  there  were  several  hundred  members  of
    the  International  Brigade  that  were  living  under  cover  in  Barcelona,  looking  for  a
    chance  to  get  away  on  the  ships,  and  through  the  help  of  some  influential  Span-
    iards we  established  a  means  of  stowing  these  guys  away  in  Barcelona  and
    helping  them  get  out  of  the  country.

    We  helped  a  large  number  of  French,  English,  Americans,  and  various  others
    to  get  out  of  the  country.  Several — a  number  of  Spaniards  helped  us.  Especially
    we  were  being  helped  by  the  Spanish  Federation  of  Labor,  which  is  similar  to
    the  Mexican  Federation  of  Labor  and  controlled  largely  by  the  anarchists.

    On  this  occasion,  we  were  following  DeMaio  when  he  met  the  other  two.

    Mr.  Vooehis.  Who  is  "we"?

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  143

    Mr.  McCuistion.  A  group  of  us — some  Spaniards  and  some  Cubans  and  myself
    that  were  in  this  group  helping  guys  out  of  the  country  that  had  legal  papers  to
    be  in  Barcelona.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Can  you  give  the  names  of  any  of  those  people?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Yes;  I  can  give  the  names  of  several  of  them.  One  of  them
    was  George  Heins.  Another  boy  from  Buffalo  called  Kelke.  Those  are  the  only
    Americans  that  I  can  remember  roughly  by  name.     I  think  they  are  both  alive.

    Mr.  Vookhis.  Were  they  with  you  at  this  time?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Yes,  sir.  And  we  followed  him  into  this  cafe  and  just  as
    we  got  into  the  cafe  we  heard  the  shooting  and  we  naturally  didn't  want  to  be
    around  there  for  fear  we  would  get  shot  ourselves.  We  knew  what  was  taking
    place  because  it  was  an  everyday  occurrence  with  other  groups.

    It  hadn't  been  so  frequent  with  the  American  groups,  but  the  American  that
    was  killed  at  that  time  was  going  under  the  name  of  Matthews.  II*  had  a
    State  Department  passport  issued  under  the  name  of  Aronofski — I  think  that
    was  his  correct  name,  but  he  was  using  the  name  "Matthews"  over  there,  and
    he  was  shot  through  the  side — through  the  temple,  right  here  [indicating.]

    The  other  fellow  wasn't  quite  dead.  His  name  was  Moran,  an  Englishman.
    He  was  taken  away  to  the  hospital.     Whether  he  died  or  not,  I  don't  know.

    Mr.  Matthews.  Who  shot  them?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Tony  DeMaio  shot  them.

    (7828)

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Yes,  sir.  Albert  Wallach  was  stowed  away  on  board  the
    American  steamship  Oregon  with  the  assistance  of  several  members  of  the  crew.
    I  think  one  of  them  was  named  Samuel  Singer.  He  is  at  present  a  member
    of  the  Sailors'  Union  of  the  Pacific  Coast  and  is  in  San  Francisco  at  this  time.
    He  was  aboard  the  ship  for  10  days.  He  got  careless  and  he  came  out  and  was
    taken  off  the  ship  by  Tony  DeMaio  and  others,  and  placed  in  prison  in  Barcelona.

    %.  #  ^  *  %  :£  :je

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  meet  DeMaio  on  any  other  occasion  than  the  one
    you  describe?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Yes.  At  one  time  I  was  placed  in  military  charge  of  the
    Anglo-Americans  at  the  concentration  camp  at  Camp  Luukas.  They  had  some
    there  for  repatriation  and  some  for  disciplinary  action.  DeMaio  was  sent  there  as
    a  political  commissar,  and  I  didn't  want  the  job  very  bad  anyway,  and  I  had  the
    full  charge  of  issuing  passes,  so  I  issued  everybody  that  wanted  a  pass  and  then
    I  wrote  myself  out  one  and  left.

    Mr.  Matthews.  You  were  trying  to  assist  the  men  to  get  away — escape?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Yes.

    Mr.  Matthews.  And  DeMaio  was  there  at  the  time,  was  he?

    *******

    Mr.  Matthews.  When  did  he  leave  Camp  Luukas?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  He  left  after  they  brought  me  back  to  Camp  Luukas  when
    all  of  us  were  transferred  together  to  Tarragona  and  placed  in  the  disciplinary
    company  in  Tarragona  under  Maj.  Allen  Johnson.  And  at  that  time  Tony
    DeMaio  went  into  Albacete  with  the  other  brass  hats  and  got  himself  a  job  as
    brigade  policeman.

    (7829)

    Mr.  Matthews.  Do  you  know  of  any  other  cases  where  violence  was  used
    against  American  boys?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  Yes.  In  the  case  of  Wallach.  There  was  violence  used  :>guinst
    him  a  number  of  times  at  Camp  Luukas.  Why,  one  time  Tony  DeMaio  slapped
    him  around.  That  was  after  I  had  been  relieved  of  any  authority  and  a  fellow
    by  the  name  of  Howe,  that  is  sailing  under  the  name  of  Jameson,  now  an  active
    seaman,  was  also  beaten  up  pretty  badly  and  thrown  into  prison  at  Chinchilla  and
    held  there  for  4  months  under  sentence  of  death.

    (783:))

    Mr.  Voorhis.  About  Tony  DeMaio :  Was  that  the  same  man  that  testified  here
    today?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  That  was  the  same  man.  He  knows  me  well.  He  admitted
    he  knew  m«e  on  the  stand.

    144  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Matthews.  Did  you  have  any  other  contacts  with  Tony  DeMaio  at  any
    time  in  Spain?

    Mr.  McCuistion.  In  the  month  of  May  in  Barcelona,  after  this  other  thing  hap-
    pened, why,  I  was  approached  by  Tony  DeMaio  and  told  that  Bob  Minor  wanted
    to  see  me  at  the  Majestic  Hotel.

    Mr.  Rankin.  The  witness  testified,  I  believe,  during  the  time  he
    was  out — you  were  in  the  armed  service  of  the  United  States,  from
    1043

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No,  Mr.  Wood

    Mr.  Strifling.  Mr.  Rankin.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Oh,  is  that  Mr.  Rankin?

    Mr.  Rankin.  Yes.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  see.  I  resigned  from  the  local  to  enter  the  mili-
    tary service,  which  I  was  unable  to  do  for  physical  reasons.  Later
    I  found  employment  with  the  Bridgeport  Brass  Co.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Whom  did  you  succeed  as  business  agent  when  you
    came  back  in  1947  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  succeeded  a  man  by  the  name  of  Frederick
    Blycher.

    Mr.  Stripling.  During  the  period  that  Frederick  Blycher  was  busi-
    ness agent  of  local  203,  were  the  Communists  in  control  of  the  local  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  they  were  not,  because  during  the  latter
    part  of  his  term — 1946,  precisely — a  strong  anti-Communist  group
    had  developed  within  the  local  and  by  the  time  the  election  took  place,
    the  Communists  had  lost  completely  the  influence  they  held  within
    local  203.  I  will  say  that  during  1945  there  was  a  great  deal  of  control,
    if  you  will,  exercised  by  the  Communists  in  local  203.  These  are
    known  Communist  members  of  our  local,  by  the  way.  I  am  not  refer-
    ring to  fellow  travelers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  am  speaking  of  members  who  declared  their
    membership  in  the  Communist  Party  of  America.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  were  any  steps  taken  within  the  local  to  offset
    the  activities  of  this  Communist  influence  that  you  say  was  growing
    during  the  period  when  you  were  away  from  the  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  the  activity  of  the  anti-Communist  group
    was  directed  toward  the  displacement  of  fellow  travelers  like  Fred-
    erick Blycher  and  of  Communists  like  Arsenault.  They  were  quite
    active.  We  held  meetings.  I  participated  in  some  of  these  meet-
    ings, in  the  latter  part  of  1946.  We  campaigned  actively  throughout
    the  plant.  Do  you  want  me  to  say  more  about  our  campaign,  Mr.
    Stripling?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.  If  there  was  any  anti-Communist  campaign
    within  the  local,  I  think  the  committee  would  be  interested.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  we  succeeded,  as  I  say,  from  the  period  1943
    to  1946 — and  it  was  a  gradual  thing — in  building  up  a  strong  anti-
    Communist  faction,  if  you  will,  within  the  local.  In  our  campaign
    we  drew  up  a  slate  of  anti-Communist  members  of  the  local,  headed
    by  Michael  Beresick,  who  is  now  president,  and  who  will  testify  later,
    and  myself.  We  campaigned — and  we  had  an  open  campaign — on
    an  anti-Communist  slate,  if  you  will.  We  stated  quite  openly  and
    frankly  that  if  elected  to  office  within  the  local  we  would  clean  out
    the  Communists  from  local  203,  and  that  further  we  would  do  what
    we  could  as  a  part  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Work-
    ers of  America  to  do  so,  within  the  international  union.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  145

    We  haven't  changed  our  mind  on  that.

    Mr.  Stripling.  On  that  point,  is  it  your  opinion  the  international
    office  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  is  con-
    trolled by  the  Communists?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  have  reason  to  believe  so,  Mr.  Stripling,  but
    no  proof.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  think  it  is  under  the  influence  of  the  Com-
    munists?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  persons,  that  is,  top  officials,  would  you  desig-
    nate as  being  in  your  opinion  Communists?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  we  are  quite  certain — but,  let  me  repeat,  we
    have  no  proof  because  the  proof  of  Communist  membership  is  con-
    fined to  members  of  our  local — we  have  good  reason  to  believe  that
    James  Matles,  director  of  organization  within  the  UE,  and  Julius
    Emspak,  its  secretary-treasurer,  are  and  have  been  members  of  the
    Communist  Party.  Insofar  as  Albert  Fitzgerald  is  concerned,  we
    don't  know.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  Albert  Fitzgerald's  office?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  He  is  the  international  president  of  the  UE.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  am  sorry  to  interrupt  you,  Mr.  Julianelle.  You
    go  back  now  and  describe  to  the  committee  the  manner  in  which  the
    anti-Communist  bloc  fought  the  Communist  group  within  the  union.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  our  campaign  was  confined  purely  to  that.
    We  said,  if  we  were  elected  to  office  we  would  see  to  it  that  the  Com-
    munist members  of  our  local  were  stripped  of  their  privileges  and  of
    the  influence  they  wielded  upon  the  membership  of  local  203.

    We  went  further  and  said  that  we  would  reestablish  the  unit  and
    harmony  within  the  local.  We  did  that  based  on  the  opinion  we  held
    then,  and  hold  now,  that  you  can  only  have  a  smooth-running  organi-
    zation of  labor  if  you  root  out  the  Communists.  As  long  as  you  have
    Communists  in  a  labor  union  you  are  going  to  have  disruption,  discord,
    and  discontent.  We  said  we  would  confine  our  activities,  after  we  got
    rid  of  the  Reds,  to  collective-bargaining  issues;  we  would  negotiate
    with  the  company  for  better  wages  and  better  working  conditions;  we
    would  exclude  anything  of  a  political  nature — and,  incidentally,  let
    me  add  here  the  only  reason  we  attacked  the  Communists  the  way  we
    did,  as  vigorously  as  we  did  and  shall  continue  to  do  so  is  because
    they  are  not  interested  in  the  aims  and  purposes  for  which  the  CIO
    was  established,  in  1937.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  about  for  the  entire  labor  movement,  do  you
    think  the  Communists  are  aiding  the  labor  movement  as  a  whole  :  CIO,
    A.  F.  of  L.,  or  any  other  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  Communist  Party  cannot  aid  the  organized
    labor  movement.  They  can  only  lend  aid  and  encouragement  to  the
    Communist  Party  itself.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  it  your  opinion

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Of  course,  I  am  expressing  my  opinion,  members
    of  the  committee.

    The  Chairman.  That  is  all  right.     That  is  what  we  want  to  hear.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  are  certainly  qualified  to  express  an  opinion.
    You  are  the  business  agent  of  one  of  the  biggest  locals  in  the  United
    States,  aren't  you  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  wouldn't  say  that.

    146  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  mean,  within  your  own  union.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  are  one  of  the  largest  of  UE  in  district  No.
    2,  which  is  the  New  England  area.  In  fact,  we  are  the  second  largest.
    There  is  only  one  larger  than  we  are,  and  that  is  the  big  local  up  in
    Lynn.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  was  referring  to  your  own  union.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  mean  within  your  international  union.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  within  the  international  I  can  say  we  are
    one  of  the  largest,  but  I  wouldn't  say  we  are  seventh,  eighth,  or  ninth,
    or  whatever  we  might  be.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.

    Mr.  McDowell.  How  many  members  do  you  have  in  your  local?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  said  previously  we  have  6,000  members  in  our
    local,  out  of  a  potential  number  of  eligible  members  in  the  plant  of
    eight  or  nine  thousand.

    Mr.  Rankin.  You  sajr  the  Communists  are  only  interested  in  the
    aims  and  purposes  of  the  Communist  Party.  What  do  you  consider
    the  aims  and  purposes  of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Julianeele.  Well,  I  consider  the  Communist  Party  of  America
    seeks  to — and  I  use  the  word  advisedly — Sovietize  America.  I  think
    it  is  commonly  known,  Mr.  Rankin,  that  they  do  not  believe  in  our
    system  of  representative  government  and  in  the  system  of  free  enter-
    prise that  lias  made  America  the  greatest  Nation  in  the  world  today.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Julianelle,  from  what  you  have  said,  I  assume
    your  compaign,  the  campaign  of  the  anti-Communist  bloc,  was  suc-
    cessful.    You  have  been  successful  within  your  own  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  have  literature  to  support  that.  We  were  go-
    ing to  do  a  job,  so-called,  on  the  Communists,  if  elected  to  office.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  have  any  Communists  who  were  members
    of  your  executive  board  at  any  time  I

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  they  been  ousted  ?

    Mr.  Julianlle.  They  have,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  tell  the  committee

    Mr.  Julianelle.  After  being  elected  to  office,  there  naturally  was
    terrific  pressure  on  the  officers  of  the  local  to  do  the  job  that  they  had
    pledged  to  do  and  that  was  to  clean  out  the  known  Communist  mem-
    bers of  our  local.  So  in  our  first  meeting  of  the  executive  board  after
    the  election  was  held,  which  was  on  January  13,  Michael  Berescik
    took  issue  on  the  seating  of  Josephine  Willard,  a  known  Communist
    in  the  city  of  Bridgeport.  She  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  ex-
    ecutive board  of  our  local.  She  was  not  permitted  to  be  seated  by
    a  vote  of  the  executive  board.

    Mr.  Berescik,  I  repeat,  took  issue  on  her  seating,  and  he  was  sup-
    ported by  the  majority  of  the  executive  board  at  that  time.  So  we
    started  to  do  the  job  that  we  pledged  ourselves  to  do.  starting  with
    Josephine  Willard.

    Mr.  Rankin.  You  say  she  was  not  permitted  to  be  seated.  You
    mean  as  an  officer  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  As  a  member  of  the  executive  board  of  our  local.

    Mr.  Rankin.  I  see.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  147

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Julianelle,  I  have  here  a  throw-away,  that  ap-
    pears to  be  a  throw-away,  with  a  picture  of  a  woman  on  it.    It  says:

    Jo  Willard,  a  workers'  candidate  for  State  representative.

    At  the  bottom  it  says :

    Vote  Communist,  pull  fifth  lever,  issued  by  Communist  Party  of  Bridgeport,
    231  Fairfield  Avenue     *     *     *.

    I  hand  this  to  you  and  ask  you  if  this  is  the  Josephine  or  Jo  Willard
    to  which  you  referred  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  Mrs.  Willard,  whose  maiden  name  was
    Guiseppina  Senese.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Spell  that.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Guiseppina  stands  for  "Josephine."  Don't  ask
    me  to  spell  that.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  last  name  is  what?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Senese — S-e-n-e-s-e.  This  "brieflet"  was  distrib-
    uted at  the  factory  gates  of  the  General  Electric  plant  in  Bridgeport
    during  the  campaign — that  is,  the  political  campaign  last  October.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I  ask  that  that  be  received  as
    exhibit  1  in  the  record  ?

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.11

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  refused  to  seat  Mrs.  Willard,  was  there
    any  disturbance  at  any  meeting?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  There  certainly  was,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  describe  for  the  committee  the  occurrence
    on  that  occasion  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  on  that  occasion  we  had  supporters  of  hers —
    not  Communists.    We  had  one  by  the  name  of  Novick.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  his  first  name  ?    Do  you  know  it  ?

    Mr.  Jullanelle.  I  should  know  it,  I  know  the  man  so  well.  May
    I  appeal  to  my  assistant  ?    Mike,  Novick's  first  name ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Harry.

    Mr.  Jullvnelle.  Harry  Novick.

    There  was  a  young  lady,  who  is  married  now,  by  the  name  of  Ruth
    Killinney.  There  were  several  others.  The  names  escape  me  now.
    They  took  issue  with  the  president's  position.  This  was  before  the
    vote  was  taken  to  support  the  president  in  not  seating  Mrs.  Willard.
    But  the  vote  was  taken,  as  I  say,  and  Mrs.  Willard  was  ordered  to
    either  remain  silent — present  but  silent — or  leave  the  chamber.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  date  was  this  meeting  held,  if  you  recall?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  repeat,  it  was  January  13  of  this  year.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  they  any  other  meetings  held  in  connection
    with  the  seating  of  Mrs.  Josephine  Willard?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Then  the  regular  membership  meeting  of  the
    local  was  held  on  January  19.  The  membership  of  our  local  meets
    the  third  Sunday  of  each  month.  At  that  meeting  the  Commies  did
    a  pretty  good  job  of  coming  down  with  their  supporters.  They  were
    going  to  order  the  executive  board  to  seat  Mrs.  Willard.  They  failed
    to  do  so,  and  miserably,  because  the  motion  made  at  that  meeting  and
    passed  by  the  membership  was  to  support  the  executive  board  in  its
    position  in  not  seating  Mrs.  Willard  because  of  her  known  member-
    ship in  the  Communist  Party.

    11  See  appendix,  p.  231,  for  exhibit  1,  hearing.  July  24,  1947.

    148  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    I  think  I  had  better  confine  myself  to  that  statement:  Supporting
    the  executive  board  in  the  position  it  took  on  January  13.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  were  there  any  other  meetings  held  on  the
    matter  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Then  a  petition  was  sent  in.  Our  local  consti-
    tution and  bylaws  provide  for  special  meetings  of  the  membership  if
    signed  by  a  given  number  of  members  of  the  local.  At  that  time  only
    50  names  were  required.  The  bylaws  have  been  changed  now  so  that
    150  names  are  required.  The  50  names  were  submitted  on  a  petition
    and  a  special  meeting  called,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  our
    bylaws,  for — I  have  these  dates  down  here

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  that  in  February?     February  2?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Now,  just  a  moment,  Mr.  Stripling.  I  have  got
    to  add  here — I  am  mixed  up  a  bit.  On  February  2  the  motion  was  to
    support  the  executive  board  in  not  seating  Mrs.  Willard,  and  then  in
    addition  to  that  a  vote  of  confidence  in  the  officers  in  what  they  did
    and  instructing  the  officers  to  proceed  with  further  action  against
    members  of  the  local  who  were  either  Communists,  fellow-travelers,
    Ku  Kluxers,  and  Columbians.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  was  on  February  2?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  On  February  2  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  Warren
    Harding  High  School  in  Bridgeport,  and  the  estimated  attendanc3
    then  was  about  1,300.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  was  authorized  to  do  the  expelling  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  officers  of  local  203,  of  which  we  have  10,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  after  this  motion  was  adopted,  what  action
    was  taken?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  after  that  motion  was  adopted,  the  officers
    of  the  local,  empowered  as  they  were  to  take  action,  sat  in  special
    meeting,  right  after  the  meeting  of  the  membership.  We  adjourned
    from  the  high  school  and  went  back  to  the  hall.  We  got  up  a  list  of
    known  Communists  and  supporters.  Incidentally,  we  spent  some
    time  very  carefully  going  over  the  list,  because  actually  about  50  or  60
    members  of  our  local  could  have  been  accused  of  either  Communist
    membership  or  Communist  support.  We  were  very  careful  to  pick
    out  the  so-called  energetic  or  vigorous  members  of  the  party  and
    supporters.

    They  numbered  26.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  after  you  made  up  this  list,  what  action  did
    the  officers  take?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  officers  then  ordered  me,  as  business  agent,  to
    send  letters  of  expulsion  to  these  26  people.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  send  the  letters  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  letters  were  sent,  copies  of  which  I  have  here.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  a  copy,  please  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  haven't  it  with  me,  Mr.  Stripling,  but  it  has
    been  reproduced  in  the  UE  News,  which  is  the  official  organ  of  the  UE.

    Mr.  Stripling.  All  right.     Will  you  read  the  letter  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  So  I  can't  be  accused  of  miswording,  I  will  read  it :

    In  accordance  with  membership  action —

    This  is  date  February  4,  and  signed  by  me  as  business  agent

    The  Chairman.  February  4,  1947  ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  149

    Mr.  Julianelle.  '47,  sir.     [Reading :]

    In  accordance  with  membership  action  at  a  special  meeting  of  this  body  San-
    day,  February  2,  11)47,  yon  are  hereby  informed  of  your  expulsion  as  a  member
    of  our  local.  The  power  to  expel  has  been  vested  in  the  hands  of  our  officers  by
    an  overwhelming  majority  vote  of  those  attending  the  meeting  on  the  motion
    "that  this  membership  empower  the  officers  of  the  local  to  suspend  or  expel  in
    accordance  with  the  national  CIO  policy  and  our  local  constitution  and  bylaws
    a  Communist  or  member  who  supports  the  doctrine  of  communism."  Effective
    at  once,  therefore,  you  have  no  membership  rights  and  will  be  removed  automati-
    cally from  our  check-off  list.

    I  might  add  there  was  no  secret  to  this,  because  at  the  same  time,
    on  the  same  date,  I  sent  a  letter  to  Julius  Emspak,  in  which  I  informed
    him  of  the  expulsion  of  these  members  for  cause.

    Mr.  Rankin.  What  was  the  result  of  that  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  May  I  answer  that  ?

    The  Chairman.  Yes.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  On  February  5  we  received  a  telegram  from  Albert
    J.  Fitzgerald,  general  president,  UE-CIO,  addressed  to  Michael
    Berescik  and  Joe  Julianelle,  in  which  he  states :

    You  are  hereby  directed  to  cease  at  once  the  unconstitutional  expulsion  of
    members  of  local  203  and  to  withdraw  and  revoke  immediately  all  expulsions
    you  have  issued  in  violation  of  the  international  constitution  of  the  UE.  The
    international  office  of  this  union  has  taken  steps  this  morning  to  protect  the
    jobs  and  contract  rights  of  members  threatened  by  your  arbitrary  and  unconsti-
    tutional actions.

    I  might  add  this  reference  to  jobs  was  superflous  because  we  did
    not  then  and  we  do  not  now  intend  to  deprive  anybody  of  a  job.

    The  Chairman.  The  record  will  show  at  this  point  that  Mr.  Vail
    is  present.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Julianelle,  you  say  you  sent  the  26  letters?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  send  one  to  Julius  Emspak  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Not  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  expulsion,  but  a  letter
    addressed  to  him  informing  him  that  we  were  expelling  for  cause  the
    26  members  on  the  list  attached  to  the  letter.  I  want  to  emphasize,
    sir,  we  didn't  just  do  this  and  keep  quiet  about  it.  We  wanted  the
    international  to  know  we  had  expelled  these  people.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  didn't  also  ask  Mr.  Emspak  to  resign,  did  you?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  didn't  get  your  question.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  didn't  ask  Mr.  Emspak  to  resign  from  the  in-
    ternational office,  did  you?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  From  the — no;  we  did  not,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  received  the  telegram  from  the  inter-
    national office,  did  the  local  comply  with  the  request  of  the  interna-
    tional office?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  did  not,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Why  didn't  you  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Because  we  felt  we  had  been  elected  by  the  mem-
    bership of  our  local  and  had  been  ordered  to  do  a  certain  tiling  by  the
    membership  of  our  local,  and  we  took  the  position  we  would  be  guided
    by  the  will  and  the  wish  of  our  membership — solely  by  that.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Rankin.

    Mr.  Rankin.  The  15-minute  bell  has  rung.  I  am  going  to  have  to
    leave.     The  Bible  says,'"Watch  as  well  as  pray.'*  and  there  is  a  good

    150  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    deal  to  be  watched  on  the  floor  of  the  House  at  this  time.  But  there  is
    one  question  I  would  like  to  ask  the  witness

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Rankin.  If  I  may.

    The  Chairman.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Rankin.  It  was  stated  here  awhile  ago  the  international  or-
    ganization expelled  your  union  for  expelling  these  Communists ;  is  that
    right?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No.  They  tried  to  revoke  our  charter,  which  you
    might  say  is  expelling  the  local.

    Mr.  Rankin.  Now,  you  say  the  international  union.  Does  that
    mean  that  unions  in  other  countries  have  power  over  unions  in  this
    country  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  At  one  time  the  UE  was  called  a  national  union,
    but  they  have  organized  plants  in  Canada,  and  by  virtue  of  that  they
    call  themselves  now  an  international  union;  but  actually  the  member-
    ship of  the  UE  is  overwhelmingly  in  the  United  States  of  America.

    Mr.  Rankin.  I  see.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  have  several  thousand  members  in  Canada.

    Mr.  Rankin.  This  Communist  platform  of  this  woman  reads  like
    one  of  Kopplemann's  speeches  in  the  House.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  ask
    to  be  excused.

    The  Chairman.  I  am  sorry  to  see  you  go,  John.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Julianelle,  following  local  203's  refusal  to
    reinstate  the  expelled  members,  what  action  did  the  international
    union  take  against  the  local  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Boy,  oh  boy !  Plenty  of  it.  I  think  I  ought  to
    read  from  the  record  on  that,  though.  I  finished  by  saying  we  got
    this  telegram  on  February  5  and  needless  to  say,  we  didn't  ignore  the
    telegram.  Mike  and  I  called  in  the  rest  of  the  officers  and  we  said,
    "Here  you  are;  just  what  we  expected.    What  do  we  do?"

    The  answer — if  the  ladies  will  pardon  me — was,  "To  hell  with  the
    international.  We  have  taken  this  step  and  we  are  sticking  by  it" —
    and  we  did.

    I  may  appear  to  be  defiant  here,  but  this  is  only  because  I  feel  so
    strongly  against  communism  in  local  203  and  within  the  UE.  We
    have,  incidentally,  quite  a  number  of  my  fellow  members,  and  I  hope
    they  take  in  every  single  word  that  I  have  to  say  here  this  morning.
    But  what  happened  was  this

    Mr.  Stripling.  Just  a  moment.  You  mean  the  members  of  the
    international  union  are  present?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes ;  sure.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  care  to  name  them  for  the  record?

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  mean  of  the  local  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  international.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Of  the  international.

    The  Chairman.  No.  These  people  are  entitled  to  the  same  con-
    sideration as  others  in  the  audience.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  All  right.  Here  is  what  we  did.  We  got  this
    telegram  and  we  did  nothing  about  it.  Then  we  were  sitting  in
    session  at  an  executive  board  meeting.  This  was  on  February  10.
    While  we  were  in  session,  a  newspaper  reporter  called  me  up  and

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  151

    told  me  he  had  been  telephoned  by  a  representative  of  the  New  York
    Times  that  the  international  general  executive  board — and  a  member
    of  that  board  is  here  today — had  taken  action  to  revoke  the  charter
    of  local  203.  Now,  that  amazed  us  because  prior  to  that  bit  of  in-
    formation we  had  no  knowledge  whatsoever  that  the  international
    would  move  as  rapidly  and  as  arbitrarily  as  they  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  ordinarily,  under  regular  procedure,
    wouldn't  the  local  be  advised  that  such  action  was  being  considered
    by  the  international  executive  board?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  a  man  bv  the  name  of  John  Cornell,  who  is
    a  superior  court  judge,  ruled  just  that.    I  will  come  to  that  later.

    Mr.  Stripling.  All  right.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Then,  also  following  that,  I  got  a  telephone  call
    from  a  female  member  of  my  local,  who  told  me  they  were  distributing
    leaflets  at  the  factory  gates.  This  was  about  10 :  30.  The  leaflet,  of
    which  I  have  a  copy  here,  and  which  I  can  submit  for  evidence,  had
    this  statement,  pointing  out  that  the  charter  of  the  local  had  been  re-
    voked, the  international  was  taking  over  to  protect  the  interests  and
    privileges  of  members,  and  all  that  sort  of  stuff.  I  repeat,  we  had  no
    knowledge,  in  any  way.  It  all  hit  us  just  that  way.  Everything  had
    been  prearranged  carefully,  which  I  can  support  by  court  testimony.
    We  were  advised  of  that.  We,  of  course,  then  dismissed  the  regular
    order  of  business  that  we  were  engaged  in,  and  we  started  to  talk
    about  what  we  were  going  to  do.

    Well,  we  naturally  figured  the  first  step  that  would  be  taken,  at  9
    o'clock  the  next  morning,  would  be  for  the  international  to  try  to  seize
    the  lands  and  properties  of  local  203.  We  were  determined  then,  and
    we  are  determined  now,  that  that  wouldn't  and  will  not  happen.  So
    we  delegated  three  of  the  officers :  Michael  Berescik,  the  president ;
    Patrick  O'Boyle,  the  treasurer;  and  John  Buckle,  the  financial  secre-
    tary, to  be  down  at  the  bank  tire  first  thing  in  the  morning  and  with-
    draw funds  from  the  bank,  which-  amounted  to  several  thousands  of
    dollars.    May  I  proceed  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes;  go  right  ahead.  ^

    Mr.  Julianelle.1*  The  following  morning  just  that  happened.  I
    would  like  to  slip  over  that  because  I  think  Mr.  Berescik  is  going  to
    report  on  that — isn't  that  so,  Mr.  Russell?

    Mr.  Russell.  Yes.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Isn't  Mike  going  to  report  on  what  transpired  at
    the  bank,  and  all  that?     I  don't  want  to  duplicate  it.

    Mr.  Russell.  No.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Anyway,  they  went  down  to  the  bank  and  saw
    these  representatives  of  the  UE  talking  with  some  members  of  the  bank
    and  apparently  discussing  the  funds  of  the  local.

    Incidentally,  they  had  a  letter  from  Julius  Emspak,  a  sort  of  an
    order,  if  you  will,  requesting  the  transfer  of  funds  from  local  203  to
    the  international  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  say  they  had  a  letter.     Who  had  this  letter?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  This  group  from  the  international  union,  headed
    by  a  man  by  the  name  of  Albert  Smith.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  Albert  Smith,  personally?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  do  now,  sir;  we  didn't  then.

    152  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  Albert  Smith,  or  do  you  consider  him  to  be,  a
    Communist  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  think  we  have  enough  evidence  to  say  that  he
    is  a  Communist;  yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Go  right  ahead.

    Mr.  Julianelle/-So  Michael  Berescik,  who  knows  what  to  do,
    stepped  into  the  picture  immediately  and  protested  the  transfer  of
    funds  from  the  local  to  the  international  union.

    Then  there  was  this  talk  about  lawyers,  and  what  not.  Mike,  acting
    in  an  emergency  and  having  that  power  to  do  so,  as  president  of  the
    local,  immediately  engaged  counsel  a  man  by  the  name  of  James
    O'Connell,  in  Bridgeport.  As  a  result  of  his  efforts,  we  were  able  to
    withdraw  the  funds  and  the  international  had  to  go  back  to  their  office
    and  report  to  the  UE  in  New  York,  I  suppose,  that  they  had  failed
    to  accomplish  their  mission.  ~

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  they  make  any  effort  to  physically  take  the
    union  offices?
    .,  Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes.

    1  Now,  in  the  morning,  that  same  morning,  after  they  took  this  lick-
    ing at  the  bank,  Mr.  Smith  came  down  to  the  union  hall  to  try  to  force
    his  way  in.  The  object  was  to  throw  me  out  and  take  over  the  local —
    the  functions  and  the  administration  of  the  local.  In  the  meantime,
    the  legal  machinery  of  the  UE  was  at  work.  They  went  to  a  Judge
    Mellitz  and  they  sought  a  temporary  injunction  against  the  officers  of
    local  203  restraining  them  from  performing  their  duties.  Judge  Mel-
    litz refused  to  grant  the  temporary  injunction.  He  set  a  date  for  a
    hearing  2  days  later.  When  that  hearing  was  held,  we  find  that  Judge
    Mellitz  couldn't  serve  and  a  Judge  Cornell  took  his  place.

    Now,  to  support  what  I  said,  that  the  international  had  carefully
    prepared  the  revocation  of  charter  several  days  in  advance,  at  least
    several  days  in  advance  of  the  meeting  of  the  international  general  ex-
    ecutive board,  which  is  the  only  body  next  to  that  of  the  general  con-
    vention that  can  take  such  action,  I  present  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Ems-
    pak  himself — sworn  testimony,  included  in  a  copy  or  transcript  of
    those  proceedings — which  I  have  here.  This  is  the  local's  property.
    We  purchased  this.  The  question  asked  by  Mr.  O'Connell,  the  attor-
    ney for  local  203,  was :

    And  the  complaint  in  this  action  which  is  quite  a  voluminous  document —

    And,  believe  me,  it  was —

    is  mimeographed  and  is  dated  Bridgeport,  Conn.,  on  February  10,  1947.     This
    complaint — -

    He  is  asking  Mr.  Julius  Emspak  this  question —

    Mr.  Emspak,  was  drawn  up,  of  course,  after  the  meeting  of  the  executive  board,
    was  it  not?

    And  the  answer  was,  "No."
    Question  again :

    It  was  drawn  up  prior  to  the  meeting?

    The  answer:

    The  general  officers  prior  to  the  board  meeting  discussed  naturally  the  problem
    that  we  considered  we  had  here  in  Bridgeport  and  on  the  basis  of  the  discussions
    among  ourselves  and  the  recommendation  that  we  were  prepared  to  make  to  the
    executive  board,  we  requested  our  legal  department  to  draw  up  the  necessary
    papers.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  153

    Then  the  question  again  :

    When  did  you  have  that  conference?

    The  answer,  "Which  one?"
    Question :

    The  one  that  you  directed  your  legal  board  to  draw  up  these  papers.

    And  the  answer  was :

    Oh,  that  must  have  been  either  tiie  6th  or  7th,  somewhere  in  there.

    So,  it  is  clear  from  the  testimony  of  Julius  Emspak  himself  that
    the  three  officers  of  this  union:  Fitzgerald,  Matles,  and  Emspak,
    several  days  at  least  before  the  executive  board  met,  drew  up  the
    necessary  papers  which  were  required  to  revoke  the  charter  of  local
    20:5.  %Iay  I  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman?

    The  Chairman.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  would  like  to  continue  this  testimony  about  this
    preparation.  This  goes  on.  Mr.  Emspak  has  continued  to  be  ques-
    tioned here  by  attorney

    Mr.  Stripling.  One  point,  Mr.  Julianelle.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  As  to  the  status  of  the  26.  During  all  these  negoti-
    ations, they  were  still  considered  by  the  local  to  be  expelled  \

    M  r.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  international  considered  them  to  still  be  in  good
    standing,  is  that  true?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  true.  In  fact,  the  international  took  the
    step  of  telling  the  members  of  the  international  union  they  were  still
    members,  pending  whatever  decision  was  finally  arrived  at  for  the
    local.

    Now,  we  talked  about  a  pamphlet  that  was  distributed  at  10 :  30
    before  the  factory  gate,  to  cover  the  night  shift,  in  Bridgeport.  The
    question  is :

    And  this  pamphlet  likewise  was  prepared  before  the  general  executive  board
    convened  at  its  meeting  at  10  o'clock  on  Monday,  February  10,  wasn't  it?

    The  answer  was :

    Oh,  yes.     We  asked  the  publicity  department  to  prepare  that.

    May  I  continue?

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  tell  you,  Mr.  Julianelle,  I  think  it  would  be  well
    to  go  back  to  the  26.  I  think  the  committee  should  have  the  names
    of  the  26  and  why  they  were  expelled.  Do  you  have  a  list  of  the  26
    people  who  were  expelled '.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes;  we  have  a  list,  and  we  al*o  have  a  brief
    history  of  their  Communist  activities  in  the  local.  You  might  call
    it  a  case  history  on  all  the  26.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  the  information  concerning  the  Com-
    munist activity  of  the  26  who  were  expelled  was  obtained  by  members
    of  the  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  the  expulsion  letters  were  sent  out  based  upon
    the  evidence  and  information  which  the  officers  of  the  union  had  before
    them,  is  that  right  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes ;  that  is  true.

    154  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  would  you  like  for  the  26
    names  to  be  put  in  the  record  ?

    The  Chairman.  Yes ;  put  them  in.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  May  I  just  hand  them  to  you  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  want  them  read  ?

    The  Chairman.  Yes ;  let  him  read  them.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  the  first  one  is  Grace  Yuchnyk,  Raleigh
    Youngblood,  Caroline  Tangredi,  Paul  Balas,  Julia  Pietrowski,  Frank
    Peterson,  Hannah  Drucker,  Frank  Fazekas,  Cleopatra  Daniels,  Vin-
    cent Frazzetta,  Clinton  Brackett,  Cornelius  McGillicuddy,  Antoinette
    Santora,  Jacob  Goldring,  Harry  Novick,  Steve  Haschak,  Josephine
    Willard,  Oliver  Arsenault,  Mary  Riffon,  Clarence  Williams,  Louis
    Colafrancesco,  Ronald  Gay.  Henry  Walker,  Mary  (Helen)  Sluza,  and
    Michael  Morales.  He  is  one  of  them.  He  is  no  longer  employed  in
    the  plant  today.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  see  that  file  you  have  there  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman

    The  Chairman.  Just  a  minute.

    (File  handed  to  the  chairman.)

    The  Chairman.  These  are  the  case  histories  of  all  these  people,
    aren't  they?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Briefed,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  They  are  Communist  records  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  right.

    The  Chairman.  I  think  all  of  this  should  go  in  the  record.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes.  I  was  going  to  make  that  request.  That  will
    be  made  a  part  of  the  record.

    The  Chairman.  So  ordered.

    (The  data  referred  to  is  as  follows:)

    Grace  Yuchnyk

    Case  identical  to  that  of  Mary  Riffon.

    Was  a  steward  in  the  Radio  Bond  Street  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Grace  is  a  sister  of  Frank  Fazekas.  Her  husband  also  is  known  as  a  sympa-
    thizer of  communism.

    Cell  meetings  have  been  held  at  her  home  at  Yellow  Mill  Village.

    Her  husband  attended  local  203  meetings  and  voted  at  them  although  he  is
    not  a  member  of  local  203.

    During  the  strike  he  and  Vincent  Frazzetta  wanted  to  have  local  203  picket
    Poole's  office  at  the  Bridgeport  Housing  Authority.

    Raleigh  Youngblood

    An  active  and  militant  member  of  the  party.  Aggressive  and  determined  in
    his  promotion  of  the  Communist  philosophy,  Raleigh  is  a  staunch  supporter  of
    his  party  members  and  can  always  be  depended  on  for  any  work  assigned  him
    by  his  fellow  party  members.

    He  shows  definite  signs  of  Communist  Party  education  pertaining  to  public
    speaking  and  passionate  pleading  for  the  cause  which  he  advocates.

    He  was  a  keynote  speaker  against  referendum  pertaining  to  ousting  commies
    from  the  local.

    Caroline  Tangredi

    A  member  of  the  Communist  Party  for  many  years,  together  with  two  of  her
    daughters  by  separate  marriages.  Her  present  husband  is  also  a  member  of  the
    party  but  not  employed  in  General  Electric.

    In  addition  to  much  evidence  of  her  membership  in  the  party,  on  December
    12,  1946,  she  was  openly  accused  of  her  membership  in  the  party  by  Joe  Julianelle,
    present  business  agent  of  local  203  and  did  not  deny  it.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  155

    Caroline  was  a  steward  in  the  wiring  device  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Paxil  Balas

    An  active  supporter  of  the  Communist  Party  and  a  willing  worker  for  its
    members.  Has  voted  consistently  with  the  Reds  on  all  matters  supported  by
    them.  No  proof  has  been  secured  of  Paul's  actual  membership  in  the  party
    but  his  active  participation  in  Communist  affairs  brands  him  as  one.

    Julia  Pietrowski

    A  supporter  of  the  Communist  Party  members  and  the  doctrine  of  communism.
    Julia  has  lent  herself  completely  to  the  "cause."  She  is  most  expressive  both
    in  the  union  hall  and  in  public  places,  of  her  contempt  for  "decadent"  capitalism
    and  has  associated  freely  with  both  sexes  of  the  party  in  Bridgeport.  No  real
    evidence  exists  of  her  actual  membership  in  the  Communist  Party  but  her  actions
    and  expressions  would  indicate  complete  subservience  to  the  demands  of  the
    party  members.

    Frank  Peterson

    A  quiet  and  conservative  fellow,  Frank  is  nevertheless  active  in  party  circles
    and  a  consistent  supporter  of  the  Communists.  He  has  long  been  a  member  of
    the  party  and  can  always  be  depended  upon  for  the  utmost  support  by  the  Com-
    munist members  of  the  local.

    He  has  also  distributed  communistic  literature  at  the  General  Electric  plant
    and  speaks  freely  to  department  employees  of  communism.

    In  1944  or  1945  he  was  on  the  reception  committee  which  met  William  Foster
    during  his  visit  in  Bridgeport.  He  was  a  subscriber  and  solicitor  for  In  Fact,
    a  leftist  periodical.

    HANNAH   DRUCKER

    An  ardent  supporter  of  the  Communists  in  local  203.  She  has  voted  consistently
    their  way  and  has  been  a  willing  and  zealous  party  worker.  Though  no  evidence
    has  been  secured  of  her  actual  membership  in  the  party,  and  she  has  been
    extremely  careful  not  to  expose  herself,  there  is  no  question  as  to  where  her  sym-
    pathies or  loyalties  are.  She  is  more  than  a  "fellow  traveler."  She  is  a  devoted
    adherent  of  the  Communist  philosophy.

    Hannah  was  a  steward  in  the  Radio  Bond  Street  division  of  the  Bidgeport
    General  Electric  plant.

    Frank  Fazikas

    Admittedly  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  and  actively  engaged  in  every
    phase  of  Communist  endeavor  in  Bridgeport.  It  was  Fazekas  who,  as  a  member
    of  the  party  in  1943,  opened  the  door  while  business  agent  of  the  local  and  per-
    mitted the  Communists  to  seize  office  and  control  of  the  local.  A  tireless  worker
    for  the  local  before  his  .membership  into  the  party,  he  achieved  the  high  office  of
    business  agent  by  the  support  of  honest  union  members  who  found  this  way  of
    expressing  their  gratitude.  Completely  discredited  even  before  the  expiration  of
    his  single  term  of  office,  Fazekas  has  been  unable  to  hold  any  office  since.

    He  has  stated  he  is  president  of  the  Bridgeport  General  Electric  Communist  cell.

    Cleopatra  Danikls

    Is  a  colored  supporter  of  the  Communists  in  our  local.  Quiet  and  unobtrusive,
    she  has,  however,  consistently  upheld  the  position  of  the  party  members  ;ind  indi-
    cated in  every  other  way  her  preference  for  their  company  and  her  readiness  to
    comply  with  the  demands  of  the  party  members.

    Cleopatra  was  a  steward  in  the  wiring  device  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Vincent  FrAzzetta

    Most  active  and  expressive  in  his  support  of  the  doctrine  of  communism  and  of
    the  members  of  the  party,  Vincent  is  one  of  its  most  faithful  members,  a  tireless
    worker,  and  completely  subservient  to  the  Communist  "cause."  Although  no
    record  exists  of  Vincent's  admission  of  membership,  there  is  no  doubt  in  anyone's
    mind  but  that  he  is  a  member.

    He  is  a  steward  in  the  home  laundry  section  of  the  Bridgeort  General  Electric
    plant.

    156  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    During  the  WPA  days  he  worked  on  the  writer's  project  and  was  supposedly
    discharged  due  to  his  communistic  leanings  and  writings.  He  was  discharged
    for  2  or  3  weeks  and  later  replaced.

    He  spoke  before  the  Bridgeport  Civic  League  at  the  Stratfield  Hotel,  sent  there
    by  the  Communist  Party  to  speak  on  Communist  principles.

    Clinton  Brackett

    A  quiet  supporter  of  the  party.  Not  as  active  as  some  of  its  members  or
    fellow-travelers,  Clinton,  however,  can  always  be  depended  on  to  support  the
    Reds  in  whatever  undertaking  they  engage  in.  No  proof  exists  of  Clinton's  actual
    membership  in  the  party,  but  his  loyalty  to  its  principles  and  its  members  is
    unquestionable.

    He  constantly  brings  the  Daily  Worker  into  the  shop  and  has  a  habit  of  leaving
    copies  of  the  paper  in  the  most  obvious  places.

    Cornelius  McGillicuddy

    A  known  Communist,  together  with  his  wife  Rose,  Neil  has  admitted  his
    membership  in  the  party  in  open  local  203  membership  meetings.  A  former
    organizer  of  the  UE,  Neil  lias  been  used  by  the  party  in  any  capacity  they  wished.

    An  able  talker  and  an  educated  man,  his  fanaticism  has  turned  the  member-
    ship of  local  203  against  him  completely.

    Neil  was  a  steward  in  the  home-laundry  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    He  propositioned  Berescik  in  a  bar  on  Fairfield  Avenue,  in  1944  relative  to
    Communist  Party  affiliation  stating  that  Berescik  could  go  a  long  way  in  labor
    with  the  right  backing  (implying  Communist  Party  ties).

    Antoinette  San  tor  a

    Completely  at  the  mercy  of  the  party.  Her  activity  in  the  party  caused  her
    husband  to  desert  her  and  finally  divorce  her.  Antoinette  makes  a  pitiful  figure
    and  she  endeavors  to  maintain  some  semblance  of  neutrality  but  continues  to  be
    dominated  completely  by  the  Communists.  Actually  membership  in  the  party
    has  been  testified  to  by  her  husband  who  saw  her  membership  book  on  many
    occasions  and  protested  her  activity  in  the  party.

    Antoinette  was  a  steward  in  the  wiring-device  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Jacob  Goldring

    A  known  Communist  of  long  standing  and  up  until  recently  hard  at  work
    getting  subscriptions  for  the  Daily  Worker,  Jake  has  openly  admitted  his  mem-
    bership in  the  party  at  local  203  membership  meetings.

    Jake  is  an  indefatigable  worker  and  is  used  by  the  party  for  much  of  its
    hard  work  and  principally  in  the  preparation  and  distribution  of  leaflets.

    Unashamed  and  completely  a  party  member,  Jake  was  a  steward  in  the
    home-laundry  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General   Electric  plant.

    He  attended  Connecticut  State  College  about  1938  where  he  acted  rather  re-
    served and  only  associated  with  a  select  group  of  people  who  showed  leftist
    tendencies.

    He  was  removed  from  the  editorial  staff  of  the  Army  paper  Stars  and  Stripes
    for  putting  in  communistic  propaganda  some  of  which  was  copied  from  the  Daily
    Worker.

    Haery  Novick

    A  son  of  a  rabbi  and  loud  in  self-defense  of  repeated  accusations  made  because
    of  his  membership  in  the  Communist  Party.  Harry  is  one  of  the  most  militant
    fellow-travelers  we  have.  There  is  no  definite  tie  to  link  him  in  actual  mem-
    bership in  the  party,  but  no  doubt  whatsoever  as  to  his  beliefs.

    If  not  a  member  it  may  be  mainly  or  solely  because  of  the  position  his  father
    occupies  in  the  Jewish  synagogues.  Loud  and  arrogant,  completely  the  tool
    of  the  Reds,  Harry  is  both  a  formidable  foe  and  a  pitiful  figure.

    Harry  was  an  executive  board  member  of  our  local  by  virtue  of  his  position
    as  chief  shop  steward  of  the  radio  Bond  Street  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Harry  has  attended  Communist  meetings  and  has  also  invited  and  taken
    neighbors  of  his  from  Stratford  to  these  meetings.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  157

    Steve  Haschak

    A  simple  person  of  very  limited  intelligence  and  ability  but  an  ardent  supporter
    of  the  Communists  in  local  203.  There  is  little  doubt  of  his  actual  membership  in
    the  party  and  the  complete  control  unquestionable  party  members  have  over
    him.

    Steve  was  a  steward  in  the  home-laundry  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Before  and  after  working  hours  and  during  lunch  hours,  he  has  associated
    with  the  following  people:  Ronald  Gay,  Vincent  Frazzetta,  Frank  Peterson,  Jack
    Gohlring,  and  Neil  McGillicuddy.

    Josephine  Willakd

    Foreign  born  and  naturalized  in  1941  at  the  age  of  26,  Josephine,  together  with
    her  sister  Edith  and  brother  Ozzie,  have  been  members  of  the  party  for  a  long
    time.  Josephine  precipitated  the  whole  tight  between  the  Communists  and  the
    anti  by  persisting  to  run  for  the  position  of  chief  steward  in  her  section  and  so
    secure  a  seat  on  the  executive  board  of  local  203.

    Her  long  history  of  communism  as  an  active  worker  schooled  and  well-groomed
    to  take  the  fullest  possible  advantage  of  positions  she  was  elevated  to  in  local  203,
    Josephine  makes  a  formidable  foe  despite  her  sex  and  diminutive  size.

    Able  to  take  as  well  as  give  orders,  Josephine  wields  much  influence  in  party
    circles.  She  completely  dominated  Fred  Blycher,  business  agent  of  local  203
    during  1945  and  1040,  and  has  not  hesitated  to  use  her  wiles  as  a  female  whenever
    necessary.

    Josephine  was  an  exective  board  member  by  virtue  of  her  position  as  chief
    steward  of  the  automatic-blanket  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General  Electric  plant.

    <  )liver  Aksenault

    Ardent  supporter  of  Father  Coughlin's  Social  Justice  theory  from  1935  until
    his  interest  in  communism  sometime  in  1941.  Always  considered  himself  a  liberal
    and  associated  with  Communists  of  both  sexes  frequently  and  freely.  As  a
    member  of  the  Bridgeport  Board  of  Education  during  1943,  1944,  and  1945,  he  con-
    sistently supported  Bridgeport  Communists  in  their  applications  for  use  of  Bridge-
    port schools  for  public  demonstrations  and  mass  meetings.

    When  Browder  visited  Bridgeport  in  the  fall  of  1943,  Arsenault  was  a  com-
    panion speaker  with  Browder  and  was  entertained  by  the  Bridgeport  Communists
    before  and  after  the  rally,  khich  was  held  in  Rakoczi  Hall.  At  the  time  Arsenault
    was  president  of  local  203.  Because  of  his  close  association  with  the  Bridgeport
    Communists  and  particularly  because  of  his  appearance  with  Browder,  Arsenault
    was  defeated  in  the  elections  for  offices  during  the  year  1944  and  1945.

    There  is  ample  evidence  that  Arsenault  joined  the  party  in  1943.  At  the  close
    of  a  meeting  in  the  headquarters  of  local.  203,  sometime  during  the  early  part  of
    1944,  Arsenault  confessed  being  a  Communist  when  confronted  with  a  demand
    to  declare  himself.  This  confession  was  made  in  the  presence  of  Fred  and  Helen
    Mensch,  Ed  Rowan,  Walter  Clarke,  James  Clancy,  Jim  Shannon,  and  others.

    On  December  12,  1946,  no  denial  was  made  by  Arsenault  when  accused  of
    being  a  Communist  by  Joe  Julianelle,  present  housing  agent  of  local  203.  Arsen-
    ault's  whole  period  of  activity  since  1943  lias  been  one  of  support  for  the  Commu-
    nist cause.  There  is  indication  that  he  attended  Jefferson  School  in  New  York
    City  for  the  purposes  of  indoctrination  and  to  prepare  himself  for  a  role  of
    leadership  in  the  Communist  Party  of  Bridgeport.

    At  present  he  is  most  militant  in  his  support  of  the  international  union  and  in
    his  opposition  to  the  present  officers  of  local  203.

    Mary  Riffon

    Merely  a  tool  of  the  Reds.  There  is  little  doubt  of  Mary's  actual  membership
    in  the  party,  but  definite  proof  is  lacking.

    Mary  is  one  of  several  girls  completely  dominated  by  Josephine  Willard  and
    is  ready  to  render  any  service  to  the  Communists.

    Mary  was  a  steward  in  the  automatic-blanket  division  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Mary  is  a  friend  of  Helen  Sluza  and  they  have  talked  about  communism  and
    brought  Communist  literature  into  the  Riffon  home.

    65744 — 47 11

    158  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Clakence  Williams

    A  colored  member  of  our  local  and  a  member  of  the  board  of  trustees  during
    1946.  An  active  but  quietly  efficient  supporter  of  the  Communists  in  local  203.
    There  is  much  evidence  to  support  our  opinion  that  Clarence  is  a  member  of  the
    Communist  Party  and  actively  engaged  in  the  enrollment  of  others  of  his  race
    into  the  party.

    Clarence  recently  applied  for  membership  with  the  NAACP  and  was  denied
    because  of  his  most  apparent  Communist  leanings.

    LOUIS    COLAFRANCESCO

    Similar  to  Jacob  Goldring.

    Was  a  steward  in  the  radio  Bond  Street  section  of  the  General  Electric  Bridge-
    port plant.

    Louis  lives  with  Harry  Novick  and  attends  all  Communist  meetings  with  Harry.

    Ronald  Gay

    Self-admitted  member  of  the  party,  Ronald  had  consistently  supported  Com-
    munists in  our  local.

    Quiet  and  unobtsrusive,  Ronald  has,  nevertheless,  never  failed  the  party  and
    could  always  be  depended  upon  to  support  them  consistently  at  all  meetings  and
    at  all  affairs  conducted  by  the  party.

    Was  a  steward  in  the  home-laundry  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General  Electric
    plant.

    During  the  strike,  Ronald  Gay  was  associate  editor  of  the  strike  bulletin.

    He  was  also  president  of  the  Bridgeport  chapter  of  the  American  Youth  for
    Democracy,  an  admitted  Communist  organization.

    Henby  Walker

    Case  similar  to  that  of  Clinton  Brackett.

    Mary  (Helen)  Sluza

    Case  identical  to  that  of  Mary  Riffon.

    Was  a  steward  in  the  automatic-blanket  section  of  the  Bridgeport  General
    Electric  plant.

    Mary  lived  with  Josephine  Willard  and  is  her  most  ardent  supporter.

    She  has  carried  out  all  of  Josephine's  orders  at  meetings  and  in  the  shop.

    She  is  secretary  of  the  American  Youth  for  Democracy,  which  is  a  Communist
    organization.

    Michael  Morales

    Case  almost  identical  to  that  of  Clinton  Brackett.
    No  longer  employed  in  GE.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Julianelle.  will  you  continue,  giving  the  com-
    mittee a  picture  of  the  status,  as  it  is  now,  of  the  26  ?  In  other  words,
    has  the  union  taken  them  back?

    Mr.  Juilianelle.  Their  status  is  still  that  of  expelled  members.  I
    can  give  you  in  rapid  sequence  the  steps  taken  by  them  to  restore  them-
    selves in  good  membership  in  the  local,  if  you  want  me  to.

    The  Chairman.  Are  they  working  in  the  plant  now  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  They  are,  sir,  and  they  will  continue  to  work  as
    long  as  the  company  continues  to  employ  them.

    The  Chairman.  What  sort  of  positions  are  the  people  who  are
    known  Communists  holding  in  the  plant?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Ordinary  jobs.  Some  of  them  have  pretty  good
    jobs.  I  mean,  take  Josephine  Willard.  She  is  a  known  Communist,
    not  only  to  us,  but  to  management  as  well.  She  hasn't  suffered  at  all,
    because  during  this  period  of  expulsion  she  has  received  a  higher
    rated  job.  She  is  now  an  inspector  of  the  automatic  appliance  divi-
    sion, where  they  make  these  heated  blankets.     Actually,  therefore,  she

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  159

    has  improved  her  status  in  the  plant.     Certainly  that  doesn't  prove
    discrimination,  either  on  the  part  of  the  union  or  management.

    The  Chairman.  She  has  improved  her  position  since  it  came  out
    that  she  was  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  true,  sir;  but  I  cite.that  purely  as  a  coin-
    cidence. I  don't  think  management  did  it  just  to  show  they  were  un-
    biased. She  probably  merited  the  job,  you  see.  She  may  have  im-
    proved her  ability  in  the  department  and  received  this  promotion,  if
    you  will.
    The  Chairman.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Any  questions,  Mr.  Chairman,  at  this  time,  from
    the  members?

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Vail.
    Mr.  Vail.  No  questions.
    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  you  have  indicated  rather  generally  that  the  Com-
    munists! are  bad  for  your  local  union  and  you  believe  for  unions  gen-
    erally. I  would  like  for  you  to  be  a  little  more  specific  on  that  point
    and  indicate  to  the  committee,  by  answering  a  few  questions,  just  what
    Communists  do  in  a  local  union  that  you  can  cite  from  your  own  ex-
    perience you  think  in  terms  of  the  labor  movement  and  to  the  interest
    of  the  members  of  your  local  union.  In  the  first  place,  I  think  you
    indicated  the  Communist  attempt  to  use  the  union  for  other  purposes
    than  the  interest  of  the  members.  I  assume  you  mean  by  that  that
    they  attempted  to  use  the  union  for  political  purposes  which  do  not
    have  anything  to  do  with  wages,  hours,  or  working  conditions.
    Mr.  Jultanelle.  That  is  quite  true.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  first,  do  you  mean  that  an  attempt  is  made  or  was
    made  in  your  union  by  the  Communist  bloc  to  divert  union  funds  to
    Communist-front  organizations  ?
    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  has  been  done,  yes.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  have  any  experience  that  you  can  relate  to  the
    committee  in  that  particular  regard  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  within  the  local  I  would  have  to  check  the
    records  to  give  you  precise  information  as  to  the  motions  carried  at
    membership  meetings  for  donation  of  funds  to  Communist-front  or-
    ganizations. There  was  never  any  direct  contribution  of  funds  to
    the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  understand  that.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  But,  frankly.  I  am  not  prepared  to  give  to  that.
    I  can  submit  it  later,  after  checking  my  files.

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  committee  would  be  interested  in  that  information.
    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  will  see  that  you  get  it,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Where  any  union  funds  were  diverted  to  what  you  would
    consider  Communist -front  organizations.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  May  I  suggest,  Mr.  Nixon,  that  you  ask  the  presi-
    dent when  he  testifies.     Michael  Berescik  may  have  some  information.
    Mr.  Nixon.  Yes.

    Now,  in  addition  to  that,  the  Communist  bloc,  I  assume,  might  use
    the  union  for  the  purpose  of  furthering  political  causes  through  reso-
    lutions adopted  by  the  local  union.  Have  you  had  any  experience  in
    which  the  Communist  bloc  attempted  to  or  were  successful  in  getting
    the  local  union  to  adopt  a  resolution  that  had  something  to  do  with
    the  Communist  Party  line,  but  not  necessarily  something  to  do  with

    160  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    local  union  matters  in  which  members  were  interested  because  of  their
    working  conditions.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes.  While  the  Communists  were  in  power  in  our
    local — I  mean  by  virtue  of  the  positions  enjoyed  by  them  in  the  local
    and  also  because  of  the  ability  they  had  to  get  attendance  at  meetings
    of  supporters  of  their  philosophy — they  have  passed  many  resolutions,
    not  only  in  our  local,  but  in  all  locals  where  they  have  influence,  and
    these  resolutions  in  the  main  were  on  the  subjects  of  international
    relations

    Mr.  Nixon.  American  foreign  policy?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  American-Soviet  friendship — resolutions  of  that
    type.

    Of  course,  most  of  that  activity  was  carried  on  during  the  war  and
    the  period  just  preceding  the  war,  first  in  opposition  to  the  war  and
    then  during  the  war  in  support  of  American  policy  toward  Russia.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  brought  the  conflict  between  the  Communist  and
    anti-Communist  blocs  in  your  union  to  a  head?  I  understand  that
    controversy  came  to  a  head  in  February  of  this  year.  Was  that  a
    result  of  some  direct  action  the  Communist  bloc  had  attempted  to  take
    in  the  union  or  was  it  simply  a  struggle  for  power  between  two  groups
    of  people  in  the  union,  in  which  the  Communist  issue  was  brought  in  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  am  glad  you  mentioned  that,  Mr.  Nixon,  because
    that  is  the  kind  of  propaganda  the  Communists  use  and  it  sometimes
    defeats  the  purpose  of  an  anti-Communist  group.  The  assertion  is
    made,  whenever  the  Communists  are  being  attacked,  that  it  is  not  on
    the  issue  of  communism  at  all,  but  rather  it  is  one  of  power,  it  is  one
    of  influence,  that  the  opposing  group  merely  wants  to  take  over.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  may  I  interject  there?  I  am  aware  of  that  line
    which  you  suggested  being  used,  but  I  think  it  is  essential  in  this  hear-
    ing that  as  much  as  you  possibly  can  you  indicate  the  specific  facts  or
    actions  which  were  taken  by  the  Communist  bloc  which  you  feel  would
    tend  to  controvert  that  charge  which  has  been  made.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  these  people  were  members  of  the  party  ?

    Mr.  Nixon.  No.    The  charge  has  been  made  against  you.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  see.

    Mr.  Nixon  (continuing).  That  this  is  simply  a  fight  between  the
    two  groups,  to  see  who  is  going  to  take  over  the  union,  and  your  group
    did  a  little  Red-baiting  in  order  to  win.  I  assume  you  deny  that
    charge  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  charge  of  Red-baiting?

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  assume  you  deny  that  the  reason  you  are  bringing  in
    these  charges  that  the  other  members  of  the  union  are  Communists—
    (he  ones  you  are  attempting  to  defeat — is  because  you  want  to  maintain
    your  own  power  in  the  union  ?  I  assume  you  deny  that  all  this  amounts
    to  is  that  you  are  attempting  to  maintain  your  own  power  in  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Jltlianelle.  I  think  that  can  be  supported  by  the  fact  that  I  was
    the  business  agent  for  6  years  prior  to  this  new  term  of  mine,  having
    voluntarily  resigned  my  position  as  business  agent  then.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  what  were  some  of  the  things  the  Communist  bloc
    did  immediately  before  this  break  occurred?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  during  the  war  period,  for  example — I  must
    refer  to  that — various  committees  were  set  up  to  promote  production  of
    war  materiel.  Issues  were  raised  in  that  respect.  I  can  think  of  one
    that  caused  a  great  deal  of  controversy,  and  that  was  the  no-strike

    COMMUNISM    IX    LABOR   UNIONS  161

    pledge.  At  that  time  the  international  union  itself  went  all  out,  with
    other  CIO  unions,  in  pledging  themselves  to  no-strike  action,  because
    the  war  was  paramount.  Now,  it  might  sound  a  bit  unpat  riot  ic  for  me
    to  say  that  we  took  an  opposite  point  of  view.  We  were  just  as  willing
    to  make  sacrifices  to  promote  the  war  effort  and  provide  our  armed
    forces  with  the  implements  of  war  that  they  needed  to  win  it,  but  we
    were  equally  jealous  of  the  rights  of  organized  labor.  We  wanted  to
    make  sure  that  during  this  war  period  the  rights  and  privileges  of
    organized  labor  would  be  maintained.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  con-
    troversy on  that.  Then  there  were  other  issues  relative  to  friendship
    toward  Russia.  The  position  of  the  anti-Communist  group  was — well,
    let  me  call  them  non-Communists  at  that  time — they  weren't  as  mili-
    tant and  as  aggressive  as  they  later  became — that  it  was  well  to  be  a
    military  ally  of  Russia,  but  because  our  systems  of  government  and  the
    economy  of  both  countries  were  so  diametrically  different  and  opposed
    to  each  other  they  couldn't  possibly  conceive  of  a  close  friendship  be-
    tween the  two  nations  once  the  war  ended.

    Precisely,  too,  there  were  resolutions  presented  by  the  non-Com-
    munist group  opposed  to  the  editorial  policy  of  the  local's  newspaper,
    called  On-the-Beam.  The  editor  of  that  is  the  business  agent,  but
    the  person  who  actually  got  the  paper  out  was  Josephine  Willard.
    We  distributed  a  leaflet  here  on  her.  In  that  paper,  editorials  were
    put  in  and  statements  made  that  the  non-Communist  group  opposed
    and  tried  to  prevent.  We  also  had  an  open  solicitation  of  members
    of  our  local  to  join  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  When  did  that  occur?

    Mr.  Jclianelle.  During  this  period  I  am  talking  about:  During
    the  war  and  right  after  the  war.

    Mr.  Xixox.  Right  after  the  war?

    Mr.  JrxiANELLE.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now.  when  you  speak  of  open  solicitation  of  }rour
    members,  how  did  they  go  about  that  ?

    Mr.  Juliaxelle.  They  would  talk  to  them  within  the  departments
    and  talk  to  them  at  their  homes.  I  believe  Mr.  Berescik  will  testify
    that  he  himself  was  approached,  and  so  was  I.  on  several  occasions
    to  join  the  party.  In  each  case  we  were  given,  well,  let  us  call  it  the
    argument  that  if  we  joined  the  party  we  could  go  far  higher

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  the  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  And  much  further  in  the  union — and  the  inter-
    national union  they  meant — than  we  could  by  maintaining  a  position
    of  opposition  against  communism.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Did  they  mean  to  indicate  that  it  was  almost  essential
    for  a  man  to  follow  the  Communist  line,  in  order  to  go  high  in  the
    international  union?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  was  indicated;  yes.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  have  indicated,  too,  when  the  Communists  take
    over  a  union  they  do  not  work  for  the  interests  of  the  members — that
    is,  for  improving  wages,  hours,  and  working  conditions,  except  when
    such  work  is  incidental  to.  or  following  the  Communist  line  at  the
    particular  time.  Do  you  have  any  illustration  of  that  point?
    _  Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  may  I  say  this  to  illustrate  my  point,  that
    since  we  have  taken  over,  in  January,  January  the  1st  of  this  year,
    we  have  handled  and  settled  more  grievances  between  the  local  and
    management  and  we  have  more  money  in  the  bank  today  than  the

    162  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    local  ever  had  during  the  administration  of  the  local  by  the  Com-
    munists and  fellow  travelers.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  mean  that  in  the  settling  of  grievances  where
    Communists  are  in  control  they  are  not  as  interested  in  the  settling  of
    the  grievances  as  in  stirring  up  difficulties  and  in  aggravating  them?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  wouldn't  say  that,  sir,  but  they  attach  a  political
    significance  to  a  grievance.  It  depends  upon  what  type  you  have.
    For  example,  we  had  one  recently  where  we  negotiated  an  increase  for
    about  200  of  our  toolmakers  out  of  a  total  of  about  315.  Now,  the
    Communist  group  would  have  looked  upon  that  from  a  political  point
    of  view.  By  doing  that  they  would  have  felt  that  the  toolmakers  were
    indebted  to  them,  that  they  had  negotiated  this  grievance,  had  secured
    the  increase,  therefore  there  was  an  indebtedness  to  them.  We  just
    settled  the  grievance  and  dismissed  it  a.s  an  ordinary  part  of  our  job.

    Further  than  that,  we  know,  since  we  checked  the  records  back,  we
    find  that  some  of  the  grievances  were  mislaid  in  the  union  office.

    These  grievances,  by  the  way,  pertain  to  members  of  our  group,  the
    anti-Communist  group.  So  you  see  how  selective  they  are.  If  they
    get  a  grievance  they  find  out  who  the  individual  is,  i.s  he  for  you  or
    against  you.  They  attach  importance  of  that  kind  to  it.  We  make  no
    distinction  whatsoever.

    Let  me  tell  you  that  in  the  case  of  Roily  Youngblood.  one  of  the
    boys  that  is  a  known  Communist  supporter,  we  are  still  handling  the
    grievance  concerning  him.  He  is  one  of  the  expelled  members.  I  bring
    that  out  purely  to  illustrate  that  even  though  we  are  opposed  to  them
    politically,  if  they  have  a  problem  within  their  job  we  will  handle  it
    for  them  to  the  best  of  our  ability.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  have  any  examples  of  where  the  Communist
    bloc  or  leadership  in  the  union  has  deliberately  stirred  up  trouble  in
    the  union  or  aggravated  a  grievance  situation  rather  than  worked
    toward  its  settlement?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  couldn't  say  that  precisely  as  a  general  statement,
    Mr.  Nixon,  but  I  can  say  this,  that  in  many  instances  the  records  of
    our  local  union  will  show  where  an  adjustment  could  have  been  arrived
    at,  the  steward,  who  might  have  been  a  Communist  or  a  supporter,
    upon  the  advice  of  the  local  union,  at  that  time  business  agent  Fazekas,
    and  then  Blycher,  instructed  the  membership  not  to  accept  the  settle-
    ment, that  they  could  get  far  more.  We  believe  that  by  doing  that
    they  did  stir  up  discontent  within  the  departments  against  management.

    The  records  also  show  that  by  taking  such  action  they  did  not  achieve
    more.  The  records  show  that  they  got  no  more  in  the  end.  They
    achieved  one  thing,  however,  that  of  making  the  employees  involved
    feel  that  they  were  the  aggressive  ones,  the  ones  that  were  fighting  for
    them  to  get  more  than  the  management  had  first  offered,  and  that
    management  was  to  blame  in  not  giving  them  what  the  union  wanted
    for  them.

    We  don't  call  that  true  collective  bargaining.

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  other  words,  where  the  Communists  handle  a  oriev-
    ance,  or  any  kind  of  difficulty  between  the  union  and  management,  they
    make  a  great  deal  of  it  from  a  political  standpoint?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  They  certainly  do.

    Mr.  Nixon.  They  adopt  a  very  aggressive  and  belligerent  attitude
    and  are  more  interested  in  convincing  all  parties  concerned  that  they

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  163

    are,  shall  we  say,  fighting  for  the  cause  of  the  laboring  man,  than  in
    actually  working  for  his  best  interests  and  settling  the  dispute  in  his
    interest?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  true,  sir,  and  building  up,  mind  you,  in  the
    mind  of  the  employee,  a  feeling  against  management,  which  represents
    capital.     In  other  words,  "See,  that  is  management  for  you."

    Mr.  Nixon.  Don't  you  think  that  is  a  good  idea,  as  a  trade-union
    man  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No ;  I  do  not.  A  company  is  a  part  of  the  Ameri-
    can institution.  We  believe  in  capital.  That  is,  I  do.  I  believe  that
    capital  has  a  place  in  the  American  economy.  We  as  a  labor  union  will
    endeavor  to  secure  for  the  members  of  our  union  the  highest  possible
    wages  and  the  best  possible  working  conditions,  but  we  do  not  seek  the
    distribution  of  capital.

    I  don't  want  to  make  a  speech,  sir,  but  I  want  to  state  that  emphati-
    cally. The  Communist,  however,  seeks,  above  all  things,  the  distribu-
    tion of  capital,  as  is  well  known  to  all  of  us.

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  would  like  to  ask  a  few  questions  about  the  inter-
    national operation  of  your  union  and  the  methods  used  by  the  Com-
    munist bloc.

    In  the  first  place,  the  great  majority  of  the  members  of  your  local  are,
    shall  we  say,  non-Communist?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  They  certainly  are,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  percentage  of  the  total  membership  of  the  union
    would  you  say  was  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  an  indication  of  that  was  a  vote  taken  last
    Sunday  at  a  membership  meeting  where  a  report  of  the  district  council
    recommending  to  the  local  the  reinstatement  of  these  people  was  placed
    before  the  membership.     They  only  had  74  votes.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Out  of  how  many  ?

    Mr.  Juilanelle.  Out  of  a  total  membership  of  close  to  6,000.

    The  Chairman.  Out  of  how  many  votes?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Each  member  has  a  vote,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  Did  they  all  vote  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes.     They  had  74  votes.

    The  Chairman.  How  many  of  the  6,000  voted  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  had,  let's  say,  about  550  members — we  don't
    bother  counting  because  we  don't  have  a  roll  call — we  had  between
    five  and  six  hundred  members  present,  and  only  75, 1  think  it  was,  were
    supporters  of  the  Communists  that  were  expelled.

    Mr.  Nixon.  There  are  6,000  members  of  your  union.  How  many  of
    those  6,000  members,  in  your  best  estimate,  would  you  say  are  members
    of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  the  actual  membership,  from  what  we  know,
    by  open  declaration  on  their  part,  and  as  contained  in  this  report,  and
    other  evidences,  admissions  elsewhere,  thev  have  been  seen  going  to
    Communist  meetings,  and  all  that.  I  would  say  roughly  between  50
    and  60.  We  only  expelled  26,  by  the  way.  About  50  or  60  members
    of  the  party  we  believe  in  our  local.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  approximately  1  percent  of  the  total  member-
    ship ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  It  is  very  small,  sir.

    164  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Nixon.  Yet  with  1  percent  of  the  total  membership  of  the  local
    they  were  able  to  exert  almost  complete  control  over  the  union  at  one
    time,  were  they  not  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  true,  and  I  can  explain  why,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Why?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Because,  sir,  a  Communist  is  an  exceedingly  active
    person.

    Mr.  Nixon.  On  that  score,  you  mean  to  say  that  the  average  union
    member  is  not  particularly  active?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  He  is  not,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  It  is  hard  to  create  interest  in  internal  union  politics?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  quite  true,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  average  member,  who  is  a  good  American,
    who  loves  his  wife,  family,  and  friends,  believes  in  putting  in  an
    honest  day's  work  and  going  home  and  staying  with  his  family.  It  is
    difficult  for  him  to  come  to  a  meeting.

    Another  reason,  too,  is  that  once  he  has  elected  to  office  men  and
    women  whom  he  has  confidence  in,  he  feels  that  they  will  take  care
    of  the  union  for  him.  It  is  only  when  we  have  an  issue  like  the  one
    we  have  in  local  203  where  you  can  really  do  a  job.  When  I  said  we
    had  1,300  members  at  the  Warren  Harding  High  School,  that  was  the
    largest  membership  of  any  meeting  we  ever  held  in  local  203,  even
    surpassing  that  when  we  were  given  an  increase  by  the  company  and
    the  vote  was  to  accept  or  reject.  You  would  think  that  at  a  meeting
    like  that  most  of  the  members  would  come  out.

    Now,  the  Communist,  however,  we  believe,  because  he  is  directed
    to  do  so,  but  primarily  also  because  he  has  dedicated  himself  to  a
    cause,  some  of  them  are  quite  fanatical  in  their  belief  of  communism —
    by  the  way,  we  have  had  personal  experiences  with  some  of  these
    Reds — they  will  attend  meetings  no  matter  what  happens,  they  will
    set  everything  aside,  they  will  be  there,  if  they  are  members  of  the
    executive  board  they  will  be  at  those  meetings,  if  they  are  members  of
    the  committees  they  will  be  at  those  meetings,  and  they  will  be  at
    meetings  of  the  general  membership  whenever  directed  to  do  so.

    In  addition  to  that,  I  must  admit  that  they  are  quite  learned  in
    the  ways  of  union  matters

    Mr.  Nixon.  Parliamentary  procedure?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Parliamentary  procedure.

    They  also  know  when  elections  take  place,  they  make  sure  they
    study  up  on  the  constitution  and  by-laws  of  the  local.

    And  all  that  would  lead  someone  to  believe  that  they  have  got  a
    good  trade  unionist,  here  is  a  man  who  knows  the  union,  knows  the
    functions,  he  attends  the  meetings,  they  have  got  a  good  union  man
    there,  and  that  is  what  they  keep  harping  on,  that  they  are  good
    trade  unionists.

    However,  the  experience  of  unionists  like  myself  has  been  that  they
    do  this  for  an  ulterior  purpose,  they  do  this  to  achieve  control  of
    the  union  and  then  to  run  it,  we  choose  to  believe,  for  the  Communist
    Party  of  the  United  States.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Then,  do  you  have  any  specific  example  that  you  could
    give  this  committee  of  how  a  resolution  was  passed,  or  an  election  con-
    ducted, or  a  meeting  conducted,  in  which  these  tactics  which  you  have
    generally  described,  were  used  ?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  165

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  have  an  excellent  one,  Mr.  Nixon.

    While  we  were  campaigning  for  the  election  of  our  slate,  we  agreed
    it  would  be  a  good  thing  to  have  a  referendum  vote  on  the  question  of
    whether  a  Communist  should  be  permitted  to  be  an  officer.  Not  a  mem-
    ber, but  an  officer  of  local  208.  We  thought  there  would  be  no  objec-
    tion to  a  thing  like  that.  We  were  proposing  something  which  we
    thought  the  Communists  themselves  should  be  willing  to  do,  to  settle
    the  issue  in  local  203  once  and  for  all.  So  at  a  membership  meeting
    called  for  that  express  purpose,  a  special  meeting  for  the  purpose  of
    deciding  whether  we  would  have  a  referendum  vote  on  the  question  as
    I  have  illustrated,  the  Communists  did  a  terrifically  good  job  of  coming
    down  with  their  supporters  and  beating  down  the  motion  for  a  refer-
    endum vote.

    Prior  to  a  meeting  of  the  membership  it  is  well  known,  we  have
    plenty  of  evidence,  that  the  Communists,  with  their  supporters,  meet
    at  homes,  and  other  meeting  places,  and  they  delegate  to  themselves
    certain  tasks — you  make  a  motion,  you  second  it,  you  raise  the  question,
    you  do  this  and  you  do  that.  Everybody  is  instructed  just  what  to
    do  when  they  attend  these  meetings.  We  have  any  number  of  examples
    of  that.  I  am  not  prepared  to  give  you  names  and  dates  now,  but  I
    can  submit  that  kind  of  evidence.

    But  I  give  you  the  illustration  there.  We  wanted  to  settle  the  issue
    within  our  own  local  once  and  for  all,  have  a  referendum  vote  on  this,
    and  decide  the  question.

    They  came  to  the  meeting  and  they  were  able  to  muster  up  enough
    of  their  supporters  to  beat  down  the  motion.  So  as  the  result  we
    didn't  have  a  referendum  vote  on  the  question.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Didn't  you  have  some  of  your  own  people  there?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  we  did,  but,  incidentally,  that  served  to  bring
    out  to  the  members  who  were  opposed  to  communism  what  could  hap-
    pen when  they  don't  come  to  meetings.  We  went  around  and  told
    our  people,  come  down  to  the  hall  Sunday  because  we  are  going  to
    have  this  vote,  and  we  want  this  referendum  vote.  It  was  at  the  time
    of  the  election  of  officers,  and  we  felt  there  would  be  no  extra  expense
    to  the  local.  We  had  the  election  machines  set  up  in  the  plant.  We
    thought  that  as  they  voted  for  the  officers  they  could  reach  over  and
    pull  another  lever  and  vote  yes  or  no  on  this  question.  We  urged  them
    to  come  down.

    Mr.  Nixox.  And  they  out-voted  you  at  the  meeting?

    Mr.  Jfltanfxle.  They  did.  But  let  me  say  that  later  it  was  revealed
    that  some  of  the  members  present  were  not  members  of  the  local.  As
    a  result  of  that  we  then  issued  a  membership  card.  We  now  hold  closed
    meetings  of  the  local.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Those  members  present  that  were  not  members  of  the
    local,  which  way  did  they  vote?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  They  voted  for  the  Communists,  of  course.

    We  also  discovered  that  they  used  cars  to  pick  up  the  people  and
    take  them  to  the  union  hall — which  taught  us  something,,  too,  and
    maybe  we  will  use  cars  when  we  have  to.

    But  those  are  the  tactics  used  by  them  to  insure  support  for  what
    they  want.  By  those  tactics  they  achieve  and  put  through  resolutions
    and  motions  which  give  them  virtual  control,  even  though  their  mem-
    bership is  exceedingly  small.

    166  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Nixon.  Another  method  that  is  used,  I  take  it  from  something
    you  have  said  here,  is  to  take  over  the  publication  of  the  union;  is
    that  true  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  They  did  in  our  case,  sir.

    Air.  Nixon.  How  did  they  do  that  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  If  they  have  a  business  agent  and  they  have  a
    president  who  are  party  members  or  fellow-travelers  it  is  exceedingly
    simple,  sir,  because  the  business  agent  of  each  local  union  is  generally
    the  editor  of  the  local's  paper.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  happens  to  the  paper  when  they  take  it  over  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  business  agent  is  a  very  busy  man  and  he  gen-
    erally has  little  to  do  with  the  paper  except  to  review  it  before  it  is
    brought  to  press.  So  he  usually  assigns  someone  to  the  task  of  pre-
    jDaring  the  news  for  his  paper.  If  it  falls  into  the  hands  of  a  woman
    like  Josephine  Willard  you  can  well  realize  what  happens  to  it.

    We  have  copies  of  On  the  Beam  which  I  could  submit  to  the  com-
    mittee wherein  resolutions  are  made — and,  incidentally,  they  did  an
    exceptionally  good  job  for  the  Communist  Party  during  the  strike
    last  year.  They  succeeded  in  getting  themselves  on  all  of  the  com-
    mittees and  they  had  a  real  field  day  then.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Who  controls  the  policy  of  the  union  paper  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  the  local  is  supposed  to  control  the  policies
    through  its  business  agent.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Through  its  business  agent?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  And  the  editor  of  the  paper  more  or  less  is  responsible
    to  the  business  agent  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Oh,  yes,  he  is,  and  the  business  agent  in  turn  is
    responsible  to  the  membership.

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  only  way  the  membership  can  affect  the  policy  of
    the  paper  is  to  change  its  business  agent  or  the  editor?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No,  a  member  can  bring  up  a  point  at  a  mem-
    bership meeting,  and  if  he  has  enough  support  on  it  they  can  order  the
    business  agent  to  alter  some  comment  made  in  the  paper.  But  then
    there,  too,  he  has  got  to  have  enough  support  to  put  through  the  change
    of  that  kind,  and  it  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  do  that  when  you  have
    a  business  agent  who  is  either  a  Communist  or  a  pro-Communist.

    Mr.  Nixon.  There  is  one  other  method  that  I  would  like  for  you
    to  discuss  briefly.

    Have  you  noted  any  attempt  by  the  Communist  bloc  to  discredit
    their  opposition  in  the  union  leadership  through  false  charges?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Mr.  Russell  has  ample  evidence  of  that  which  I
    have  submitted.  I  have  submitted  many  leaflets  that  were  distributed
    prior  to  the  campaign  and  following  the  campaign  by  these  members
    of  the  Communist  Party  and  by  the  international  union.  We  are
    "finks,"  we  are  "stooges,"  we  are  "Red  baiters,"  and  my  presence  here
    today  brands  me  as  a  traitor  to  the  cause  of  organized  labor.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  those  are  all  fairly  generally  name-calling  terms.
    Have  you  any  evidence  of  where  the  Communist  bloc  has  accused  any
    member  of  your  group  falsely  of  some  specific  act,  either  a  criminal
    act  or  an  act  which  is  looked  upon  as  being  immoral  in  the  eyes  of
    people  generally  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  have  heard  of  cases  where  that  has  been  done,
    although  in  local  203  they  -haven't  done  so,  either  because  of  the  high

    COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS  167

    moral  character  of  the  present  officers  of  local  203,  or  because  of  lack
    of  evidence  or  proof.     They  haven't  done  so  in  our  case,  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  But  there  are  cases  in  which  that  particular  method
    has  been  used  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir;  we  know  of  cases  where  it  has  been  used,
    but  in  local  203  it  has  not  been  used.

    Mr.  Nixon,  will  you  please  let  me  amend  that:  Not  in  local  203  as
    to  the  present  slate  of  officers.  I  would  have  to  check  back  during  the
    years  1943,  1944,  and  1945  to  see  whether  it  was  done  against  the  non-
    Communists  of  that  time.     I  am  not  sure.

    Mr.  Nixon.  A  high  official  in  the  Communist  Party  has  made  the
    statement  that  with  5  percent  of  a  union  being  either  Communist  or
    fellow-travelers,  the  Communists  can  take  over  the  control  of  the
    union.  From  what  you  have  indicated  here  today,  even  1  percent  of
    the  membership  was  Communist  and  they  were  successful  in  taking
    over  the  control  of  that  union.  From  what  you  have  stated,  then,  do
    you  mean  to  indicate  that  if  you  have  a  group  of  hard-working  people,
    as  you  had  in  your  union,  that  as  small  a  percentage  as  that  may  be
    effective  in  a  union  for  taking  over  control  of  it  by  the  Communist
    bloc?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  quite  true,  because  our  case  is  an  example
    of  that.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  would  like  to  ask  the  witness,  after  it  became
    known  in  Bridgeport  that  you  were  opposing  Communists  in  the
    United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  were
    you  subject  to  the  usual  and  customary  threats,  aspersions,  and  all
    that  sort  of  thing?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.  As  I  said  before,  Mr.  Russell  has  in
    his  hands  now  plenty  of  evidence  to  that  effect  in  the  form  of  leaflets.
    The  radio  talks,  of  course,  we  haven't  got  transcribed  records  of  those,
    but  there  Avere  radio  talks  against  us.

    This  Mr.  Smith  that  I  mentioned  before  went  on  the  radio  and
    publicly  stated  to  the  citizens  of  Bridgeport  that  Joe  Julianelle  was
    a  sell-out  and  a  company  stooge,  the  only  reason  for  his  return  to  the
    local  was  to  sell  out  the  local  in  Bridgeport,  GE.

    And  they  do  a  good  job  with  an  amplifying  system.  They  have
    corner  meetings.  They  came  into  my  area  2  weeks  ago,  only  a  block
    awav  from  my  home,  and  they  did  a  swell  job  on  me.

    Mr.  Nixon.  May  I  ask  one  question  right  there?

    Mr.  McDowell.  Just  let  me  finish  this.

    I  am  familiar  with  all  of  that  as  I  have  in  my  country  a  United
    Electrical  union  of  22,000  membership.  I  am  very  familiar  with
    the  sound  trucks,  the  radio  speakers,  and  so  forth.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  see,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  May  I  ask.  who  paid  for  this  radio  talk?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  international  union  did.  The  international
    union.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Are  you  sure  of  that?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Absolutely,  sir.  That  was  testified  to,  and  it  is
    in  the  record  here — by  Mr.  Smith.  He  was  asked  by  the  attorney,
    who  is  paying  for  all  this,  and  his  answer,  after  a  lot  of  hedging,
    was.  well,  he  was  an  international  representative.

    168  COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  McDowell.  Were  you  ever  called  a  Fascist  of  Fascist-minded
    because  of  your  activities?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Not  yet,  but  T  am  waiting  for  that  charge,  because
    I  am  sure  they  are  going  to  use  it  very  soon.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  can  be  very  sure  it  will  come.

    You  were  speaking  of  the  publication  of  your  union.  Do  you  ever
    read  the  publication  of  any  other  United  Electrical  union  \

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes;  we  do.

    Mr.  McDowell.  One  published  say,  in  Pittsburgh  or  New  York?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  do,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Has  it  struck  you  that  they  are  generally  very
    similar,  that  outside  of  a  little  bit  of  local  news,  that  the  cartoons
    are  usually  the  same,  they  change  the  bylines,  they  change  the  head-
    lines, but  have  you  noticed  that  otherwise  they  are  very  similar?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  We  remarked  on  that  yesterday  when  we  caught
    sight  of  a  pamphlet  that  was  distributed  here  yesterday  by  the  food
    and  tobacco  workers.  We  found  that  the  drawings,  the  cartoons,
    were  exactly  the  same  as  we  have  in  the  UE  News.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Has  it  ever  struck  you  that  there  was  a  great  simi-
    larity between  these  united  electrical  publications  and  the  Daily
    Worker?     Do  you  ever  see  the  Daily  Worker?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No;  I  frankly  haven't.  At  one  time  I  was  com-
    pelled to  see  it  because  I  used  to  receive  it  every  day,  and  I  had  a  hell
    of  a  time  getting  free  of  it,  but  I  did,  and  I  resolved  then  that  I  wanted
    nothing  to  do  with  it  any  more.  I  think  that  was  unwise.  I  think
    I  should  read  the  Daily  Worker  to  keep  abreast  of  what  the  Commies
    are  going  to  do  next.

    Mr.  McDowell.  As  a  labor  leader,  I  recommend  that  you  read  the
    Daily  Worker.  I  read  it  every  morning.  It  is  just  like  coffee  to  me.
    I  couldn't  do  without  it.  I  urge  you  to  familiarize  yourself  with  the
    Daily  Worker.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  will  make  sure  I  do  that.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  would  like  to  ask  you  this:  Congress  recently
    passed  a  so-called  labor  law.  It  is  sometimes  called  the  Hartley-Taft
    labor  bill.  This  bill,  when  it  was  finally  written  and  presented  to  the
    Congress  in  both  Houses,  was  dubbed  by  the  Daily  Worker,  the  Com-
    munist newspaper,  as  a  "slave  labor  law."

    Is  it  your  opinion  that  the  United  States  Congress  is  attempting  to
    rnslave  the  workers  of  America  because  they  are  unionized?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Of  course  not,  sir.  My  opinion  is  that  the  bill
    is  a  bad  bill,  that  it  restrains  the  members  of  organized  labor  to  an
    extent  where  it  is  going  to  hamper  the  organizational  attempts  of
    unions.  We  believe  that  time  will  prove  to  Congress  that  the  bill  was  a
    bad  bill.  We  hope  that  the  Members  of  Congress  will  see  fit  to  amend
    it  as  times  goes  on.  But  let  me  say  quite  clearly  and  definitely  that
    it  is  my  own  honest  opinion  that  the  propaganda  against  the  bill  as
    a  slave-labor  bill  was  not  justified  at  all.  It  is  a  bad  bill  but  certain
    unions  will  continue  to  function  under  the  Labor-Management  Rela-
    ■  tions  Act  of  1947,  with  many  limitations,  true,  but  organized  labor
    will  still  continue  to  function.  We  hope  that  as  we  point  out  the  de-
    ficiencies in  the  bill  to  Members  of  Congress  like  you  gentlemen,  and
    as  time  goes  on,  that  you  will  see  fit  to  recognize  the  injustices  against
    us  within  the  bill  and  make  the  proper  amendments.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  169

    I  want  to  say,  though,  that  in  local  203  we  carried  on  an  extensive
    and  vigorous  campaign  against  the  bill.  Not  against  the  entire  bill,
    but  against  provisions  within  the  bill  which  we  thought  were  injurious
    to  members  of  unions.  Right  after  the  bill  was  made  law,  the  execu-
    tive board  issued  a  statement — and  we  were  taken  to  task  for  it  by  the
    international,  by  the  way — but  we  issued  a  statement  to  the  effect  that
    we  resisted  the  passage  of  this  bill  because  we  thought  it  would  be  a
    bad  bill  for  members  of  organized  labor,  but  today  this  bill  is  law,
    we  will,  therefore,  comply  with  the  provisions  of  this  law,  reserving
    to  ourselves  the  right,  as  citizens,  to  bring  to  the  attention  of  Congress
    parts  of  the  bill  which  we  believe  should  be  amended  or  repealed.

    We  went  further  and  we  ordered  the  officers  of  local  203  to  submit
    immediately  to  the  National  Labor  Relations  Board  sworn  affidavits,
    as  required  by  section  i)  (h)  of  the  new  act.  Those  affidavits,  by  the
    way,  are  in  my  possession  now,  and  I  intend  to  place  them  in  the  hands
    of  the  National  Labor  Relations  Board  before  we  leave  today.  I
    don't  know  whether  we  are  the  first  union  to  do  that,  but  if  we  are
    we  hope  it  will  serve  as  an  example  to  other  unions  to  do  it  soon.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Chairman,  of  course,  I  disagree  with  the  wit-
    ness; I  think  it  is  a  good  bill.  Nevertheless,  I  want  to  compliment
    this  gentleman  for  making  a  very  fine  American  statement.  He  op-
    poses the  bill.  Nevertheless,  he  has  made  a  very  fine,  patriotic  state-
    ment of  opposition.     I  wish  you  well  in  your  endeavors.

    That  is  all.  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Julianelle,  in  reply  to  a  question  by  Mr.
    !Nixon.  you  said  that  you  had  been  called  a  ''traitor'''  because  of  your
    decision  to  appear  here  today.     Are  you  under  subpena?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  am.  sir.

    The  Chairman.  Who  called  you  a  "traitor"?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  the  best  answer  to  that  is  to  refer  to  a  reso-
    lution passed  by  district  council  No.  2  last  Saturday.

    The  Chairman.  What  is  district  council  No.  2  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  District  council  No.  2  is  the  district  comprising
    the  New  England  States  and  of  which  we  are  a  part,  local  203  is  a  part
    of  that  district.

    The  Chairman.  And  district  council  No.  2  is  a  part  of  the  inter-
    national (

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.  There  are  11  or  12  districts  in  the
    United  States.     Each  district  has  a  president.

    The  Chairman.  Go  ahead  about  the  resolution.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  The  resolution,  briefly,  was  to  the  effect  that  this
    committee  itself  was  un-American,  and  blah,  blah,  blah,  and  anyone
    submitting  to  it  was  a  traitor  to  the  cause  of  labor,  and  so  forth  and
    so  on.

    As  soon  as  we  get  a  copy  of  it — and  we  hope  we  will — we  are  still
    a  part  of  UE,  and  we  will  remain  so  as  long  as  we  can — I  will  be  glad
    to  submit  a  copy  to  this  committee.

    The  Chairman.  All  right,  you  do  that.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  But  please  let  me  say  this,  Mr.  Thomas,  that  at  a
    General  Electric  local  conference  in  New  York  City  about  a  month
    ago,  the  president  of  that  union  told  Mr.  Berescik  and  myself  that  for
    what  we  had  done — and  mind  you,  what  had  we  done,  we  took  26
    membens.  on  whom  we  had  ample  proof  to  satisfy  us.  and  we  can
    satisfv  others,  were  Communists  and  fellow  travelers  and  expelled

    170  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    them — but  for  that,  for  what  we  had  done  we  could  never  be  excused,
    and  if  we  got  on  bended  knee  before  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and
    Machine  Workers  of  America  for  the  rest  of  our  lives  we  could  not
    be  excused  for  what  we  had  done.

    The  Chairman.  Who  told  you  that  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Albert — what  is  his  middle  initial

    The  Chairman.  Never  mind  the  middle  initial.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Albert  J.  Fitzgerald.

    The  Chairman.  What  is  his  position  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  President  of  the  union.

    He  went  further  and  said  that  we  were  only  allowed  to  be  present
    at  that  conference  by  virtue  of  a  superior  court  judge's  decision  in
    our  case

    The  Chairman.  Is  he  president  of  the  international  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes ;  he  is,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  When  the  international  sent  to  Bridgeport  some
    officers,  at  the  meeting  that  you  refer  to  held  at  the  bank,  were  any
    of  those  officers,  officers  of  the  international,  members  of  the  Com-
    munist Party  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  couldn't  say,  sir.  As  I  say,  Matles  and  Emspak,
    have  been  branded  Communists,  and  the  knowledge  we  have  is  de-
    rived from  information  we  have  received  via  literature  and  state-
    ments, and  all  that.  I  have  no  knowledge  that  Mr.  Emspak  or  Mr.
    Matles  are  members  of  the  Communist  Party.

    The  Chairman.  Have  you  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  any  members,
    any  officers  of  the  international,  are  members  of  the  Communist
    Party?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  No  ;  there  has  been  no  admission  by  them  in  my
    presence,  you  see,  or  any  kind  of  proof  which  I  have  seen  that  they
    are  members.  If  you  are  asking  me  what  I  believe,  then  I  have  an
    answer.

    The  Chairman.  What  do  you  believe  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  But  if  you  are  asking  me  what  I  know,  my  an-
    swer is  there  is  no  proof  that  I  have  that  Matles,  Emspak,  or  any
    other  officer,  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.

    The  Chairman.  Is  it  your  opinion  that  the  officers  of  the  interna-
    tional follow  the  Communist  line  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  They  certainly  do.  That  is  evidenced  by  the
    UE  News  and  by  acts  of  theirs  at  conventions  and  by  statements  issued
    to  the  press,  and  in  many  other  ways.

    The  Chairman.  Getting  to  your  own  local,  when  does  the  contract
    expire  between  your  local  and  the  management  of  your  company?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  On  the  1st  of  April,  sir,  of  each  year,  but  it  goes
    on  unless  termination  or  modification  notice  is  served  by  the  union  or
    the  company.

    The  Chairman.  Let's  look  to  next  April,  now.  Your  local  has  in
    effect  been  expelled  from  the  international  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  It  has  not.  We  were,  but  the  expulsion  by  the
    international  was  revoked  by  the  court  order.

    The  Chairman.  All  right.  Supposing  next  April  comes  along,  and
    we  will  assume  that  the  contract  hasn't  been  revoked  between  now
    and  next  April,  and  you  begin  negotiations  with  the  management  for
    a  new  contract.  What  position  do  you  think  the  international  will
    take  in  connection  with  that  ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  171

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Well,  the  contract  really  has  nothing  to  do  with
    it,  Mr.  Thomas,  because  the  contract  is  drawn  up  between  the  General
    Electric  Co.,  as  such,  not  only  the  Bridgeport  works,  and  the  Interna-
    tional Union,  and  then  it  is  applied  by  the  locals.  Local  203  admin-
    isters the  contract  in  Bridgeport.

    The  Chairman.  So  the  officers  of  the  international  and  the  man-
    agement of  the  company  are  the  ones  that  will  draw  up  the  contract?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  That  is  true.  In  addition  we  have  a  committee
    composed  of  delegates  representing  the  General  Electric  plants,  usually
    a  committee  of  8  or  10,  who  go  in  with  the  international  officers.  They
    don't  negotiate  a  new  contract  alone.  We  have  a  representative  group
    in  with  them.

    The  Chairman.  Don't  you  think  the  officers  of  the  international  will
    try  to  do  everything  they  possibly  can  at  that  time  to  see  to  it  that  the
    management  of  your  company  will  not  recognize  your  local?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Precisely,  sir,  because  at  the  time  they  sought  to
    revoke  the  charter  of  local  203  and  drag  us  into  court  to  defend  our-
    selves, at  that  very  same  time  they  sought  to  get  an  injunction  against
    the  company  restraining  them  from  negotiating  with  us.

    We  like  to  look  upon  the  international  as  a  parent  body,  but  an  act
    of  that  kind,  first  in  trying  to  revoke  the  charter  of  the  local,  the  way
    they  did,  and  then  endeavoring  to  sever  relations  between  the  local
    with  the  company,  was  certainly  not  the  act  of  a  friendly  parent.

    The  Chairman.  One  more  question.  In  the  event  of  a  conflict
    between  the  United  States  and  Russia,  what,  in  your  opinion,  position
    would  a  Communist-dominated  union  take?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  My  honest  opinion,  sir,  is  that  they  would  engage
    upon  activities  of  sabotage  which  would  hamper  seriously  the  efforts
    of  this  country  to  wage  a  successful  war  against  Russia.  I  think  the
    Government  would  have  to  round  up  these  Communists  and  put  them
    where  they  could  do  no  harm  to  us  because  their  loyalty  is  to  Russia
    and  not  to  the  United  States  of  America.

    The  Chairman.  That  is  all  the  questions  I  have.  Are  there  any
    other  questions  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Julianelle,  are  you  acquainted  with  the  various
    international  representatives  that  were  sent  to  your  local  from  time
    to  time — like  the  international  organizer?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  your  opinion  were  any  of  those  men  Commu-
    nists?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  My  opinion  is  that  they  were  all  Communists.

    Mr.  Stripling.  All  international  organizers  that  were  sent  to  you?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Into  the  Bridgeport  area.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  Communists?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  it  is  possible  for  a  person  to  be  an
    organizer  for  the  international  without  being  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  My  honest  opinion  is  that  you  have  either  got  to  be
    a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  or  you  have  got  to  pledge  support  to
    the,  Communist  Party  and  make  ample  contributions.  I  don't  say  you
    must  be  a  member  of  the  party,  but  I  am  quite  sure  that  you  either  fol-
    low the  party  line  or  you  don't  get  a  job  in  the  UE.  That  is  the  inter-
    national.

    172  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  McDowell.  Have  you  ever  heard  of  an  organizer  of  the  United
    Electrical  Union  named  Rossner,  Steve  Rossner?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  I  have  not,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Have  you  ever  heard  of  one  named  Charles  Newell  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes ;  I  know  Charlie  quite  well.  He  is  one  of  the
    organizers  sent  up  to  Bridgeport.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  you  think  Mr.  Newell  is  a  Communist  or  fellow
    traveler  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes;  he  was  called  that  many  times,  and  he  never
    denied  it.  He  certainly  supported  the  Communist  line,  associated
    freely  with  them  in  Bridgeport,  attended  meetings  of  the  Communist
    Party.  We  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  Charlie  Newell  is  a
    Communist.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  called  him  that  and  he  threatened  to  sue  me  for
    a  hundred  thousand  dollars.     He  never  did.

    Mr.  Julianelle.  He  can  start  suing  me,  then.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  those  are  all  the  questions  I  have.
    Mr.  Russell  has  a  question.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Russell.

    Mr.  Russell.  Mr.  Julianelle,  you  have  read  from  the  transcript  of
    testimony  given  by  the  members  of  your  union  and  by  the  officials  of
    the  international  union  regarding  the  petition  which  the  international
    union  filed  in  the  superior  court  in  Bridgeport,  Conn.,  to  revoke  the
    charter  of  local  203.  Is  there  anything  contained  in  that  testimony
    which  would  support  the  evidence  gathered  by  the  local  against  those
    persons  who  were  discharged  because  they  were  Communists  or  fellow
    travelers  ?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  Yes,  there  is ;  because  several  of  our  members  were
    called  to  the  witness  stand  and  they  testified  to  having  heard  admissions
    by  many  of  those  that  have  been  expelled  that  they  were  members  of
    the  Communist  Party  and  generally  added,  "Quite  proud  of  it."

    Mr.  Russell.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  ask  that  the  committee  be  permitted
    to  take  certain  extracts  from  that  testimony  and  insert  it  into  the  record
    of  this  hearing.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.

    Mr.  Russell.  Is  there  anything  contained  in  the  testimony  which  I
    have  just  mentioned  which  might  indicate  the  views  of  certain  officers
    of  the  international  union  toward  the  fact  that  they  would  permit
    Communists  to  remain  in  labor  unions  or  to  control  them?

    Mr.  Julianelle.  There  is,  sir,  and  I  can  quote  from  the  testimony
    of  Julius  Emspak,  which  was  quite  clear,  he  admitted  to  Judge  Cornell,
    judge  of  the  superior  court,  that  the  mere  fact  that  a  member  is  a
    Communist  does  not  exclude  him  from  membership  in  the  UE  or  from
    attaining  any  office  within  the  UE.  The  testimony  is  right  here  before
    me,  the  testimony  before  Judge  Cornell,  superior  court  judge  of  Fair-
    field County.  I  understand  he  has  made  similar  assertions  before
    other  committees  here  in  Congress'.

    We  have  it  here,  anyway.  He  made  it  quite  clear  that  if  a  member
    of  the  UE  is  a  Communist,  so  what.

    Mr.  Russell.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Any  other  questions?
    (No  response.)

    Thank  you  very  much,  Mr.  Julianelle.

    Mr.  Stripling.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  173

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  Michael  M.
    Berescik.

    The  Chairman.  Please  raise  your  right  hand.

    Do  you  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  shall
    be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing-  but  the  truth,  so  help  you
    God?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  do,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  Sit  down,  please.

    Mr.  Stripling.

    TESTIMONY  OF  MICHAEL  M.  BERESCIK

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  state  your  full  name,  please?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Michael  Mathew  Berescik.

    Mr.  Stripling.  B-e-r-e-s-c-i-k?

    Mr.  Berescik.  That  is  right,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  September  24,  1916,  Bridgeport,  Conn.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  occupation?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  am  employed  by  the  General  Electric  Co.  as  a
    maintenance  mechanic.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  a  member  of  any  trade-union?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  the  United  Electrical,  Eadio,  and  Machine
    Workers  of  America.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  local?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Local  203,  Bridgeport.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  many  years  have  you  been  a  member  of
    local  203?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Since  its  inception;  about  10  years.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  hold  any  office  in  local  203  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  am  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Prior  to  your  election  as  president  of  local  203,
    did  you  hold  any  other  office?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes;  since  1937  I  have  held  the  office  of  steward,
    executive  board  member,  section  chairman,  and  business  agent.

    Mr.  Stripling.  During  the  10  years  in  which  you  have  been  con-
    nected with  the  union,  have  you  noticed  any  evidence  of  Communist
    influence  within  the  local?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  in  1938  I  was  approached  by  the  then
    chairman  of  the  local  Communist  Party,  Mike  Russo,  who  came  to
    my  home  for  a  copy  of  Soviet  Power,  by  the  Dean  of  Canterbury,
    and  also  a  copy  of  Das  Kapital,  by  Karl  Marx.  At  that  time  he
    told  me  that  the  party  was  interested  in  signing  up  liberal-minded
    labor  men  and  he  had  been  referred  to  me.  I  questioned  him  at
    length  as  to  who  had  referred  him  to  me.  He  refused  to  divulge.
    So  1  asked  him  to  leave.

    I  proceeded  to  go  to  the  union  hall  and  met  Mi-.  Julianelle,  who
    was  at  that  time  business  agent.  I  told  him,  in  effect,  Joe.  I  says,
    (he  Commies  are  working  their  way  into  the  local.  Frankly.  Mi1.
    Julianelle  was  quite  amused.  He  discounted  it,  considering,  more
    or  less,  that  I  was  an  alarmist.  He  says,  it  is  merely  a  fad.  some-
    thing that  will  pass,  like  the  passing  of  the  tide.  •

    65744—47 12

    174  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    I  said,  frankly,  Joe,  this  communism  is  a  big  thing,  I,  for  one,  am
    going  to  step  off  and  tee  off  on  it  every  time  they  rear  their  head,
    irrespective  of  what  position  you  take.

    Subsequently,  from  1938  up  to  the  time  I  went  in  the  Army,  I  was
    like  John  the  Baptist,  the  voice  in  the  wilderness.  A  couple  of  the
    boys  supported  me,  but  everybody  else  was  looking  up  in  the  air
    because  they  just  didn't  understand.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Well,  was  there  any  particular  period  that  in  your
    opinion  Communists  dominated  the  union?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  In  1933,  shortly  after  Mr.  Julianelle  re-
    signed

    Mr.  Stribling.  1933  or  1943?

    Mr.  Berescik.  1943,  I  am  sorry,  sir.

    1943,  shortly  after  Mr.  Julianelle  resigned,  Mr.  Fazekas  became
    business  agent

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  spell  that,  please?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Frank  Fazekas,  F-a-z-e-k-a-s.

    I  would  say,  sir,  that  they  had  been  marking  time  for  about  a  month
    or  two  prior  to  Mr.  Julianelle's  resignation.  On  the  day  Mr.  Fazekas
    took  office  the  Communist  organization  within  local  203  took  over  the
    local,  lock,  stock,  and  barrel.  I  say  that  without  reservation  because
    immediately  there  was  considerable  noise  made  about  creating  a  local
    union  newspaper,  the  picture  unfolded  before  our  eyes,  the  party  line
    was  followed,  it  became  a  transcript  for  the  Daily  Worker,  everything
    the  «oTcallecl  Red  organizations  supported  word  for  word  appeared  in
    our  local  newspaper.  There  was  little  or  no  space  given  to  union
    functions.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  go  in  the  Army  ?
    •Mr.  Berescik.  May  5,  sir,  1945.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  hold  any  position  at  the  time  you  went  in
    the  Army  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  At  the  time  I  went  in  the  Army  I  was  business  agent,
    but,  frankly,  things  were  very  unstable,  because  I  wasn't  elected  by
    the  membership,  I  was  merely  appointed  in  the  interim  period  by
    the  executive  board,  at  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Koons,  who  had  been
    elected  in  January  of  that  year.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  that  in  the  period  when  the  Communists  were
    dominating  the  union?

    Mr.  Berescik.  In  1944  we  elected  Mr.  Koons.  I  can  give  you  a
    little  background,  if  you  are  interested.

    During  1943,  conditions  in  the  local  were  really  bad.  It  was  ex-
    tremely hard  to  get  anybody  to  discuss  union  business  because  all  the
    time  was  taken  up  by  "the- Yanks-are-not-coming"  and  the  "50  des-
    troyer" deal  was  no  good — they  hollered  about  that  for  about  3  or  4
    years.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Would  you  characterize  those  as  party-line  issues?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Oh,  yes.  Every  left-wing  newspaper  in  the  country
    called  it  an  imperalistic  war,  they  were  sending  delegates  to  the
    American  Peace  Mobilization,  American  Youth  for  Democracy,  Marc-
    antonio  was  a  god

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  are  referring  to  Congressman  Marcantonio?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  am,  sir.

    Mr.  Sripling.  Were  the  meetings  of  the  local  being  used  as  a  sound-
    ing board  to  promote  the  Communist  Party  line  during  that  period  ?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  175

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  sir,  if  I  can  amend  your  statement,  certainly
    not  a  sounding  board,  because  of  the  conditions  very  few  people  came
    to  the  meetings,  and  consequently  a  small  minority,  of  15,  18,  or  20 —
    and,  incidentally,  I  was  once  again  a  voice  in  the  wilderness — they
    kept  steam  rollering  anj'thing  they  wanted  through,  so  the  rank  and
    file  were  unaware  or  this,  because  they  didn't  dare  come  near  the  union
    hall,  in  fact,  they  were  afraid,  because  you  never  knew  when  a  riot
    would  start — they  were  filibustering,  they  would  come  early  and  stay
    late.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  you  were  talking  about  Mr.  Koons.  He  was  the
    business  agent

    Mr.  Berescik.  1944,  sir,  early  part  of  1915.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  he  succeed  Fazekas?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  Mr.  Clark,  who  had  been  an  executive
    board  member  for  a  few  years,  and  myself,  and  together  with  the  other
    boys,  got  together  in  the  latter  part  of  1943,  and  we  said,  let's  put  up  a
    candidate  against  Fazekas,  in  fact,  a  slate  of  officers.  We  did.  We
    planned  it  very  carefully  for  about  5  months  before  election  and  when
    the  election  came  by  a  bare  majority  were  able  to  defeat  Mr.  Fazekas
    and  his  cohorts  and  we  put  in  a  new  slate  of  officers  for  the  year  1944.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  was  president?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Walter  Clark  was  president;  Mr.  Koons  was  business
    agent.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  elected  to  any  position  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  I  was  a  member  of  the  executive  board.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  after  you  were  elected  to  control  of  the  union,
    did  you  take  any  action  against  the  Communists?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  did  you  do  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  We  proceeded  to  tell  the  people  the  condition  con-
    fronting the  local,  the  general  condition  of  the  local,  making  them
    aware  of  the  issues,  and  really  asking  the  people  to  come  down  to  the
    union,  because,  we  said,  there  would  be  no  further  filibustering  and  we
    wouldn't  allow  these  people  to  come  in  and  present  these  asinine  reso-
    lutions.

    I  would  say  sir,  that  for  about  3  months  we  were  fortunate  in  doing
    so,  and  at  that  time  we  started  to  formulate  some  plans  as  to  how  to
    oust  the  people  from  our  midst.

    The  Chairman.  You  mean  oust  the  Communists  from  your  midst?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  But  along  about  then  Walter  Clark  evi-
    dently had  been  threatened,  in  one  way  or  another,  and  he  got  a  little
    scared.  And  lo  and  behold,  at  the  next  membership  meeting  they
    came  in  with  resolutions  as  long  as  your  arm,  and  the  meeting  was
    started  at  1  o'clock  and  wound  up  about  9  in  the  evening,  and  in  be-
    uveen  Walter  got  disgusted,  because  he  was  a  sick  man,  he  put  the
    gavel  away  and  went  home.  They  decided  to  reopen  the  meeting  and
    have  a  beautiful  rump  session  and  by  8  or  9  o'  clock  nobody  was  there
    but  15  or  20  people,  and  that  was  the  time  the  business  of  the  local  was
    really  conducted,  when  everybody  had  gone  home.

    I  might  say  that  in  1944  we  never  held  a  meeting  after  about  the
    fourth  month  where  we  didn't  have  to  have  police  in  the  immediate
    vicinity  or  in  the  hall  because  if  you  came  in,  unless  you  carried  heavy
    insurance,  you  didn't  know  if  you  were  coming  out  in  one  piece  or  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  do  you  mean  by  "heavy  insurance"?

    176  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Berescik.  Casualty  insurance.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  a  delegate  to  any  of  the  inter-
    national conventions?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  I  was  an  elected  delegate  to  the  1944  con-
    vention held  at  Manhattan  Center,  New  York  City.

    Mr.  Stripling.  As  the  delegate  of  local  203  at  the  international
    convention,  did  you  take  any  action  against  the  Communists  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Within  the  international,  or  within  your  local  in
    the  form  of  resolutions  or  speeches?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  frankly,  the  trick  was  to  get  the  floor.  I
    waved  my  hand  for  3  days  before  I  was  finally  recognized.  But  at
    the  1944  convention  a  local  from  district  1  submitted  and  proposed  to
    the  convention  a  resolution  stating  in  effect  that  the  national  officers
    of  the  UE  should-  henceforth  be  elected  by  a  referendum  vote.  In
    other  words,  allowing  400,000  then  members  of  the  union  the  privilege
    of  casting  the  ballot  whether  or  not  they  wanted  the  general  officers
    of  the  international  union  to  continue  in  office.

    Local  203  were  proponents  of  that  resolution.  However,  the  reso-
    lution had  tough  sledding  all  the  way.  At  that  time  Leo  Jarendau
    was  chairman  of  the  resolutions  committee — Imsiness  agent  of  local
    303,  Schenectady,  N.  Y.  The  resolutions  committee  came  out  with
    a  vote  of  nonconcurrence  for  the  resolution.  However,  there  was  a
    minority  report.  We  carried  the  ball  for  the  minority  on  the  con-
    vention floor  and  the  thing  was  shouted  down  because  at  a  conven-
    tion usually  only  those  people  who  are  part  of  a  very  closely  knit  and
    powerful  machine  are  allowed  to  attend.  So  a  minority  could  never
    put  anything  over  at  any  convention.  Consequently,  the  officers  of
    the  UE  are  still  elected  by  convention  vote.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  familiar  with  any  of  the  international  offi-
    cers of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of
    America  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  I  had  met  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  Mr.  Emspak.
    Mr.  Matles,  various  members  of  the  general  executive  board.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  closely  observed  their  leadership  of  the
    international  over  a  period  of  10  years  since  you  have  been  a  member?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  consider  Mr.  Matles  or  Mr.  Emspak  to  be
    Communists  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  sir,  Mr.  Emspak.  frankly,  from  what  I  have
    heard  him  say — he  is  quite  evasive,  a  very  able  speaker — on  the  basis
    of  what  I  read  in  the  paper  I  would  call  him  a  Communist,  but  on
    the  basis  of  conversation  with  the  man  I  couldn't  say,  I  couldn't  call
    him  a  Communist.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  he  and  other  officials  of  the  inter-
    national union  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  international  union  in  such
    a  way  as  to  conform  to  the  Communist  Party  line  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  So  far  as  Jim  Matles  is  concerned — he  is  the  direc-
    tor of  organization — I  will  say  that  if  I  was  to  give  Credit  to  any  one
    man  in  the  LTE  for  building  up  the  UE  to  its  present  position,  I  would
    give  it  to  him.  He  is  second  to  none  in  any  CIO  group  in  this  country
    when  it  comes  to  organizational  matters.  However,  in  the  last  few
    years  Mr.  Matles  has  deviated  from  his  original  program  and  I  think,
    and  have  every  reason  to  believe,  the  international  ranks — that  is,  their

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  177

    organizational  staff — is  primarily — that  is,  in  district  2 — interested
    in  doing-  a  job  on  local  203  and  any  other  so-called  dissident  forces
    within  the  UE.  But  from  the  organizational  standpoint,  dim  built
    the  UE  where  it  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  the  Communist  issue  is  involved?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Definitely.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  do  you  think  Mr.  Matles'  position  is  on  the
    Communist  issue '.

    Mr.  Berescik.  Mr.  Matles'  position  on  the  Communist  issue  is.  in
    effect,  although  not  openly,  that  local  203  must  be  smashed — Julianelle,
    myself,  and  the  rest  of  the  officers  should  be  smashed,  and  everything
    we  stand  for.  In  fact,  they  would  tear  down  local  203  to  nothing  to
    destroy  us  because  we  took  such  a  position  on  the  Communist  question.
    l*We  have  been  told  by  Albert  Smith,  whom  I  suspect  has  more
    power  in  district  2  today  than  the  international  president  or  the
    district  president,  that  if  they  can't  beat  us  in  the  courts  they  will
    tear  down  local  203,  get  rid  of  us,  and  rebuild  it.^

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  opinion  of  Mr.  Smith  as  to  his  being
    a  Communist  or  following  the  Communist  Party  line?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Mr.  Smith,  I  would  say,  sir,  if  you  are  asking  me
    to  create  a  mold  for  an  ideal  Communist  within  the  labor  movement,
    I  would  say  use  Mr.  Smith  as  a  mold.  Extremely  able,  very  clever,
    and  a  very  able  organizer,  and  an  extremely  fast  talker.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  were  inducted  and  entered  the  Army,
    Avho  succeeded  you  as  business  agent  of  local  203?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Frederick  Blycher.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  in  the  Army  did  you  keep  in  touch  with  the
    affairs  of  local  203?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  I  used  to  get  on  an  average  of  three  letters
    a  week  from  the  boys.  They  ran  into  considerable  difficulty,  and
    they  used  to  write  to  me  asking  what  they  should  do — because  they
    had  been  put  on  the  proverbial  spot  and  I  used  to  write  from  Louisiana,
    Georgia,  Mississippi,  as  to  what  they  might  do  to  offset  this  pressure
    group.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  talking  of  "this  pressure  group,"  you  refer  to  the
    Communist  group  within  the  local?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  were  you  discharged  from  the  Army?

    Mr.  Berescik.  October  6,  sir,  last  year.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  return  to  your  old  position?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  General  Electric?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.  Primarily  because  once  again  the  Communists
    had  taken  over  the  local,  lock,  stock,  and  barrel.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  again  become  active  in  the  affairs  of  local
    203?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  Three  days  after  I  went  to  work  I  was
    elected  by  my  section  as  a  security  board  member.  I  contacted  Mr.
    Julianelle.  and  we  got  together,  and  I  said.  "Joe.  let's  put  a  slate
    in  the  field,  see  what  we  can  do  about  getting  rid  of  these  fellows
    who  have  taken  over  the  local."

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  you  succeeded?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    178  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  was  the  result  of  the  election?

    Mr.  Berescik.  The  result,  sir,  was  that  we  won  by  an  overwhelming
    majority.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  many  votes  did  you  receive  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  About  4,300,  sir,  to  1,400.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  were  elected  president  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  was  elected  president.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Was  the  Communist  affiliations  of  the  other  slate  in
    issue  in  that  election?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Definitely;  yes,  sir.  We  purported  in  the  news-
    papers that  the  slate  opposing  us  was  Communist -controlled  and
    Communist-dominated;  that  they  were  doing  nothing  more  than  to
    promulgate  a  doctrine  of  communism  within  the  local.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Was  that  the  major  issue  within  the  election?

    Mr.  Berescik.  That  was  the  major  issue.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Are  you  paid  as  president  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  I  receive  $15  a  week  as  expense  money,  but
    I  work  in  the  shop.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  are  not  paid  a  salary?

    Mr.  Berescik.  No,"  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Russell  has  some  questions,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Russell.

    Mr.  Russell.  Mr.  Berescik,  you  stated  that  the  delegation  from
    local  203  at  the  1944  convention  of  the  international  supported  a
    resolution  to  have  the  international  officers  of  the  United  Electrical,
    Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America  reelected  by  referendum
    vote  of  the  membership.  Will  you  tell  the  committee  how  the  national
    officers  of  the  UE  are  elected  at  present  and  how  they  were  elected
    during  the  year  1944.

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  sir,  in  answer  to  that  last  part  of  your  ques-
    tion, in  1944  they  were  elected  by  the  convention.  At  present  they
    are  still  elected  by  convention — which,  it  is  my  honest  opinion,  is  the
    irony  of  the  entire  labor  movement.  The  national  officers  are  elected
    by  convention.  I  have  had  occasion,  over  a  period  of  10  years,  to
    be  a  delegate  of  my  local  to  various  conventions,  and  I  have  found,
    over  a  period  of  years,  the  same  people  as  delegates  of  their  particular
    locals  go  to  every  one.  I  suspect  that  the  reason  wh}?-  these  people
    go  there,  the  same  faces,  is  to  keep  the  rank  and  file  of  the  particular
    local  in  the  dark  as  to  the  real  issues  confronting  them  as  working-
    people.

    They  become  a  part  of  a  very  important  and  highly  efficient  ma-
    chine. It  is  common  knowledge  that  when  the  time  comes  to  elect
    delegates  to  any  convention,  especially  a  national  convention,  the
    rank  and  file  as  a  rule  are  unaware  of  the  meeting  that  is  going  to
    be  held  to  vote  for  the  delegates:  it  is  done  too  quietly.  In  that
    way  the  machine  is  insured  of  getting  only  the  right  people — people
    who  have  premeditated  principles  relative  to  these  people  holding
    office,  and  who  desire  to  promulgate  their  tenure  of  office.

    Here  it  is,  the  rank  and  file — 400,000  or  600,000  members,  such  as
    in  our  international  union.  They  are  unaware  of  the  issues;  they  are
    unaware  of  the  position  taken  by  their  so-called  accredited  delegates.
    These  people  come  back  and,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  they  submit
    reports  to  the  rank  and  file,  they  spend  the  people's  money — we  went
    to  the  convention  and  so  and  so  was  elected;  we  had  a  good  time — that

    COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS  179

    is  all.  That  is  how  these  people  stay  in  power  year  in  and  year
    out — because  they  have  these  machines.  I  sincerely  believe  that  if
    we  had  a  referendum  in  the  labor  movement,  we  could  dissipate  the
    entire  Communist  movement  in  a  matter  of  time.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  feel  that  since  your  local  has  removed  these
    26  Communists  it  is  a  stronger  union,  better  able  to  conduct  its  union
    affairs?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Since  we  have  removed  the  Communists  from  our
    local,  sir.  we  have  increased  our  membership,  I  would  say,  approxi-
    mately 600 ;  we  have  conducted  our  business  in  a  businesslike  manner ;
    the  relationship  between  the  company  and  ourselves  is  more  amicable
    than  it  has  been  at  any  tine  in  a  good  many  years;  and  our  meetings
    never  last  over  2  hours.  We  educate  the  people,  in  fact,  the  people
    look  forward  to  coming  to  our  membership  meetings — because  we  con-
    duct the  business  in  a  businesslike  way.

    We  feel  now,  and  the  membership  supports  me  in  my  feeling,  that
    we  have  become  a  credit  to  the  community  of  which  we  are  a  part,  and
    also,  I  think,  a  credit  to  the  labor  movement  and  all  it  stands  for.

    Mr.  Russell.  Mr.  Berescik,  Mr.  Julianelle  testified  concerning  some
    of  the  events  that  transpired  between  the  local  and  the  international
    union  after  certain  members  of  the  local  were  expelled  from  the  union
    because  of  their  Communist  associations.  Would  you  tell  the  commit-
    tee whether  or  not  the  officers  of  the  international  union  have  furnished
    any  assistance  to  the  local  whatsoever  in  its  present  fight  against  the
    Communists?    .  »4

    Mr.  Berescik.  No,  sir.  At  the  time  we  took  this  action  against  the
    Communist  members,  Mr.  Smith  was  brought  all  the  way  from  Cali-
    fornia. He  set  up  a  union  office  about  a  block  away  from  ours  and
    issued  leaflets  and  various  other  things  to  disrupt  and  create  con-
    fusion— a  point  on  which  he  is  a  master.  Seven  or  eight  organizers
    were  brought  into  town  to  help  him — at,  as  I  figure  it,  $80  a  week.  The
    pay  roll  was  increased  within  the  city  of  Bridgeport.  The  so-called
    organizing  the  unorganized  just  became  a  high-sounding  slogan — be-
    cause here  we  had  unorganized  in  the  town  a  half-dozen  shops  that  are
    yet  to  be  organized.  They  forgot  about  them.  They  were  primarily
    interested  in  doing  a  so-called  ax  job  on  the  local  officers  of  local  203.

    The  entire  organization  supplied  funds  to  print  literature  in  the
    name  of  the  international  union.  The  international  union  financed  the
    fight  in  the  courts — because  certainly  other  members  had  been  expelled
    from  local  203  over  the  period  of  years  and  the  international  union
    never  lifted  a  finger.  But  because  Mrs.  Willard  and  a  few  more  people
    who  subscribed  to  the  Communist  ideology  were  thrown  out,  the  inter-
    national union  took  us  to  court,  during  the  most  trying  time — when  we
    were  in  negotiations.

    To  sum  it  up,  the  international  union  has  done  everything  in  its
    power  to  impede  our  program  to  make  local  203  a  real,  bona  fide  labor
    union.  J*

    Mr.  Stripling.,  Because  you  didn't  want  the  Communists?

    Mr.  Berescik.' "Because  we  did  what  Ave  did,  I  was  told  at  a  General
    Electric  conference  board  meeting  held  in  the  Hotel  Shelton  on  Lex-
    ington Avenue  in  New  York  City,  in  the  presence  of  some  hundred
    delegates,  by  the  international  president,  Albert  Fitzgerald,  that  the
    international  union,  including  himself,  would  do  everything  in  his
    power  to  smash  Joe  Julianelle,  and  everything  we  stood  for — which

    180  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    is  strong  language  coming  from  a  fellow  whose  position  as  inter-
    national president  is  extremely  shaky.  ^  *

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.
    *    Mr.  Nixon.  I  will  pass  right  now.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  In  your  union  activities,  have  you  ever  heard  of
    S.  E.  Rossner?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  have  read  about  him,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  wouldn't  know  anything  about  him  except
    what  you  have  read  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  No  ;  I  have  never  met  the  man.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Have  you  ever  heard  about  or  met  Charles  Newell?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Back  in  1936  or  1937;  yes,  just  casually.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Would  you  know  whether  he  was  a  Communist  or
    not?

    Mr.  Berescik.  No,  sir.  My  own  individual  opinion  would  be,
    predicated  on  what  I  have  heard,  I  would  say  he  was  a  Communist,
    but  I  have  no  proof.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  you  read  Das  Kapital  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Has  it  occurred  to  you,  as  a  labor- leader,  that  there
    is  a  striking  similarity  between  many  of  these  Communist  organizers
    in  this  "class  struggle  of  the  laboring  people"?  So  far  as  I  can  dis-
    cover none  of  them  ever  worked.  Their  efforts  to  lift  the  working-
    man  have  been  their  only  efforts.  None  of  them  have  done  produc-
    tive work,  such  as  working  on  a  farm,  or  in  a  factory.  Very  few
    have  ever  been  tainted  with  that.  Their  entire  income  comes  from
    politics,  political  organizations,  such   as  the   Communist  Party.

    That  is  all,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  have  had  an  opportunity  to  witness  the  Communist
    bloc  in  your  union  pretty  closely ;  haven't  you  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  have,  sir.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  wonder  if  you  would,  for  the  purpose  of  the
    record  here,  from  the  standpoint  of  knowing  just  how  the  Communists
    work  in  a  union,  if  you  could  give  some  specific  examples  of  some  of
    these  general  activities  which  you  have  described.

    Do  you  recall,  for  example,  any  resolutions  that  have  been  passed
    or  which  have  been  supported  by  the  Communist  bloc  on  nonunion
    matters,  in  the  past,  say,  2  years.

    Mr.  Berescik.  In  the  past  2  years,  sir,  from  my  particular  stand-
    point it  wouldn't  apply,  sir,  because  I  spent  time  in  the  Army,  and
    the  first  meeting  we  had  when  I  became  president  we  ousted  Mrs.
    Willard — ousted  Communists — so  we  have  kept  them  pretty  well  in
    line,  and  so  they  haven't  had  occasion  to  do  it  in  the  last  2  years.

    However,  prior  to  my  going  into  the  service,  I  can  remember  at  the
    time  the  destroyer  deal  with  Great  Britain  was  on,  circular  letters
    were  circulated  at  practically  every  executive  board  meeting,  our  late
    President,  Franklin  Delano  Roosevelt,  was  called  a  warmonger,  and
    it  was  a  "war  of  imperialism,"  and  these  people  supported  and  sub-
    scribed to  using  the  local's  funds  for  the  American  Peace  Mobilization.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  did  they  use  the  local's  funds?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  181

    Mr.  Berescik.  At  an  executive  board  meeting,  sir,  the  motion  was

    made,  seconded,  and  carried  to  donate  $25  or  $30  of  the  local's  funds
    for  that  cause.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  recall  any  other  organizations  that  the  Ameri-
    can Peace  Mobilization  to  which  funds  were  donated  at  that  time?

    Mr.  Berescik.  American  Youth  for  Democracy,  sir.  I  remember
    we  tried  continually  to  get  them  to  donate  money  to  the  NAACP.  and
    they  never  gave  a  dime,  but  the  National  Negro  Congress  were  always
    willing  to  give  them  money.

    These  organizations,  I  might  say,  sir,  their  names  leave  me  at  the
    moment,  because  they  spring  up  and  there  are  so  many  of  them,  they
    spring  up  overnight,  out  every  time  there  was  a  letter  supporting  some
    organization  which  these  people  knew  was  a  Communist-front  organ-
    ization, or  a  Communist  organization,  right  away  the  motion  was
    made,  seconded,  and  carried,  and  thej'  got  money,  even  if  it  was  the
    last  $10  the  local  had  in  the  till,  they  got  it.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  have  knowledge  of  this  meeting  that  was  re-
    ferred to  by  Mr.  Julianelle  in  which  nonmembers  were  brought  to  the
    union  for  the  purpose  of  affecting  the  vote  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  I  was  present  at  that  meeting.  Julianelle
    made  the  motion,  it  was  seconded,  and.  I  was  the  first  speaker  for  it.
    They  packed  the  meeting.  At  that  time  the  chairman  was  Oliver
    Arsenault,  the  president.  He  very  skillfully  maneuvered  the  meeting,
    he  was  waiting  for  Neil  McGillicuddy  to  come  from  the  national  CIO
    convention,  which  had  been  held  that  week  in  Atlantic  City.  They
    timed  the  thing  to  stall  it.  Then  when  Neil  McGillicuddy  came  he
    said  the  same  thing,  about  the  400  families — as  he  always  does — he
    ought  to  get  a  recording  made  and  save  his  breath,  that  is  all  he  ever
    says.     And  we  were  beat  by  13  votes  on  that  particular  issue.

    After  the  smoke  cleared  we  discovered  that  we  had  been  badly  out-
    maneuvered.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  did  you  find  out  that  nonmembers  had  been  voting
    in  the  election?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Through  a  process  of  elimination;  and  various
    colored  people,  who  are  supporters  of  ours,  told  us  that  they  had  seen
    individuals  that  had  come  from  as  far  as  Westchester  County,  they
    were  allowed  into  the  meeting  to  vote.  And  human  nature  being  what
    it  is,  people  boasted  to  one  another  that  they  had  taken  part  in  a  meet-
    ing in  an  organization  of  which  they  were  not  a  member.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  have  any  evidence  of  examples  of  personal
    attacks  that  have  been  made  upon  those  who  opposed  the  Communist
    doctrine  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Personal  attacks,  you  mean  physical  or  otherwise  ?

    Mr.  Nixon.  No,  I  am  speaking  now  of  attacks  which  have  been  made
    on  your  character  or  untrue  charges  about  the  members  or  officers  who
    were  opposed  to  the  Communist  domination.

    Mr.  Berescik.  In  my  partciular  case,  sir,  they  used  to  make  weekly
    visits  to  my  draft  board  inquiring  as  to  why  I  wasn't  in  the  Army*.
    They  issued  leaflets — I  was  told  that  by  the  draft  board  chairman —
    they  issued  leaflets  calling  me,  in  effect,  a  little  worse  than  they  called
    Julianelle — of  .course,  he  is  in  the  same  boat  with  me  now — but  I  have
    been  called  everything  but  a  gentleman.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  have  examples  where  the  Communists  in  the
    union,  or  the  Communist  bloc,  have  resorted  to  any  threats  of  violence?

    182  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  The  first  meeting  we  had  this  year,  1947,
    which  was  about  January  19,  shortly  after  I  refused  to  seat  Mrs.
    Willard  as  an  executive  board  member,  we  had  quite  a  crowd  of
    people,  the  meeting  ended  in  a  riot.  I  was  struck,  my  glasses  were
    knocked  off.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  was  the  riot  started,  do  you  recall?

    Mr.  Berescik.  The  riot  was  started  in  this  way :  There  were  three
    little  boys,  young  fellows — working  in  Mrs.  Willard's  section,  the
    automatic  blanket  division — they  were  standing,  evidently  placed  there
    by  the  powers  that  be  on  this  particular  bloc

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  Communist  bloc?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.  Not  3  feet  away  from  me.  I  was  chair-
    maning  the  meeting.  And  they  kept  heckling  the  speakers,  and  I
    told  the  boys,  I  says,  "You  may  disagree  with  a  man  violently,  but,
    however,  while  I  am  chairman  he  will  have  a  chance  to  be  heard."
    I  said,  "Take  it  slow."

    Then  I  had  the  sergeant  at  arms  watch  them.  I  said  to  them,
    "Two  more  warnings  and  you  are  going  out."

    The  second  time  they  started  the  usual  tactics,  "sit  down,"  "you
    are  out  of  order,"  and  so  forth.  I  sent  for  the  sergeant  at  arms  and
    sent  him  over  to  warn  them  again,  and  as  the  sergeant  at  arms  ap-
    proached them,  two  of  the  boys  jumped  on  him  and  one  started
    swinging  at  me.  Well,  I  protected  myself  and  I  went  into  the  office
    and  I  called  the  police.  A  squad  of  police  came  down,  12  or  15,  and
    they  asked  me  what  I  wanted  to  do,  clear  the  hall?  I  said:  "The
    meeting  is  over."

    First,  I  asked,  "If  somebody  gets  killed,  who  is  responsible?"  He
    says:  "Who  is  the  chairman?"  I  said,  "I  am."  He  said,  "Then  you
    are  responsible."    I  said,  "Fine,  clear  the  hall."

    The  police  cleared  the  hall.  They  went  outside.  They  were  bent
    on  having  a  rump  session,  such  as  they  had  in  1944,  so  the  police  dis-
    persed the  crowd,  and  the  meeting  ended,  and  they  then  resorted  to
    the  radio  and  to  loud  speakers  and  to  leaflets,  and  everything  else.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Have  you  ever  been  personally  threatened  with  violence
    because  of  your  conduct  of  union  affairs  and  your  attitude  on  the
    Communist  issue  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  sir,  not  directly.  Various  innuendoes  and  im.
    plications  have  been  made  as  to  what  a  job  could  be  done  on  me,  but
    nothing  ever  came  up  and  I  always  considered  the  source,  because
    the  man  that  was  making  it  always  had  a  toehold;  he  was  all  set
    to  run.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Were  any  innuendoes  or  threats  made  by  this  group
    against  you  or  other  officers  or  members  of  your  families,  intimidation
    of  any  type  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.  One  Frederick  Henry  Minch,  president  of
    the  building  board,  was  attacked  at  a  bar  sometime  in  March  right
    after  the  court  proceedings.  Three  men  jumped  on  him  and  gave  him
    quite  a  working  over.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Who  was  he  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Frederick  Minch,  president  of  the  building  board,
    formerly  treasurer  of  our  local.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Which  group  was  he  in  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  He  supports  us,  sir.

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  183

    Mr.  Nixon.  The  union  newspaper  at  the  present  time  is  under  the
    control  of  the  anti-Communist  bloc,  is  that  the  case?

    Mr.  Berescik.  There  is  no  union  newspaper  at  the  present  time,
    sir.     It  was  dissolved  by  membership  action.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Then  so  far  as  the  methods  which  have  been  used  in
    your  local  are  concerned,  you  would  probably  corroborate  the  testi-
    mony which  has  been  given  by  Mr.  Julianelle  that  the  Communist
    bloc  has  resorted  to  these  methods,  the  use  of  the  filibuster,  which  you
    have  particularly  described,  attending  all  meetings,  coming  early  and
    staying  late,  and  if  necessary  conducting  rump  sessions  after  the  meet-
    ing is  over  and  transaction  of  business  in  those  sessions?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Excuse  me,  if  I  may  I  corroborate  what  Mr.  Julianelle  has  said
    with  one  exception.  Mr.  Julianelle  feels  violently  about  the  Com-
    munist question.  However,  there  are  some  600,000  members  of  the
    UE  and  (5,000  in  our  local.  The  testimony  given,  either  by  Mr.  Juli-
    anelle or  myself,  is  not  indicative  of  casting  any  aspersions  on  the
    American  labor  movement  as  a  whole.  I  look  up  it  purely  as  a  family
    squabble.  We  are  members  of  a  great  international  union.  We  have
    these  dissident  individuals  attempting  to  inject  a  foreign  political
    ideology  in  our  union  politics.  I  believe  that  the  rank  and  file  can
    very  well  dissipate  these  forces  but  an  extensive  educational  program
    must  be  carried  by  people  such  as  myself  and  Julianelle — and  people
    more  educated  than  ourselves.

    But  I  would  like  to  make  one  thing  clear,  and  I  repeat  it,  that
    the  condition  existing  in  local  203,  thank  God  we  have  coped  with  it
    up  to  now,  but  it  certainly  is  not  indicative,  nor  should  American
    labor,  nor  the  UE,  be  castigated  and  vilified,  because,  let's  remember
    here,  we  are  dealing  with  a  small  minority  of  individuals,  who  are
    vicious,  but  it  certainly  does  not  represent  the  rank  and  file  who  are
    a  part  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  Amer-
    ica. We  will  get  rid  of  these  people,  but  time  is  of  the  essence,  and
    we  can  do  it,  we  feel  quite  sure  we  can.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  agree  with  Mr.  Julianelle  that  in  the  case  of
    your  local,  as  few  as  1  percent  of  the  membership  were  Communists
    or  fellow  travelers?

    Mr.  Berescik.  I  agree.

    Mr.  Nixon.  And  yet  were  able  at  one  time  to  completely  control  the
    policies  of  the  union?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  and  I  blame  the  membership  for  not  attend-
    ing their  meetings  and  participating  in  the  functions  of  the  organiza-
    tion to  which  they  paid  their  dues.

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  other  words,  where  you  do  not  have  a  vigilant  group
    of  people  who  are  non-Communist  in  a  union,  then  as  few  as  1  percent
    of  them,  from  your  own  experience,  you  can  say,  can  conceivably  take
    over  the  union  and  control  it?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Very  easily,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Even  though  the  other  99  percent  might  be  non-
    Communist?

    Mr.  Berescik.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Your  main  opposition,  as  I  understand  it,  to  the  Com-
    munists in  your  own  union  and  in  the  labor  unions,  generally,  is  pri-
    marily because  you  think  they  are  harmful  to  the  cause  of  the  workers
    in  the  union  ?

    184  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir;  and  harmful  to  our  American  way  of  life.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Not  simply  because  you  disagree  with  them  politically,
    because  in  working  in  the  trade-union  movement  the}7  do  not  work
    for  the  best  interests  of  your  people,  your  membership,  but  they  work
    for  the  interest  of  the  membership  only  where  those  interests  happen
    to  coincide  with  the  party  line  at  that  particular  time  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.  If  I  might  add,  sir,  the  average  Communist
    has  very  little  respect  for  the  man  in  the  street's  intelligence.  H,e
    appeals  to  one's  whim.  If  an  individual  is  gullible,  they  make  him
    a  Communist  overnight.  He  distorts  the  facts.  He  implies  a  lot  of
    things  but  he  never  gives  you  the  true  picture.  They  have  methods.
    They  use  women  if  that  is  the  man's  weakness.  If  he  likes  John
    Barleycorn,  they  supply  him  with  that.  No  matter  what  he  likes,  if
    he  has  a  hobby,  they  play  it  up  and  build  up  his  ego  to  a  point  whjere
    he  is  a  dead  duck.     That  way  they  get  him  into  this  group.

    Consequently,  for  the  average  Communist  to  get  out  on  the  street
    corner  with  a  leaflet  and  pass  it  out,  he  insults  the  average  man's  in-
    telligence— and  that,  I  will  tell  you  frankly,  burns  me  up  as  an  indi-
    vidual no  end,  because  God  gave  us  a  head,  and  gave  us  an  average
    mind  and  intelligence  to  think  with.  All  the  average  man  has  to  do
    is  to  not  be  gullible,  look  around,  keep  his  eyes  open,  and  he  can  see
    through  things.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Aren't  the  Communists  fairly  successful  in  building
    unions  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Fairly  successful,  sir,  to  a  point;  just  to  a  point.  A
    Communist  will  build  the  union;  if  he  can't  run  it  his  way,  he  will
    tear  it  down.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Are  they  fairly  successful  in  representing  the  member-
    ship in  grievance  cases,  things  of  that  sort?

    Mr.  Berescik.  To  a  degree,  yes,  sir;  just  to  a  degree,  because  a  labor
    man — I  believe  the  trend  has  changed — more  or  less  must  be  able  to
    meet  with  management  on  an  even  footing  and  be  able  to  discuss
    problems  of  management.  The  day  of  the  labor  man  walking  around
    with  a  club,  overturning  street  cars,  those  days  are  gone.  Labor  has
    moved  into  the  drawing  room.  It  is  what  you  have  upstairs.  You
    have  to  have  something  on  the  ball  mentally.  A  Communist  devotes
    so  much  of  his  time  to  carrying  on  and  promulgating  a  theory,  the
    theory  of  communism,  that  he  cannot  possibly  apply  himself,  because
    these  Communist  affiliations  are  so  trying  on  his  time  and  efforts
    that  he  can't  possibly  devote  any  time  to  knowing  the  inner  workings
    of  management — what  constitutes  a  fair  price,  what  is  an  unfair  price,
    whether  a  job  is  properly  classified  or  evaluated.  He  can't  apply
    himself,  he  hasn't  the  time,  around  the  table  he  has  a  loud  voice.  "The
    man  is  underpaid,"  but  if  you  ask  him  why  he  doesn't  know  why.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  is  the  interest  of  the  Communist  in  the  trade
    union  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  The  interest  of  the  Commy  in  the  trade-union  move-
    ment, sir — and  I  think  it  has  been  demonstrated

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  have  seen  it  in  your  own  union  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  In  my  union,  yes.  It  is  primarily  to  build  up  a
    powerful  political  force,  so  when  elections  come  they  can  sway  the
    people's  thinking.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  mean  in  national  elections  or  State  elections?

    COMMUNISM    IX   LABOR   UNIONS  185

    Mr.  Berescik.  National,  city,  county,  municipal,  anything.  So
    they  can  put  the  proper  people  in  power  and  they  have  a  new  jumping-
    off  point  to  the  next  echelon.

    Mr.  Xixon.  That  is  point  No.  1.  What  else  do  you  think  they  use
    the  union  for?  Do  they  use  it  for  supporting  the  foreign  policy  of
    the  United  States?  You  have  commented  upon  the  foreign-policy
    resolutions  that  they  have  introduced.

    Mr.  Berescik.  My  experience  has  been  that  other  than  at  the  time
    Russia  was  attacked  by  Hitler — and  if  I  could  cite  an  illustration —
    prior  to  the  time  Hitler  attacked  Russia  I  had  occasion  to  sit  in  on  an
    executive  board,  and  we  constantly  heard,  as  I  said,  "Imperialist  war,"
    "The  Yanks  are  not  coming,"  and  so  forth.  I  think  it  was  a  Sunday
    when  the  German  army  moved  into  Russia  and  the  executive  board
    was  called  into  extraordinary  session  on  Monday  or  Tuesday,  and
    these  same  people  whom  I  had  listened  to  for  2  or  3  years  expounding  a
    policy  "Imperialist  war,"'  they  came  in,  something  new  has  been  added,
    it  is  a  people's  war,  no  strike  pledge,  we  have  got  to  fight.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  was  before  the  United  States  had  entered  the
    war?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.

    Mr.  Nixon.  At  the  present  time  what  is  the  policy  of  the  Communist
    leadership  in  the  union  or  in  the  Communist  bloc  insofar  as  foreign
    policy  is  concerned?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  sir,  so  far  as  foreign  policy  is  concerned,  Teh-
    ran, Casablanca,  and  other  conferences  hadn't  been  finished,  propo-
    nents of  resolutions  supporting  them  to  the  high  heavens  were  presented
    at  various  union  functions.  And  I  have  attended  a  lot  within  the  last
    3  months  and  I  have  yet  to  hear  a  resolution  supporting  the  so-called
    Truman  doctrine  and  the  Marshall  plan.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  would  say  they  are  more  interested  in  following
    the  policy  of  Russia  than  in  trade-unionism?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Would  you  agree  with  the  statement  that  Mr.  Julianelle
    made  that  in  the  event  of  a  conflict  with  Russia  the  Communist  leader-
    ship in  the  union  would  support  Russia  rather  than  the  United  Stat;  s  •

    Mr.  Berescik.  That  is  an  extremely  hard  question,  sir,  because  as  far
    as  Albert  Fitzgerald,  the  international  president,  is  concerned.  I  don't
    think  he  is  at  the  point  where  he  will  sell  his  birth,  soul,  and  birth-
    right for  a  principle,  because  he  is  not  a  Communist,  but  assuming
    that

    Mr.  Nixon.  Assuming  that  the  union  is  Communist-dominated  in
    the  first  instance,  I  don't  mean  the  international,  but  any  union  is
    Communist-dominated — you  have  seen  what  it  means.

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Where  would  that  union  go  in  the  event  of  a  conflict
    with  a  Communist  country?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  I  suppose  they  would  call  strikes,  suddenly
    bring  up  things  yon  have  been  living  with  for  5  or  <'.  years  and  magnify
    them  to  a  degree,  saying  that  they  were  no  good,  that  they  should  do
    something  about  it,  and  really  put  the  machine  to  work  to  bring  con-
    fusion, distort  the  facts,  and  bring  about  chaos,  because  that  is  when
    they  operate  at  their  best.

    Mr.  Xixox.  The  loyalty  of  a  Communist  trade-union  leader

    186  COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Berescik.  Is  first  to  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Not  to  the  United  States?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Well,  I  don't  know  that  as  a  fact,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Unless  the  United  States  always  follows  the  Commu-
    nist-Party line?

    Mr.  Berescik.  That  is  right.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowe  11.

    Mr.  McDowell.  The  witness  testified  here  that  they  had  a  riot  at
    a  meeting.

    I  believe  you  said  that  three  young  men  were  stationed  there  to
    heckle  and  that  two  of  them  jumped  on  your  sergeant-at-arms.  What
    did  he  do  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  He  protected  himself.  He  was  hit  in  the  lip  and
    his  lip  was  split.

    Mr.  McDowell.  And  "the  third  young  man  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  He  went  to  work  on  me.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  protected  yourself?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.

    Mr.  McDowell.  You  did  protect  yourself  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.  He  lunged  at  me  and  the  chair  I  was  on,  I  put
    the  chair  between  him  and  me,  and  he  went  over  the  chair,  and  I  went
    in  the  office  and  called  the  police.

    Mr.  McDowell.  But  you  didn't  hit  him  with  the  chair  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  No,  sir;  I  moved  the  chair  between  him  and  myself.

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  other  words,  you  put  the  chair  in  front  of  him  as  he
    was  moving  ?

    Mr.  McDowell.  And,  unfortunately,  he  fell  ?

    Mr.  Berescik.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  The  Chair  wants  to  make  this  very  brief  statement.
    If  all  locals  in  the  United  States  where  they  have  a  Communist  bloc,
    such  as  local  203  had,  would  take  the  same  action  that  you  people  did,
    we  wouldn't  have  to  pass  some  of  the  labor  laws  that  we  are  passing
    today.  As  a  result  of  Communist  influence  in  many  of  the  unions,
    our  whole  economy  has  been  retarded.  As  a  result  of  Communist
    influence  in  many  other  fields,  we  have  got  a  condition  in  the  world
    today  which  is  just  about  as  far  from  peace  as  we  can  think  of.

    You  fellows  did  a  good  job  but  the  heat  was  put  on  you,  and  the
    heat  is  going  to  be  put  on  you.  But  keep  your  chin  up.  Continue  to
    educate  your  people  and  expose  communism,  just  as  this  committee
    has  been  exposing  communism  in  the  country.  And  we  are  going  to
    win  out.

    The  Chair  wants  to  thank  you  very  much  for  coming  here  today.

    The  Chair  also  wants  to  make  this  announcement,  that  tomorrow
    we  will  have  the  following  witnesses,  James  Joseph  Conroy,  of  New
    York  City,  organizational  representative  of  local  1237  of  the  United
    Electrical",  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  and  S.  M.
    Vottis,  of  Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  former  union  official  of  the  United
    Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America.  There  will  be
    no  meeting  this  afternoon.    We  stand  adjourned.

    (Whereupon,  at  12  :  50  p.  m.,  the  committee  adjourned,  to  reconvene
    at  10  a.  m.,  Friday,  July  25, 1947.)

    HEARINGS  REGARDING  COMMUNISM  IN  LABOR  UNIONS

    IN  THE  UNITED  STATES

    FRIDAY,   JULY   25,    1947

    House  of  Representatives,
    Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,

    Washington,  D.  C.

    The  committee  met  at  10  a.  m.,  Hon.  J.  Parnell  Thomas  (chairman)
    presiding.

    Staff  members  present :  Mr.  Robert  E.  Stripling,  chief  investigator
    and  Mr.  Louis  J.  Russell,  investigator.

    The  Chairman.  The  meeting  will  come  to  order.  The  record  will
    show  that  a  subcommittee  is  present  consisting  of  Mr.  McDowell  and
    Mr.  Thomas.

    Mr.  Stripling.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  first  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  Mr.  James
    Joseph  Conroy.

    The  Chairman.  Will  you  be  sworn,  Mr.  Conroy.

    Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  is
    the  truth,  the  whoie  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  '.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  Mr.  Conroy  is  former  president  of
    local  430,  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,
    and  a  former  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  At  the  present  time  he
    is  organizational  representative  of  local  1237  of  the  UE.  He  will
    testily  concerning  communism  in  the  union  which  I  have  just  men-
    tioned.

    TESTIMONY  OF  JAMES  JOSEPH  CONROY

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  will  you  state  your  full  name  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  James  Joseph  Conroy.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  were  you  born?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  was  born  in  New  York  City.  October  11, 1911.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  a  member  of  the  United  Electrical.  Radio
    and  Machine  Workers  of  America  at  the  present  time?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  local  of  this  union  are  you  presently  affiliated
    with  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am  affiliated  with  local  1237.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  type  of  worker  does  1237  represent  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  Local  1237  represents  the  mechanics  and  business  ma-
    chine industry.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Any  particular  business  concerns?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Companies  such  as  Underwood  Typewriter,  Reming-
    ton-Rand, and  others.

    187

    188  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  first  become  associated  with  the  labor
    movement,  Mr.  Conroy?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  became  associated  with  the  labor  movement  in  1938.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  company  were  you  connected  with  at  that
    time  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  was  employed  by  Decca  Records,  Inc.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  you  were  employed  by  the  Decca,  did  you
    perform  any  organizational  work  insofar  as  union  affairs  were  con-
    cerned among  the  employees  of  that  plant  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  While  employed  at  Decca  I  assisted  in  the  organiza-
    tion of  the  shop.  I  was  elected  the  first  shop  chairman,  and  I  was
    elected  the  first  chairman  of  the  negotiating  committee.

    Mr.  Stripling.  This  local  which  you  organized,  did  it  become  af-
    filiated with  any  international  organization?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Decca  became  affiliated  with  local  1237  of  the  UE.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  organized  the  Decca  employees  did  the
    international  union  recognize  your  work  in  performing  that  organi-
    zational work  and  make  any  offer  to  you?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  international  union  recognized  my  ability  by  offer-
    ing me  a  position  on  the  staff  of  the  international  union  as  a  field
    organizer.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Will  you  state  to  the  committee  the  functions  of  the
    field  organizer  in  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers
    of  America?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  functions  of  a  field  organizer  are  to  organize  the
    unorganized  workers  of  the  industry  and  to  negotiate  agreements  and
    to  carry  on  the  day-to-day  problems  of  the  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the
    Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  first  join  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  joined  the  Communist  Party  in  1940.

    Mr.  Stripling.  1940?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  employed  at  the  time  you  joined  the  Com-
    munist Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  was  employed  as  a  member  of  the  international  staff
    oftheUE.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Why  did  you  join?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  joined  the  Communist  Party  because  I  was  convinced
    at  that  time  that  by  being  a  member  of  the  party  I  could  best  serve  the
    membership  that  I  was  working  for.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  convinced  you  of  that  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  people  who  wer*e  responsible  for  my  joining  the
    Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling."  Did  you  sincerelv  believe  that  the  Communist  Party
    could  promote  the  best  interests  of  labor  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  believe  that  now  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  joined  the  party,  what  unit  or  section
    were  you  affiliated  with  or  a  member  of?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  was  affiliated  with  a  unit,  a  party  unit  of  local  1206.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  was  local  1206  located  ?

    COMMUNISM   IX   LABOR  UNIONS  189

    Mr.  Coxroy.  Local  12C6  was  located  in  Brooklyn.  X.  Y.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  how  many  members  it  had?  I  mean,
    members  of  the  local,  not  members  of  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  couldn't  state  exactly.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  it  a  large  local  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  It  may  have  had,  roughly,  between  two  and  three
    thousand  members.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  vou  ever  held  any  position  in  the  Communist
    Party  of  the  United  States?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  No,  sir ;  I  have  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  joined  the  Communist  Party  and  after
    you  became  affiliated  with  the  international  union,  were  you  elected  to
    any  office  in  the  international  union  or  did  you  become  an  officer  of
    any  of  the  locals  ?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  I  became  an  officer  of  local  1206,  to  which  I  was  elected
    president;  I  became  an  officer  of  local  430,  which  was  a  successor  local
    to  1206,  and  of  which  I  became  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  were  elected  president,  was  it  a  close  vote,
    or  did  you  have  a  substantial  majority?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  It  the  first  election  I  won  by,  if  I  remember  correctly,
    three  votes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  when  you  were  president  of  this
    local,  you  were  also  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  Yes.  sir ;  I  was.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  Did  you  follow  the  dictates  of  the  Communist
    Party  during  that  period,  so  far  as  the  local's  affairs  were  concerned?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  did.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  ask  a  question  there  I

    Mr.  Striplixg.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairmax.  Were  you  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  be-
    fore you  were  elected  president,  or  did  you  become  a  member  of  the
    Communist  Party  during  the  time  you  were  president  ?  What  I  want
    to  find  out  is  :  Were  you  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  before  you
    became  president  of  that  local  I

    Mr.  Coxroy.  No;  I  was  not.

    The  Chairmax.  Then  you  joined  the  Communist  Party  after  you
    were  elected?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairmax.  Mr.  Stripling.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  Can  you  recall  some  of  the  Communist  Party  line
    activities  or  resolutions  which  you  were  instrumental  in  putting
    through  while  you  were  president  of  the  local '.

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  party  line  at  one  point  was  petitioning  Presi-
    dent Roosevelt  for  the  freedom  of  Earl  Browder,  in  which  I  actively
    participated — the  campaign  which  I  actively  participated  in,  as  the
    president  of  the  local  union.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  Did  the  local  adopt  a  resolution  asking  for  the  re-
    lease of  Earl  Browder?

    Mr.  Coxroy.  Yes.

    Mr.  Striplixg.  You  are  speaking  of  when  Ear]  Browder  was  serv-
    ing a  term  in  Atlanta  Penitentiary  for  conviction  of  passport  viola-
    tion ?

    65744—47 13

    190  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  year  did  local  1206  become  a  part  of  local  430?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believe  it  was  in  1941.

    Mr.  Stripling.  For  how  many  years  were  you  president  of  1206
    and  later  430  ?

    Mr.  Cunroy.  I  think  my  presidency  of  the  two  locals  extended  over
    a  period  of  3  years.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  now  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  resign  from  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  resigned  from  the  Communist  Party  in  1946,  Jan-
    uary.

    Mr.  Stripling.  January?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Prior  to  1946,  did  you  become  disillusioned  as  to  the
    actual  and  real  purposes  of  the  Communist  Party  relative  to  organ-
    ized labor?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  you  first  begin  to  have  your  doubts  as  to
    the  real  program  of  the  Communists?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  had  doubts  when  I  went  into  the  Party,  which  I
    tried  to  compromise  in  my  own  mind;  and  I  had  doubts  while  I  was  a
    member  of  the  party,  but  I  lacked  the  courage  to  leave  the  Party  at
    that  time.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  a  Catholic?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  it  somewhat  difficult  to  reconcile  your  religious
    faith  with  the  activities  of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  it  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  became  disillusioned,  so  to  speak,  about
    communism,  did  you  resign  from  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  From  the  union?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes,

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  continued  on  with  your  functions  as  an  official
    of  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Conrov.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  vour  term  of  presidency  expire  in  local
    430?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believe  it  was  in  1943.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  did  you  do  after  your  term  expired?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  went  back  to  the  shop.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  Decca  shop?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  what  type  of  work  did  you  do?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  ran  a  hydraulic  press  which  made  records.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  returned  to  the  shop,  did  the  international
    union  send  you  out  on  any  special  assignments?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Six  months  after  I  had  returned  to  the  shop  I  was  re-
    quested to  leave  the  shop  and  accept  an  assignment  as  representing
    the  international  union  in  Sharon,  Pa.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  any  particular  reason  given  why  the  interna-
    tional union  selected  you  to  go  to  Sharon,  Pa.,  as  international  repre-
    sentative ?

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  191

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  international  believed  T  was  a  loyal  party  mem-
    ber and  would  see  that  the  proper  job  was  done.

    The  Chairman.  Loyal  Communist  Party  member?
    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  was  the  head  of  the  Sharon,  Pa.,  local  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  There  was  no  president  of  the  Local,  since  the  local
    was  a  newly  organized  local  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  This  local  at  Sharon,  is  that  the  Westinghouse  local?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  don't  recall  who  was  head  of  it?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  organizer  whom  I  succeeded  was  a  man  by  the
    name  of  Tom  Flanagan.

    Mr.  Strifling.  Was  Tom  Flanagan  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Why  did  Flanagan  leave  the  Westinghouse  local?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Flanagan  went  into  the  armed  services.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  you  replaced  him?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  union,  or  attempt
    to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  union,  in  conformance  with  the  Com-
    munist Party  line  while  you  were  at  Sharon,  Pa.  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  issue  of  communism  was  not  a  factor  in  the  Sharon
    local,  since  it  was  a  newly  organized  local  and  we  actually  didn't  have
    the  unit  built  to  the  extent

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  local  was  not  under  control  of  the  Communists?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Who  sent  you  to  the  Westinghouse  local  at
    Sharon,  Pa.  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  arrangements  were  made  by  Edward  Matthews,
    international  representative  of  the  UE.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  Edward  Matthews,  to  your  knowledge,  a  Com-
    munist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  do  you  know  that  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Because  I  attended  Communist  Party  meetings  with
    Ed  Matthews.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  long  were  you  at  the  Westinghouse  local?

    Mr.  Conroy.  For  a  period  extending  from  May  to  October.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  did  you  go  then,  after  you  left  the  Westing-
    house local?

    Mi-.  C(  ixroy.  I  went  to  local  410  in  Mount  Vernon,  N.  Y.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  were  your  functions  with  local  410?

    Mr.  Conroy.  My  functions  as  a  representative  of  the  international
    union  at  local  410  were  to  negotiate  contracts  for  the  shops  in  that  local.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  serving  in  the  nature  of  business  agent?

    Mr.  Coxtroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Striplixtg.  You  were  still  a  Communist  at  that  time?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  I  was.

    The  Chairman-.  May  I  ask  a  question  right  there?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  This  local  410  in  Mount  Vernon,  N.  Y.,  what  com-
    pany was  that?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Local  410  was  an  amalgamated  local  which  had  about
    live  or  six  different  companies  as  part  of  the  local  union.

    192  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  What  were  some  of  the  companies  ?

    Mr.  Conrot.  Some  of  the  companies  were  North  American  Films,
    Ward-Leonard  Electric  Co.,  and  Rex  Products  and  others.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Electronic  factories  ?

    Mr.  Conrot.  No  ;  there  was  no  electronic  work,  with  the  exception  of
    Ward-Leonard,  which  had  some  electronic  work.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  this  local  in  the  control  of  the  Communists?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir ;  it  was  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Now,  I  want  to  get  the  time  established  as  to  when
    you  decided  to  resign  from  the  party.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  resigned  from  the  party  in  January  of  1946.

    Mr.  Stripling.  At  the  time  you  resigned,  did  you  make  any  state-
    ment— public  statement — about  it  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  On  March  21,  of  1946, 1  made  a  public  statement  to  the
    membership  of  local  419  at  a  meeting  held  at  Turneverein  Hall  in
    Mount  Vernon,  N.  Y.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  request  that  the  witness  be  per-
    mitted to  read  that  statement.    It  is  not  very  long.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  so  ordered.

    Mr.  Conroy  (reading)  :

    Statement  made  to  the  membership  of  Local  419,  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and
    Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO,  at  Turne  verein  Hall,  Mount  Vernon,  N.  Y.,
    on  March  21, 1946.

    I  will  preface  this  statement  by  saying  the  religious  practices  or  the  political
    beliefs  of  any  member  of  the  local  union  should  not,  in  my  opinion,  become  the
    subject  of  a  public  debate.

    Our  union  has  been  built  on  the  proposition  that  all  members  are  equal — re-
    gardless of  race,  creed,  color,  sex,  religious,  or  political  beliefs.  This  democratic
    proposition  is  one  all  of  us  must  right  to  maintain.

    Since  I  am  an  elected  representative,  in  a  position  of  trust  in  this  local  union,
    I  therefore  cannot  place  myself  in  the  category  of  a  rank-and-file  member.  Any-
    thing I  may  have  said  or  done  which  might  reflect  against  our  union  should  be
    revealed  to  the  membership,  so  as  to  enable  them  to  pass  judgment.

    I  am  fully  aware  of  the  serious  implications  contained  in  this  statement.  I  am
    likewise  conscious  of  the  fact  that  there  might  be  serious  consequences  for  me.
    However,  this  in  no  way  lessens  my  determination  to  reveal  to  you,  the  facts
    pertaining  to  my  past  political  affiliations.

    I  became  a  member  of  local  1237  in  March  1938,  while  an  employee  of  Decca
    Records.  In  April  of  1940  I  was  offered  a  position  on  the  staff  of  the  UE.  which  I
    accepted.  During  my  first  months  on  the  staff  I  was  urged  by  various  staff  mem-
    bers to  join  the  Communist  Party.  Although  hesitant  and  with  reservations,  I
    nevertheless  became  a  member  of  the  party  late  in  1940.

    Although  I  never  agreed  with  the  position  of  the  Communist  Party  with  respect
    to  religion  and  the  church,  and  despite  my  differences  with  the  party  on  ques-
    tions of  how  to  work  in  the  trade-unions,  I  nevertheless  remained  a  party
    member  until  January  27, 1946.

    My  resignation  from  the  Communist  Party  was  brought  about  by  the  vicious,
    unprincipled  attack  of  the  party  against  the  head  of  my  church.

    These  attacks  against  the  head  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  were  brought
    about  because  of  the  appointments  made  to  the  College  of  Cardinals.  The  Com-
    munist Party  charged  the  appointments  were  being  made  for  political  reasons
    alone.  This  attack  left  no  doubt  in  my  mind  as  to  the  position  of  the  Communist
    Party  with  respect  to  my  church.

    On  Thursday,  January  31,  I  was  requested  to  attend  a  meeting  to  explain  my
    resignation  from  the  Communist  Party.  I  went  to  the  meeting,  where  I  was
    informed  that  I  could  not  resign  from  the  party  and  told  I  would  be  expelled.
    I  stated  one  could  not  be  expelled  from  an  organization  to  which  he  no  longer
    belonged.

    What  followed  my  resignation  from  the  Communist  Party  is  known  to  many
    of  you.  A  smear  campaign,  placed  me  in  Hitler's  class.  The  Communist  Party
    members  in  this  local  have  been  partially  successful  in  raising  false  issues  upon

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  193

    which  to  attack  me.  They  have  attempted  to  make  it  a  personality  fight  between
    Bahassin  and  Conroy.

    This  statement  has  already  been  made  to  the  local  executive  board  on  March
    12,  to  tbe  Rex  stewards  council  on  March  13,  and  to  Albert  Fitzgerald,  general
    president  of  the  UE,  and  Edward  Stewart,  secretary  of  UE  district  No.  4,  on
    March  18.

    I  am  determined  to  fight  for  the  right  of  a  non-Communist  to  maintain  a  posi-
    tion to  which  he  has  been  elected  by  the  membership.  My  fight  will  continue
    despite  the  smear  campaign  of  the  Communist  Party  members  who  will  continue
    their  disruption  of  every  meeting  and  will  use  every  trick  to  divide  and  conquer
    the  membership.

    To  those  members  of  the  Communist  Party  who  are  determined  to  make  me
    quit,  I'm  telling  you  here  and  now  that  I  have  no  intention  of  quitting  this  fight.
    I  will  make  allies  with  every  progressive  force  which  will  assist  me  in  my  fight
    to  continue  in  office  as  a  non-Communist  union  leader.  I  will  seek  the  advice
    and  assistance  of  the  Association  of  Catholic  Trade  Unionists  in  my  fight.

    There  is  room  in  this  organization  for  every  member,  regardless  of  his  race,
    color,  creed,  sex,  religious,  or  political  beliefs.  However,  there  is  no  room  in
    this  union  for  domination  by  a  force  outside  this  union.  This  union  must  con-
    tinue to  be  a  rank-and-file  organization.

    Mr.  Stripling.  After  you  made  that  statement,  were  you  ousted
    from  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir;  I  was  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  resign  from  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  did,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Then  what  did  you  do?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  returned  to  the  company  from  which  I  left,  Decca
    Records.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  Ions  were  you  employed  with  Decca  Records  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  was  employed  in  Decca  Records  for  a  period  of  1
    week.

    Mr.  Stripling.  One  week?

    Mr.  Conroy.  One  week.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Why  did  your  employment  terminate?

    Mr.  Conroy.  My  employment  terminated  because  Anthony  Salese,
    president  of  local  430,  and  Peter  Aboandoni,  international  representa-
    tive of  UE,  went  to  the  management  of  that  company  and  demanded
    my  immediate  dismissal  on  the  ground  that  I  had  been  barred  from
    the  "TE.  that  I  had  been  expelled  from  the  CIO,  and  that  I  was  a  char-
    acter unfitted  to  be  employed  by  any  employer  in  the  United  States.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Had  you  been  expelled  from  the  CIO  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir;  I  had  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  that  their  demand  for  your  dismissal
    was  based  upon  the  fact  that  you  had  resigned  from  the  Communist
    Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Their  demand  for  my  dismissal  was  based  upon  the
    fact  that  I  had  left  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  Tony  Salese  president  of  local  430?

    Mr.  Cox'ROY.  He  was  and  still  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  as  to  whether  or  not
    he  is  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  do  you  know  that  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  attended  party  meetings  with  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  you  were  a  member  of  the  party  and  while
    you  were  an  official  of  the  UE  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    194  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  still  a  member  of  the  UE  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  local  are  you  presently  associated  with  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am  associated  with  local  1237.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  official  position  with  local  1237?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am  the  business  agent  of  that  local.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Going  back  for  a  moment  to  local  430  and  Tony
    Salese ;  do  you  think  that  local  430  is  under  the  control  of  the  Com-
    munists ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  other  officials  of  the  local  members  of  the  party
    besides  Salese?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believe  some  are.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  percentage  of  the  membership  do  you  think
    are  members  of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  A  very  insignificant  number.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  that  the  case  in  other  locals  in  which  you
    were  an  officer  or  a  member  during  the  period  in  which  you  were  a
    Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  true  of  every  case  in  the  UE.
    *    Mr.  Stripling.  In  other  words,  the  Communist  influence  is  at  the
    top?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  that  is  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  And  not  among  the  rank-and-file  members  of  the
    organization?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  you  were  associated  with  local  430  did  you
    have  any  dealing  with  Al  Stern,  who  is  the  business  manager  of
    local  430?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  consider  him  to  be  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  ever  sit  in  any  meetings  with  him  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  you  were  a  member  of  the  party  and  while
    you  were  an  official  of  the  UE  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  ever  associated  with  an  individual  named
    Frank  Burns?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  While  you  were  in  local  430  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believe  he  is  a  business  agent  of  that  local.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Business  agent?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  sat  in  meetings  with  him?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  have.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  am  speaking  of  Communist  Party  meetings  when
    I  say  that.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  195

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  become  associated  with  an  individual
    named  Jeffrey  Van  Clief  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Was  he  an  official  of  local  430?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  don't  believe  he  was  at  the  time  I  was  in  that  looal.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  was  just  a  member  of  the  local  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  was  a  member  of
    the  Communist  Party '.

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  do  you  know  he  was  a  member  of  the  Com-
    munist Party  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  attended  meetings  with  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  an  individual  named  Morris  Kirstein?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  he  known  to  you  as  a  member  of  the  Communist
    Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  attended  meetings  with  him?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  there  has  been  considerable  testimony
    before  this  committee  concerning  Julius  Emspak,  who  is  an  interna-
    tional official — -I  believe  secretary  and  treasurer,  is  he  not,  of  the  inter-
    national union?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  personally  acquainted  with  Julius  Emspak?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge  he  is  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  have  no  knowledge  that  he  is  a  member  of  the
    Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir ;  I  have  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  he  has  ever  followed  the  Communist
    Party  line  in  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  international  union?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  think  the  international  union  has  and  he  as  an  officer
    has  followed  the  dictates  of  the  international  union.

    Mr.  Stripling.  But  you  have  no  knowledge  that  he  himself  is  a
    Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No;  I  have  not.

    The  Chairman.  At  this  point  the  record  will  show  Mr.  Nixon  is
    present.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  ask  that  the  subpena  which
    was  served  upon  Mr.  Conroy  to  appear  here,  which  is  dated  July  1,
    1947,  be  made  a  part  of  the  record.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  so  ordered.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  do  you  know  James  Lustig,  who  is  an
    international  officer  of  UE  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  know  James  Lustig.  He  is  not  an  international
    representative  of  the  union.    He  is  a  district  representative.

    Mr.  Stripling.  District  representative?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  a  district  representative  of  district  4.

    196  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  what  district  4  comprises,  what  cities
    or  States?

    Mr.  Conrot.  It  comprises  New  York  City,  the  northern  part  of  New
    York  City,  and  the  metropolitan  parts  of  New  Jersey  up  to  Trenton,  I
    believe.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  James  Lustig  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  do  you  know  that  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  attended  party  meetings  with  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  an  individual  named
    James  McLeish  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  president  of  district  4.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  the  same  district  of  which  Mr.  Lustig  is  an
    official ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  as  to  whether  James
    McLeish  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  sat  in  meetings  with  him?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No  ;  I  have  not.    He  told  me  he  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  he  tell  you  he  was  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  In  1946.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  an  individual  named
    Walter  Barry?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  he  holds  any  position  in  the
    UE?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  an  international  representative.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  concerning  his  Com-
    munist activity?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  a  party  member.

    Mr.  Stripling.  How  do  you  know  he  is  a  party  member  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  attended  meetings  with  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  Walter  Barry  has  been
    known  by  any  other  name  other  than  Walter  Barry  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge,  he  has  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  an  Israel  Eisenstat?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  a  person  by  the  name  of
    Ruth  Young?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  she  an  official  of  the  UE  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  She  is  secretary  of  district  4.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  she  is  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  She  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  sat  in  meetings  with  her  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  have.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  Ernest  DeMaio  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold  in  the  UE  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  a  vice  president  of  that  union.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  197

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  as  to  whether  or  not
    he  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge  he  is  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  is  not  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  ever  heard  the  charge  that  he  was  a  mem-
    ber of  the  Communist  Party  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  have.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  his  brother  Anthony
    DeMaio  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  know  him.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  ever  heard  that  he  was  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  have  heard  that  he  was,  but  I  cannot  tell — I  cannot
    testify.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  have  no  knowledge?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  Thomas  Fitzpatrick?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Does  he  hold  any  position  in  the  international
    union  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  an  international  vice  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  as  to  whether  or  not
    he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  sat  in  meetings  with  him  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  I  have.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  Michael  Fitzpatrick?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold  in  the  union?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do  not  know  at  this  time.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  was  at  one  time
    president  of  district  6?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  he  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir;  he  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  sat  in  meetings  with  him?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  have.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  an  individual  by  the  name
    of  John  Go  jack?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  an  international  vice  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  that  John  Gojack  is  a
    member  of  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  have  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  an  individual  by  the  name  of  Harold
    Conroy  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  have  in  the  union?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  an  official  of  district  2.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  district  does  that  comprise?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  New  England  district.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Massachusetts-Connecticut  ?

    198  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  is  a  Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Have  you  sat  in  meetings  with  him  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  didn't;  no.    He  told  me  he  was.

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  did  he  tell  you  he  was  a  Communist,  Mr.
    Conroy  (

    Mr.  Conroy.  At  one  of  the  TJE  conventions.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  recall  what  year  it  was  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No;  I  do  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  definitely  understand  from  him  that  he  was
    a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  did.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Were  you  a  party  member  at  that  time  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  You  were  in  position  to  know  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  was  not  in  any  position  to  know  other  than  the  fact
    that  he  told  me  so.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Is  he  any  relation  to  you  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No;  he  is  not.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  ask  a  question  right  there  ?

    Mr.  Stripling.  Yes,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  What  influenced  you,  and  all  these  other  persons,
    to  join  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  didn't  understand.

    The  Chairman.  What  influenced  you.  and  in  your  opinion  these
    other  persons,  that  you  said  were  members  of  the  Communist  Party,
    what  influenced  you  and  those  people  to  join  the  Communist  Party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Mr.  Thomas,  I  won't  attempt  to  speak  for  the  other
    members.    I  can  only  speak  for  myself.

    The  Chairman.  All  right.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  will  repeat  what  I  said  earlier  in  response  to  a  ques-
    tion put  to  me  by  Mr.  Stripling.  That  was  that  I  believed  at  that
    time,  at  the  time  I  became  associated  with  the  Communist  Party,  that
    I  could  better  serve  the  working  people  who  are  members  of  my  union.

    The  Chairman.  Why  did  you  believe  that?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believed  that  because  I  was  very  much  impressed
    with  the  way  certain  of  the  members  of  the  Communist  Party  func-
    tioned in  the  union.

    The  Chairman.  How  did  they  function  that  was  superior  to  the
    way  the  other  members  functioned?

    Mr.  Conroy.  They  were  in  many  cases  much  more  diligent  and  in
    many  cases  seemed  to  have  the  answers  where  other  union  officials
    floundered  around,  and,  at  least,  they  always  know  where  they  are
    going.

    The  Chairman.  How  often  did  those  Communists,  including  your-
    self at  that  time,  have  meetings  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  It  depended  on  the  situations.  They  may  be  weekly,
    they  may  be  once  a  month,  depending  on  the  situations.

    The  Chairman.  Where  did  you  meet?

    Mr.  Conroy.  At  various  places.

    The  Chairman.  Name  one  place.

    Mr.  Conroy.  We  met  in  the  Plaza  in  New  York.

    The  Chairman.  Plaza  Hotel?

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  199

    Mr.  Conroy.  Irving  Plaza.

    The  Chairman.  How  many  persons  usually  attended  each  one  of
    those  meetings  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  It  varied.

    The  Chairman.  Would  you  say  30?

    Mr.  Conroy.  It  could  have  been  30,  and  it  could  have  been  less,
    depending  on  the  reason.

    The  Chairman.  At  the  meeings,  did  you  take  up  union-labor  af-
    fairs, or  did  you  take  up  every  subject  known  to  mankind  that  the
    Communists  were  pushing  at  that  time  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  We  took  up  many  varied  problems.

    The  Chairman.  Problems  that  were  part  of  the  Communist  line  at
    that  time  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Not  only  those  problems.  Legitimate  trade-union
    problems  also.

    The  Chairman.  You  said  you  got  out  of  the  Communist  Party
    because  of  your  religious  views.  After  those  Commies  stopped  you
    in  that  job  that  you  held  for  a  week,  you  had  different  ideas  about  the
    Commies,  didn't  you?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  had.  I  had  those  ideas  before  I  got  out  of  the
    party.  I  want  to  repeat  what  I  said  before,  that  I  had  many  questions
    in  my  mind  long  before  I  left  the  party,  but,  frankly,  I  lacked  the
    courage  to  leave  the  party.

    The  Chairman.  Why  did  you  need  courage  to  leave  the  party?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Because  they  can  do  a  job  on  you.

    The  Chairman.  They  can  do  a  job  on  you?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.

    The  Chairman.  Not  only  a  job  to  keep  you  out  of  a  job,  but  they
    could  do  a  physical  job,  too,  couldn't  they?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct,

    The  Chairman.  All  right,  Mr.  Stripling.

    Does  any  other  member  have  a  question  at  this  time  ?     Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Not  now.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  will  be  through  very  shortly,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  All  right.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  do  you  know  Albert  Fitzgerald,  who
    is  the  president  of  the  UE?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  that  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge  he  is  not  a  member  of  the  party.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  Russell  Nixon,  one  of  the  officials  of
    the  UE  I

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  that  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge,  he  is  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  William  Sentner  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  position  does  he  hold  in  the  Communist
    Party — I  am  sorry — in  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  an  international  vice  president.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  William  Sentner  is  a
    Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    200  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Stripling.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Mr.  Sentner  was  secretary  of
    the  Communist  Party  for  the  State  of  Missouri  at  one  time,  was  he
    not?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  can't  verify  that.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  was,  Mr.  Chairman.

    Mr.  Conroy.  William  Sentner  openly  admits  he  is  a  Communist.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  is  also  an  international  vice  president.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Are  you  acquainted  with  an  individual  named
    Harry  Block?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  am.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  he  holds  any  position  in  the
    union  at  this  time?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believe  he  is  secretary  of  the  Pennsylvania  Indus-
    trial Union  Council.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  Harry  Block  is  a
    Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  most  certainly  is  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Conroy,  there  are  approximately  how  many
    members  in  the  UE  in  the  United  States?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Over  400,000.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Over  400.000  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  your  explanation  as  to  how  the  Commu-
    nists, people  you  have  identified  as  Commuists,  all  occupied  high
    positions  in  the  union,  how  can  such  a  small  group  capture  these  posi-
    tions, how  do  you  explain  that?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  explanation  I  can  give  is  that,  first  of  all,  they
    have  a  program;  secondly,  they  have  iron  discipline;  and,  thirdly,
    and  most  important  of  all,  they  work  like  beavers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  I  mean,  are  the  Communists  within  the  UE,  are
    they  organized  into  any  kind  of  a  control  commission  or  tight-knit
    group,  is  their  work  coordinated,  or  is  it  just  within  each  local  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  They  have  a  very  strong  centralized  control  of  the
    union  through  the  international  representatives  and  the  field
    organizers.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  think  James  Matles  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge  he  is  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  He  is  not  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  not.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  an  individual  by  the  name  of  Neil
    Brandt?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  Neil  Brandt  is  a
    Communist  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is.

    Mr.  Stripling.  What  is  his  position  in  the  union  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  He  is  an  international  representative.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  was  ever  arrested
    in  the  State  of  New  Jersey?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  do  not.

    The  Chairman.  The  record  will  show  that  Mr.  Vail  is  present.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  201

    Mr.  Stripling.  Do  you  know  of  any  other  positions  that  Neil
    Brandt  holds  within  the  union,  have  you  ever  been  associated  with  him
    on  any  boards?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Neil  Brandt  is  the  chairman  of  a  conference  board.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Conference  board  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Not  a  chairman.  He  is,  I  believe,  secretary,  or  an
    active  official,  of  a  conference  board.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Did  you  also  serve  on  the  conference  board?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Not  on  this  particular  conference  board.  I  had  served
    on  conference  boards.

    The  Chairman.  How  do  you  know  that  Neil  Brandt  is  a  Com-
    munist ?

    Mi-.  Conroy.  Neil  Brandt  told  me  he  was  a  member  of  the  Com-
    munist Party.

    The  Chairman.  When  did  he  tell  you  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Some  years  ago ;  1940  to  be  exact.

    The  Chairman.  1940,  to  be  exact?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Stripling.  That  is  all  the  questions  I  have  at  this  time,  Mr.
    Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Conroy,  you  first  began  operations  in  Sharon,
    Pa.,  did  you  say?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  wasn't  the  first.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Well,  you  belonged  there,  you  were  active  in
    Sharon  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  was.

    Mr.  McDowell.  What  district  of  the  UE?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  district  6.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  you  know  Dick  Fitzpatrick?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  do.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Is  he  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  he  is.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  you  know  his  brother  Tom  Fitzpatrick  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  do.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Is  Tom  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  he  is.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  you  know  Charles  Newell?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  do.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Is  Mr.  Newell  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Not  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Do  you  know  a  minor  figures  called  Rossner,
    R-o-s-s-n-e-r,  Steve  Rossner?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No;  I  do  not.

    Mi-.  McDowell.  Mr.  Conroy,  you  testified  here  that  your  thoughts
    on  communism  changed  or  were  crystalized  because  of  your  religions
    convictions  and  that  caused  you  to  leave  the  Communist  Party.  Will
    you  agree  with  me  that  outside  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  them-
    selves and  their  natural  instincts,  the  strongest  force  against  com-
    munism in  the  world,  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  has  been
    the  Roman  Catholic  Church?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  I  will.

    202  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  say  that  not  being  a  member  of  the  Catholic
    Church.

    You  said  that  you  were  active  in  the  efforts  to  have  Earl  Browder
    released  from  jail  where  he  was  sent  for  falsifying  a  passport.  You,
    of  course,  are  familiar  with  the  fact  that  since  that  time  Browder
    has  fallen  from  grace  in  the  American  Communist  Party  and  has
    been  subject  to  the  smears  of  the  Communist  Party,  as  you  have  been,
    and  I  have  been,  and  as  the  chairman  has  been,  and  all  the  rest  of
    us.    You  know  that,  don't  you?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  do.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Conroy,  I  have  before  me  here  this  morning's
    copy  of  the  Daily  Worker.  I  haven't  had  time  to  go  through  it.  I
    examined  it  for  a  few  moments  only.  The  leading  articles  in  the
    Daily  Worker — which  is  the  official  publication  of  the  Communist
    Party — attack  and  smear  and  threaten  the  Army  of  the  United
    States — that  is  the  No.  1  story— organized  labor  of  the  United  States,
    the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  industry  of  the  United  States,  and
    even  fellow-traveling  Communists  or  Communist  fellow  travelers  who
    wavered  a  bit  in  their  adherence  to  the  Communist  Party  line — that
    is  just  today's  edition  of  the  Daily  Worker.

    A  story  on  the  back  page  says,  among  other  things — written  by
    Fred  Vast,  the  correspondent  of  the  Daily  Worker  in  Washington —
    that  four  members  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,
    Chairman  Thomas,  Congressman  Vail,  Congressman  Nixon,  and
    myself  are  going  to  be  the  subject  of  a  very  vigorous  campaign  for
    defeat  next  year  in  case  we  are  candidates.  I  think  I  should  tell  the
    Communist  Party,  Mr.  Vast,  and  the  Daily  Worker,  that  that  has  been
    gone  through  by  all  of  us.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Daily  Worker  is,
    so  far  as  I  can  discover,  after  years  of  reading,  has  never  agreed
    that  anything  is  right  here  in  America.  I  don't  know  what  these
    Communists  want  in  America.

    I  had  some  other  things,  but  I  will  pass  them  for  the  moment,  Mr.
    Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Nixon.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  long  have  you  been  in  the  trade-union  movement  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Since  1938.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  believed  in  it  when  you  went  into  it,  didn't  you  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Still  believe  in  it  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  The  trade-union  movement  is  a  very  necessary  part
    of  a  free  democracy.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  would  like  to  see  it  grow  and  become  expanded?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir ;  I  would.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Isn't  it  true  that  the  Communists  also  want  to  see  the
    trade-union  movement  grow  and  expand?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  they  do.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  have  indicated  they  have  a  program,  they  have
    discipline,  and  they  work  hard,  and  that  is  why  they  go  to  the  top?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.
    ,   Mr.  Nixon.  Why  did  you  oppose  them  in  the  UE?     Why  do  you
    oppose  the  Communists'  attempts  to  take  over  the  UE?

    Air.  Conroy.  I  opposed  the  efforts  of  the  Communist  Party  to  take
    over  the  UE  or  any  other  trade-union  movement  because  to  them  the

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS  203

    trade-union  movement  is  a  means  to  an  end.  It  is  not  the  end.  To
    the  average  trade-union  member,  he  joins  the  union  to  get  a  better
    living — to  provide  himself  and  his  family  with  a  better  share  of  the
    wealth  he  has  helped  to  create.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Don't  the  Communists  in  their  work  in  the  trade-union
    movement  attempt  to  get  the  workers  a  better  living,  as  you  have
    indicated  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes;  they  do.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Isn't  that  the  end,  then,  that  they  are  working  for?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No ;  it  is  not.

    Mr.  Nixon.  What  is  the  end  that  they  are  working  for  in  the  trade-
    union  movement?

    Mr.  Conroy.  My  experience  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party
    has  convinced  me  that  the  Communists  are  using  the  trade-union  move-
    ment as  a  political  arm  of  the  international  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Well,  if  that  nevertheless  has  the  effect,  however,  of
    making  the  trade-union  movement  stronger  and  better,  because  of  the
    discipline,  the  program  that  they  have,  why  do  you  consider  that  bad?
    In  other  words,  suppose  that  they  are  using  it  as  a  political  arm  of  the
    Communist  Party,  do  you  feel  that  in  doing  so  that  in  the  end  trade-
    unionism  is  going  to  be  stronger,  if  they  accomplish  their  end?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Definitely  not.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Then,  in  the  final  analysis,  you  don't  believe  that  the
    Communists  are  working  for  an  eventually  strong,  free  trade-unionism
    as  you  thought  of  it  when  you  went  into  the  movement  in  1938  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Definitely.

    Mr.  NixoxT.  Then  what  is  going  to  be  the  end  result  ?  Assuming  the'
    Communists  accomplish  this  end,  what  is  going  to  be  the  effect  on  free
    trade-unionism?

    Mr.  Conroy.  There  will  be  no  free  trade-unionism.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Why  do  you  say  that?  Is  that  what  they  told  you  in
    the  Communist  Party  or  from  what — what  makes  you  draw  that
    conclusion  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  Why,  I  draw  that  conclusion  from  the  present  trade-
    unions  in  the  Soviet  Union,  where  they  have  state-controlled  unions.

    Mr.  Nixon.  They  aren't  free  trade-unionists?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir ;  they  are  not.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  they  strike  there?

    Mr.  Conroy.  They  do  not,  to  my  knowledge.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Then,  the  reason  you  feel  it  is  necessary  to  remove  Com-
    munists from  positions  of  power  in  American  trade-unions  is  that  you
    believe  if  they  are  able  to  take  over  the  trade-unions  in  this  country
    and  as  a  result  of  being  able  to  take  over  the  trade-unions  to  take  over
    the  country  politically  as  well,  that  in  the  end  they  will  turn  on  the
    unions  and  in  effect  destroy  them,  at  least  destroy  them  insofar  as
    their  freedom  is  concerned,  in  the  sense  you  have  been  speaking  of?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.  I  believe  history  is  now  showing  us
    that  it  is  possible  to  control  the  Government  without  being  in  power,
    by  simply  controlling  the  trade-unions.  It  is  being  demonstrated
    in  France.

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  other  words,  by  controlling  the  trade-unions,  you
    control  the  economy  of  the  country  because  you  have  the  power  to
    call  a  general  strike?

    204  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Nixon.  And  therefore,  by  using  that  threat  and  that  power,,
    you  can  dictate  to  the  Government  as  to  what  the  Government  policy
    is  going  to  be  on  any  matter  which  may  be  before  it  at  that  time  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Now,  in  order  to  be  helpful  to  this  committee  and  the
    other  committees  in  Congress  who  are  interested  in  this  subject,  I  would
    like  to  have  your  comments  very  briefly  on  the  methods  which  the  Com-
    munists use  in  the  trade-union  movement.'  I  will  ask  you  just  a  few
    specific  questions  and  if  you  know  of  your  own  knowledge  how  they
    have  operated,  I  would  appreciate  your  enlightening  us.  Do  the  Com-
    munists recruit  members  for  the  party  through  the  trade-unions?

    Mr.  Conroy.  They  do.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  do  they  go  about  that  ?  Do  they  approach  them
    directly,  through  the  mails — or  what  are  the  methods  you  have  noticed
    they  have  used?  What  are  the  methods  you  used  yourself  since  you
    have  been  a  member  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  So  far  as  my  experience  is  concerned,  I  can  talk  of  the
    way  I  was  recruited  to  the  party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  a  good  example.

    Mr.  Conroy.  And  that  was  by  personal  contact.  They  gave  me
    literature  to  read.  They  sent  me  through  the  mails  free  copies,  of  the
    Daily  Worker  and  other  Communist  material.  They  invited  me  to
    sit  in  on  meetings  and  listen  to  the  Communist  program  and  the  dis-
    cussions of  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Any  other  methods  used?  That  is  a  pretty  individual
    approach  they  used  with  you.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  can't  speak  of  any  other  approach,  excepting  that,
    because  that  was  the  only  one  that  has  ever  been  used,  as  far  as  I  was
    concerned.

    Mr.  Nixon.  I  see.  Now,  in  taking  over  a  union,  you  have  indicated
    the  reason  the  Communists  do  it  is  they  have  a  program,  have  disci-
    pline, and  they  work  hard.  When  you  were  in  the  union  as  a  Commu-
    nist, was  it  a  general  rule  that  the  Communists  were  instructed  insofar
    as  the  party  line  was  concerned  to  follow  strictly  legal  means  in  operat-
    ing within  the  union?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  don't  quite  understand  the  question.

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  other  words,  did  you  work  completely  within  the
    union  framework — that  is,  fair  elections,  democratic  elections,  without
    using  any  illegal  means  as  far  as  union  rules  were  concerned  or  un-
    ethical means  to  gain  power  in  the  union  \

    Mr.  Conroy.  Well,  to  my  knowledge,  the  party  in  my  experience
    varied.  That  is,  certain  individuals  in  the  party  have  done  things
    which  certainly  were  not  democratic  or  fair,  while  other  members  of  the
    party  have  taken  a  different  position  or  different  approach.  The  party,
    like  any  other  organization,  is  made  up  of  individuals.

    Mr.  Nixcn.  So  the  method  the  Communists  use  within  any  union  will
    depend  pretty  much  on  the  individuals?

    Mr.  Conroy.  And  the  situation.

    Mr.  Nixon.  And  the  situation.  But  if  necessary,  is  it  true  the  Com-
    munists within  a  union  will  use  any  means  they  can  to  gain  control  or
    power  over  it  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes ;  it  is  true.

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  205

    Mr.  Nixon.  Including  discrediting  through  any  means  whatever  the

    anti-Communist  forces  or  leaders  of  a  union  '.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Absolutely.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  have  known  of  examples  of  that,  I  assume  ?

    Mr.  Conkot.  It  has  happened  to  me.  It  is  happening  now.  The
    paper  of  our  union  is  being  used  now  as  a  personal  weapon  by  the
    Communists  in  our  union  to  smear  every  member  who  has  dared  to
    question  the  policy  of  our  international  union,  which  for  a  period  of
    10  years  has  been  consistent  with  that  policy  as  put  forth  by  the  Com-
    munist paper  through  the  Daily  Worker.

    Mr.  Nixon.  How  do  they  smear  you?  Just  generally,  or  do  they
    make  any  attacks  on  your  character?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Well,  today  I  am  an  agent  of  the  National  Association
    of  Manufacturers.  I  am  an  agent  of  the  Pope.  I  am  down  here  be-
    cause I  favor  the  Taft-Hartley  bill,  which  I  have  been  against  and
    which  I  am  still  against  and  which  I  feel,  incidentally,  is  a  boon  to  the
    Communists,  who  will  enjoy  the  confusion  the  Taft-Hartley  bill  will
    cause.  I  am  everything  undesirable,  as  far  as  the  UE  News  is  con-
    cerned. The  UE  News  is  a  typical  example  of  what  a  Communist  or-
    ganization does  with  so-called  freedom  of  the  press.  We  cannot  under
    any  circumstances  have  our  position  made  clear  in  the  UE  News.
    When  this  meeting  is  over,  I  am  going  to  write  to  the  UE  News  chal-
    lenging them  to  put  in  my  testimony  before  this  committee,  so  that
    the  membership  of  my  union  can  judge  whether  or  not  I  have  vilified
    the  99  percent  membership  who  are  loyal  Americans  or  the  1  percent,
    or  less,  of  the  Communists  who  are  trying  to  use  our  union  as  a  political
    arm  of  the  international  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  You  mean  to  indicate  that  that  1  percent,  or  even  less,
    in  a  union  of  Communists  or  fellow  travelers  is  enough  to  take  over  a
    union?

    Mr.  Coxrov.  Absolutely.  They  have  done  it.  That  speaks  for
    itself.  The  record  is  clear.  There  certainly  is  much  less  than  1  per-
    cent members  of  the  Communist  Party  in  the  UE.  AYe  will  give  them
    the  benefit  of  the  doubt  and  say  it  is  1  percent.  But  they  control  the
    union  lock,  stock,  and  barrel.

    Mr.   Nix;>x.  Then,   those   people   who   have    indicated   on   several
    occasions  that  there  is  no  reason  to  worry  about  Communist  control
    of  any  unions,  because  there  are  so  few  of  them  in  the  movement,  are
    probably  being  misled  by  their  numbers,  are  they  not?
    Mr.  Conroy.  They  are  absolutely  wrong.

    Mr.  Nixox.  You  indicated  you  were  fearful  of  leaving  the  union
    because  of  what  might  be  done  to  you,  from  the  standpoint  of  your
    job,  and  in  answer  to  a  question  from  Mr.  Thomas,  even  from  the
    standpoint  of  threats  of  personal  harm.  Do  you  have  any  personal
    testimony  that  you  can  give,  from  your  own  knowledge,  of  action
    which  was  taken  by  the  Communists  in  an  attack  upon  opponents
    within  a  union — your  union  or  some  other  union — which  was  the  basis
    for  causing  you  to  be  fearful  of  leaving?  In  other  words,  do  you
    know  of  any  threats  of  violence  against  the  Communist  opposition
    in  a  union — against  yourself  or  anybody  else  '.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  would  like  to  clear  one  thing,  Mr.  Nixon.
    Mr.  Nixox.  Yes.

    65744 — 47 14

    206  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR  UNIONS

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  didn't  say  I  was  afraid  to  leave  the  union.  I  said
    I  didn't  have  the  courage  to  leave  the  Communist  Party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Fine.     Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Coxroy.  I  would  like  to  say  to  the  committee  it  takes  more
    courage  to  leave  the  party  than  it  does  to  join  the  party,  because  any-
    one who  has  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  knows  of  the
    possible  consequences  if  he  leaves  the  party.  If  you  will  review  my
    testimony,  you  will  see  for  example  that  I  had  a  job  and  that  the  Com-
    munist Party  came  into  that  company

    Mr.  Nixon.  And  took  it  away.

    Mr.  Conroy.  And  threatened  to  close  the  plant  down  unless  the
    management  dismissed  me  immediately.     Further  than  that

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  one  means  they  have  used.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Well,  I  want  to  report  another  means.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Conroy.  M}^  wife  was  called  on  the  telephone  and  simply  told,
    "Tell  Jim  it  won't  do  him  any  good,*'  and  the  phone  was  slammed
    down.     I  didn't  tell  you  the  reaction  that  had  on  Mrs.  Conroy.

    Mr.  Nixon.  On  your  wife?

    Mr.  Conroy.  She,  of  course,  considered  that  a  threat.  It  simply
    said,  "Tell  Jim  it  won't  do  him  any  good,"  and  slammed  down  the
    phone.

    Mr.  Nixon.  It  is  rather  typical  of  the  Communist  approach,  is  it
    not,  to  make  threats  to  third  parties  and  to  get  at  a  member  or  a
    disgruntled  person  who  is  going  to  get  out  or  who  has  gotten  away
    from  the  line  by  threatening  his  family,  his  job,  his  employer,  or
    something  of  that  sort.

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Do  you  have  any  examples  of  any  threats  of  violence
    to  yourself  or  to  other  people  in  the  party  who  were  contemplating
    getting  out  or  had  gotten  away  from  the  party  line  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  As  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  was  not  threatened  in
    any  way,  except  for  the  fact  that  I  lost  one  job  and  the  fact  that  my
    wife  received  a  telephone  call,  that  I  reported  on  already.  I  do  say
    this,  however :  It  is  clear  and  unmistakably  written  in  all' of  the  Com-
    munist propaganda,  which  any  member  or  any  citizen  of  the  United
    States  can  secure,  that  the  party  says,  "Its  end  must  be  achieved  by
    any  means,  under  any  conditions."  In  other  words,  they  do  not  be-
    lieve that  to  cause  someone  to  lose  a  job  because  he  left  the  party
    is  wrong.    They  believe  they  are  helping  the  cause.

    Mr.  Nixon.  They  don't  believe  to  threaten  you  through  your  wife
    or  to  intimidate  is  wrong,  either  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir ;  they  do  not.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  a  rather  surprising  statement,  in  the  light  of
    testimony  that  has  been  given  before  this  committee  by  other  people,
    because  as  I  recall  the  new  constitution  of  the  Communist  Party  in
    the  United  States  and  the  line  which  is  being  followed  by  Communist
    leaders  in  their  publications,  their  radio  talks,  and  so  forth,  is  that
    those  days  are  gone;  that  the  instructions  that  any  means  are  to
    be  used  to  accomplish  the  end  was  the  party  line  at  one  time,  but  that
    now  that  is  all  changed.  From  what  you  have  indicated,  that  is
    still  the  party  line.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Mr.  Nixon,  the  Communist  Party  can  best  illustrate
    that  by  opening  the  pages  of  the  UE  to  those  members  of  the  union

    COMMUNISM   IN    LABOR   UNIONS  207

    who  are  opposed  to  our  international  union  following  the  Communist
    Party  line.  If  the  party  will  take  one  step  in  our  union  to  give  the
    membership  freedom  of  the  press  and  freedom  of  expression,  then  we
    may  say  in  the  UE  that  the  Communist  Party  line  lias  changed.  Until
    that  times  comes,  we  certainly  can't  agree  with  any  other  publication
    of  the  party.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Well,  the  UE  generally  has  claimed,  through  its  UE
    Xews,  that  it  is  the  most  democratic  union  in  the  country;  that  it
    believes  in  free  press,  free  speech,  and  free  elections,  and  all  that  sort
    •  >f  thing.  From  what  you  have  indicated,  you  would,  I  suppose,  dis-
    agree with  that  statement  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  only  have  to  say  the  Soviet  Union  considers  itself
    the  highest  form  of  democracy  in  the  world.

    Mr.  Nixon.  In  other  words,  the  UE  is  a  democratic  union,  if  you
    judge  its  democracy  according  to  the  standards  of  the  Soviet  Union,
    but  it  is  not  a  democratic  union  if  you  judge  its  democracy  according
    to  the  standards  of  democracy  in  the  United  States?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.  It  cannot  be  a  democracy  if  freedom
    of  expression  is  denied  to  the  membership  and  if  members  live  in  fear
    of  their  jobs.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Then,  if  I  understand  your  testimony,  the  claims  that
    have  been  made  time  and  time  again,  during  the  past  year  part  icularly,
    that  the  Communist  Party  line  has  changed  in  the  United  States  and
    that  the  Communist  Party  is  no  longer  using  illegal  means  to  accom-
    plish its  ends,  or  any  means,  as  you  have  put  it,  to  accomplish  its
    ends — that  that  claim  is  untrue  and  that,  as  far  as  loyal  Communist
    Party  members  are  concerned,  it  is  still  the  party  line  to  use  any
    means  to  accomplish  their  ends  in  a  trade  union,  or  in  government,
    or  in  any  other  institutions  in  which  they  are  working.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  would  like  to  say,  in  my  opinion,  that  question  can't
    be  answered  yes  or  no  simply  on  that  premise.  I  think,  for  example,
    where  the  Communists  are  in  a  minority  in  a  trade  union  they  are  the
    most  democratic  people  in  the  trade-union  movement,  but  where  they
    have  control

    Mr.  Nixon.  May  I  insert  there— because  that  is  the  best  means  of
    convincing  the  other  members  of  the  union  that  they  should  be  put
    in  a  position  of  power.

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.  In  other  words,  they  are  democratic
    for  a  purpose,  not  because  they  believe  in  democracy.

    That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Nixon.  At  that  time.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.

    Mr.  Nixon.  Go  ahead.

    Mr.  Conroy.  But  where  they  are  in  control  all  of  the  programs
    they  fight  for  when  they  are  in  a  minority  position  are  forgotten
    about.  We  have  situations  where  freedom  of  expression,  freedom  to
    assemble,  and  freedom  to  differ  from  the  position  taken  by  certain
    members  of  our  union  is  treated  with  scorn  and  the  workers  who  differ
    with  the  Communists  in  our  union  in  many  cases  are  subjected  to  the
    severest  type  of  penalties.

    Mr.  Nixon.  But  you  would  say  that  where  it  appeared  the  best
    means  are  taking  over  an  organization  which  the  Communists  wanted
    to  take  over  did  not  happen  to  be  a  democratic  means  or  even  legal

    208  COMMUNISM    IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    means,  the  Communists  would  not  hesitate  to  stoop  to  illegal  methods
    in  order  to  take  it  over?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Nixon.  That  is  all.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Vail.

    Mr.  Vail.  Mr.  Couroy,  do  you  know  a  man  named  J.  T.  Bernard?

    Mr.  Conroy.  No,  sir,  I  do  not.

    Mr.  Vail.  Ever  hear  of  him  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  have.

    Mr.  Vail.  He  is  connected  with  the  United  Electrical  Workers,
    isn't  he?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  he  is.

    Mr.  Vail.  Have  you  any  idea  whether  or  not  he  is  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge,  he  is  not.

    Mr.  Vail.  To  your  definite  knowledge,  he  is  not  a  Communist?

    Mr.  Conroy.  To  my  knowledge,  he  is  not.

    Mr.  Vail.  You  mean  to  the  best  of  your  knowledge  he  is  not  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  That  is  correct.

    Mr.  Vail.  He  is  a  former  Congressman,  is  he  not  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  he  is.

    Mr.  Vail.  Do  you  read  the  TJE  News  regularly?

    Mr.  Conhoy.  Sure.    I  want  to  see  what  my  new  name  is  this  week.

    Mr.  Vail.  Have  you  complete  confidence  in  the  nature  of  its  con-
    tents? Do  you  believe  it  is  written  based  on  a  desire  to  present  to
    the  membership  of  your  organization  the  complete  facts  .'

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  believe  the  UE  News  is  written  for  the  1  percent,
    or  less,  of  our  membership,  and  not  for  the  99  percent  of  our  mem-
    bership who  are  certainly  loyal  Americans  and  disagree  with  the
    policy  of  the  UE  News.

    Mr.  Vail.  The  editorial  policies,  then,  are  controlled  by  that  1
    percent  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  sir.

    Mr.  Vail.  I  happen  to  have  in  mind  an  incident  that  occurred
    some  time  ago.  A  group  of  electrical  workers  dropped  into  my
    office.  It  was  headed  by  Mr.  Bernard.  Among  them  was  one  gentle-
    man who  hailed  from  one  of  the  wards  in  my  district  back  in
    Chicago.  He  said,  wkIf  I  had  had  any  knowledge  of  your  attitude
    with  respect  to  labor,  I  never  would  have  voted  for  you ;  and  now
    that  I  know  how  you  stand,  I  am  going  to  tear  up  my  membership
    card  in  this  local  ward  organization."  Well,  I  said,  "I  imagine  the
    ward  organization  will  be  just  as  glad  to  hear  that  as  I  am."

    When  I  read  the  account  in  the  column  of  the  UE,  it  had  a
    decidedly  different  flavor.  You  would  never  have  recognized  it  as
    the  same  incident.  This  gentleman  had  torn  up  the  card  and  thrown
    the  pieces  in  my  face.

    Now,  what  was  the  object  of  the  UE,  do  you  suppose,  in  submitting
    that  kind  of  a  story  to  its  membership?  Wasn't  it  to  depreciate  the
    stature  of  a  Member  of  Congress?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.

    Mr.  Vail.  In  the  minds  of  people  who  read  that  article?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes,  it  Avas.

    Mr.  Vail.  No  further  questions.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  McDowell.

    COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS  209

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  have  one  question.  Are  you  familiar  with  what
    happened  in  Yugoslavia  after  Tito  became  the  dictator,  to  Mikhailo-
    vich?  Well,  it  doesn't  matter.  If  in  the  flight  of  fancy  America
    should  become  communistic  and  Comrade  Foster  would  become  the
    generalissimo  of  America — these  high-ranking  Commies  don't  hesi-
    tate to  take  very  high  military  titles,  regardless  of  their  military
    experience — but  if  this  theoretical  Generalissimo  Foster  were  run-
    ning things  in  America,  what  do  you  think  would  become  of  Mr.
    •Conroy  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Mr.  Conroy  would  be  eliminated  in  the  quickest  way
    possible.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Yesterday  it  was  testified  here  that  Mr.  Fitz-
    gerald, president  of  the  United  Electrical  Workers,  some  few  days
    back  told  one  of  those  gentlemen  from  Bridgeport,  after  berating  him
    for  fighting  the  Communists  in  the  Bridgeport  local,  that  it  was  de-
    termined by  him  that  if  he  got  down  on  his  knees  for  the  rest  of
    his  life  the  United  Electrical  Workers  would  never  forgive  him  for
    what  he  had  done.  That  strikes  an  old  familiar  phase.  Had  this  been
    Europe  or  had  Generalissimo  Foster  been  in  the  saddle,  there  would
    have  been  a  shooting  the  next  morning,  don't  you  suppose  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Definitely.

    Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Conroy,  what  do  you  suppose,  if  the  Commu-
    nist Party  took  over  the  United  States,  would  become  of  the  Com-
    mittee on  Un-American  Activities  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  You  would  probably  go  ahead  of  me.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  would  guess  according  to  rank  and  seniority.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  don't  know  whether  you  are  familiar — too  many
    Americans  are  not — with  how  one  becomes  a  member  of  a  congres-
    sional committee,  after  becoming  a  Member  of  Congress.  You  don't
    select  your  own  committee.  You  don't  choose  that  thing  that  you
    would  like  to  do.  You  are  chosen  by  a  committee  on  committees,
    according  to  what  they  think  are  your  talents.  If  you  are  a  brilliant
    lawyer  or  an  outstanding  attorney,  you  become  a  member  of  the
    Judiciary  Committee.

    The  Chairman.  I  think  we  are  going  a  little  afield.

    Mr.  McDowell.  I  don't.  I  want  to  explain  here — Mr.  Fitzgerald
    is  blaming  per  se  all  members  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American
    Activities  for  being  zealots  and  bigots,  as  opposing  organized  labor,
    and  trying  to  do  something  to  the  trade-union  movement.  I  can  only
    speak  for  one  member  of  the  committee,  but  that  is  not  true.  We  are
    assigned  to  the  committee  by  the  House  of  Representatives  to  do  a
    job.  We  are  sworn  to  do  the  job  and  we  are  trying  to  do  it.  That
    is  all,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Mr.  Stripling,  do  you  have  any  more  questions?

    Mr.  Stripling.  No,  sir.

    The  Chairman.  All  I  can  say  to  you,  Mr.  Conroy,  is  just  keep  your
    chin  up — as  I  told  the  witnesses  yesterday.  It  may  seem  like  a  tough
    fight,  but  you  have  done  a  good  job.  You  saw  the  error  of  your  way.
    You  had  the  courage  to  get  out  of  that  kind  of  an  organization.  Keep
    up  that  fight.  You  can  count  on  it  that  this  committee  and  the  large
    majority  of  Congress  is  behind  you.  Any  time  you  need  a  little  help,
    don't  hesitate  to  call  on  it.     Thank  you  very-  much  for  coming.

    Mr.  Conroy.  Mr.  Thomas,  I  would  like  to  make  a  statement,  if  I
    may,  to  the  committee  before  I  finish.

    210  COMMUNISM   IN   LABOR   UNIONS

    The  Chairman.  Is  it  a  prepared  statement  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Yes.  It  is  very  short.  It  will  take  no  longer  than  3
    minutes.

    The  Chairman.  May  I  see  your  statement,  please  ?

    Mr.  Conroy.  Surely.

    The  Chairman.  All  right,  without  objection,  it  is  so  ordered.  I
    want  to  say,  Mr.  Conroy,  the  reason  I  asked  you  to  come  up  was  it  is
    the  policy  of  the  committee  to  examine  all  statements  before  we  decide
    whether  or  not  they  can  be  made.     You  go  ahead.

    Mr.  Conroy.  I  appear  here  today  as  a  witness  under  subpena.

    My  testimony,  given  under  oath,  concerns  certain  Communists  and
    certain  activities  engaged  in  by  officials  of  the  United  Electrical.
    Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO.

    The  testimony  I  have  given  in  no  way  reflects  upon  99  percent  of
    the  US  membership,  who  are  loyal  American  citizens,  dedicated  to
    the  democratic  way  of  life.

    These  workers  have  joined  the  UE  for  the  sole  purpose  of  securing
    for  themselves  and  their  families  a  just  share  of  the  wealth  they  have
    helped  to  create.     They  seek  nothing  more.

    On  the  other  hand,  the  Communists  who  comprise  1  percent  of  the
    UE  membership  are  using  this  great  organization  as  a  means  to  an  end.
    They  use  the  UE  as  a  means  for  enlisting  workers  in  the  Communist
    Party.  They  use  the  UE  as  a  promotion  agency  for  Communist  front
    organizations,  such  as  the  Civil  Rights  Conference,  to  which  the  UE
    general  executive  board  contributed  $1,000.

    The  UE  Communists  have  conspired  to  make  this  powerful  organ-
    ization completely  subservient  to  the  International  Communist  Party.

    The  UE  membership  can  best  serve  its  country,  its  union,  and  itself
    by  throwing  off  the  Communist  yoke.  This  task  is  now  being  under-
    taken by  thousands  of  UE  members  throughout  the  country.  I  am
    confident  it  will  be  successful.

    I  would  like  to  request  that  the  committee  give  to  all  persons  I  have
    named  as  Communists  an  opportunity  to  defend  themselves  against
    my  charges.  I  certainly  don't  want  to  be  a  party  to  the  same  type  of
    procedure  that  they  used  and  are  using  against  people  who  are  opposed
    to  them.  I  think  these  people  I  have  named  should  have  a  chance  to
    come  here  and  defend  themselves  against  my  charges.

    The  Chairman.  That  is  a  very  fair  request  on  your  part.  The  Chair
    will  say  the  committee  will  take  that  under  consideration.

    Any  other  questions  of  this  witness  ?

    (No  response.)

    Thank  you  very  much,  Mr.  Conroy.

    Mr.  Stripling.  We  have  one  more  witness,  Mr.  Chairman.

    The  Chairman.  Without  objection,  the  committee  will  recess  for  5
    minutes,  before  we  take  up  the  other  witness.

    (A  short  recess  was  taken.)

    The  Chairman.  The  meeting  will  come  to  order.  Before  the  next
    witness,  the  Chair  would  like  to  make  this  announcement :

    The  members  of  this  committee  who  are  mentioned  in  the  Daily
    Worker,  in  the  article  that  Mr.  McDowell  read,  gladly  accept  that
    challenge,  but  we  want  to  make  it  plain  that  we  don't  intend  to  be
    intimidated.  This  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  is  going
    to  continue  to  expose  Communists  in  whatever  field  they  may  be.    It

    COMMUNISM    IN    LABOR   UNIONS  211

    doesn't  make  any  difference  whether  the  Communists  are  in  labor,
    in  education,  in  Hollywood,  in  the  Government,  in  atomic  energy,
    or  what  else.  We  are  going  to  continue  to  expose  them  and  expose
    them  to  the  point  where  they  just  won't  be  able  to  operate.  We  will
    expose  them  so  fully  that  the  American  people  in  every  walk  of  life
    just  won't  put  up  with  them.

    In  that  connection,  the  Chair  wishes  to  announce  that  the  next  hear-
    ing after  today  will  be  held  in  the  large  caucus  room  in  this  building
    September  23.  That  will  be  the  beginning  of  the  Hans  Eisler  case,
    the  first  phase  of  the  Hollywood  hearing,  and  from  September  23  on,
    there  will  be  one  witness  right  after  another  in  connection  with  the
    alleged  Communist  infiltration  in  the  moving-picture  industry.

    Mr.  Stripling.  The  next  witness,  Mr.  Chairman,  will  be  Salvatore
    M.  Vottis.    Mr.  Yottis.

    The  Chairman.  Will  you  stand  and  raise  your  right  hand,  Mr.
    Vottis?

    Do  you  solemnly  swear  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  is  the
    truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God?

    Mr.  Voms.  I  do.

    The  Chairman.  Sit  doMm.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Chairman,  Mr.  Vottis  is  the  former  financial
    secretary  of  local  301  of  the  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine
    Workers  of  America,  and  former  president  of  the  CIO  industrial
    union  council  of  Schenectady,  N.  Y.  Mr.  Vottis  is  a  former  member
    of  the  Communist  Party.  His  testimony  will  deal  with  communism
    within  local  301  of  the  UE.

    Now,  Mr.  Vottis,  will  3^011  state  your  full  name  ?

    Mr.  Vottis.  Salvatore  M.  Vottis.

    TESTIMONY  OF  SALVATORE  M.  VOTTIS

    Mr.  Stripling.  When  and  where  were  you  born,  Mr.  Vottis  ?

    Mr.  Vottis.  I  was  born  in  Schenectady,  on  October  29, 1905.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Where  are  you  presently  employed?

    Mr.  Vottis.  I  have  a  business  of  my  own — a  pipe  and  tobacco  shop.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Tobacco  shop?

    Mr.  Vottis.  Eight.

    Mr.  Stripling.  Mr.  Vottis.  will  you  briefly  outline  for  the  com-
    mittee your  association  with  the  labor  movement  and  the  positions
    you  have  held?

    Mr.  Vottis.  I  first  joined  the  union  in  1934.  It  was  known  at  that
    time  as  the  Electrical  Industry  Employees  Union.  I  wasn't  active  in
    the  organization  until  June  1935.  At  that  time  it  was  still  the  Elec-
    trical Industry  Emplo3