Community Development: Changes In Nebraska's and Iowa's Counties With
Large Meatpacking Plant Workforces (Letter Report, 02/27/98,
GAO/RCED-98-62).
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO reviewed: (1) the population
changes that have occurred in communities in Nebraska and Iowa with
large meatpacking workforces; (2) the changes that have occurred in
school enrollments, health care costs, economic conditions, and crime
rates; (3) whether the housing conditions of plant workers and their
families; and (4) if there is evidence that meatpacking companies have
hired illegal aliens.
GAO noted that: (1) from 1980 to 1990, 5 of the 16 counties with large
meatpacking workforces in Iowa and Nebraska gained population; (2)
minority populations (American Indians or Alaskan Natives, Asian or
Pacific Islanders, African-Americans, and Hispanics) as a percentage of
the total population grew in all 16 counties; (3) despite this growth,
as of 1990, the proportion of minority populations in 11 of these
counties remained smaller than the statewide proportions, which were 7.5
percent for Nebraska and 4.1 percent for Iowa; (4) school enrollments in
15 of the 23 counties with large meatpacking workforces increased more
rapidly than statewide enrollments between 1987 and 1997; (5)
furthermore, these counties experienced a large increase in the number
of students with limited proficiency in English; (6) in 13 of the 23
counties with large meatpacking workforces, the increase in the number
of Medicaid recipients per 1,000 in population exceeded the statewide
increase of 54 percent in Nebraska and 39 percent in Iowa between 1990
and 1996; (7) in 18 of the 23 counties with large meatpacking
workforces, there were improvements in at least one of two indicators of
economic well-being--per capita incomes or taxable retail sales--from
1990 to 1995; (8) in many cases these improvements exceeded statewide
gains; (9) the level of serious crime increased from 1986 to 1995 in 14
of the 19 counties with large meatpacking workforces for which crime
data were available; (10) despite these increases, crime in 11 of the 19
counties was below statewide levels; (11) officials of nine Nebraska and
Iowa communities said that the physical condition of housing occupied by
newly employed workers is generally adequate; (12) the affordability of
housing is a concern, especially for newly employed workers, and
overcrowding has occurred among some workers and their families; (13)
the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) has often found illegal
aliens employed at meatpacking plants; (14) the Service's District
Director for Nebraska and Iowa estimated that up to 25 percent of the
workers in meatpacking plants in Nebraska and Iowa were illegal aliens;
and (15) the efforts that meatpacking companies have made to avoid
hiring illegal aliens have been hampered, according to INS officials,
primarily because of the proliferation of forged documents and limited
methods to ensure that those seeking employment are eligible to work in
the United States.
--------------------------- Indexing Terms -----------------------------
REPORTNUM: RCED-98-62
TITLE: Community Development: Changes In Nebraska's and Iowa's
Counties With Large Meatpacking Plant Workforces
DATE: 02/27/98
SUBJECT: Public schools
Meat packing industry
Illegal aliens
Crimes or offenses
Labor force
Population statistics
Economic analysis
Health care costs
Low income housing
Minorities
IDENTIFIER: Nebraska
Iowa
Medicaid Program
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Cover
================================================================ COVER
Report to Congressional Requesters
February 1998
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT - CHANGES IN
NEBRASKA'S AND IOWA'S COUNTIES
WITH LARGE MEATPACKING PLANT
WORKFORCES
GAO/RCED-98-62
Meatpacking Plant Workforces
(150724)
Abbreviations
=============================================================== ABBREV
GAO - General Accounting Office
FBI - Federal Bureau of Investigation
INS - Immigration and Naturalization Service
Letter
=============================================================== LETTER
B-278979
February 27, 1998
The Honorable Robert Kerrey
The Honorable Tom Harkin
United States Senate
Meatpacking plants in the United States, which are now often located
in rural areas, are experiencing changes in the composition of their
workforces. Increasingly, workers are coming from outside the area
where the plants are located--from locations with high unemployment,
and from foreign countries; some of these workers are illegal aliens.
Concerned about the impact of these workforce changes on communities
in Nebraska and Iowa, you asked us to address the following
questions: (1) What population changes have occurred in communities
with large meatpacking plants? (2) What changes have occurred in
school enrollments, health care costs, economic conditions, and crime
rates? (3) What are the housing conditions of plant workers and
their families? (4) Is there evidence that meatpacking companies
have hired illegal aliens?
To answer these questions, we analyzed information on Nebraska's and
Iowa's counties that had at least 250 or more workers employed in
meatpacking plants. (App. I lists these counties.) For each
question, the amount of reliable county-level data varied. Also, the
number of counties with large meatpacking workforces has increased
since the 1980s. Specifically, for population changes, we examined
data from the 1980 and 1990 censuses for 16 counties. For changes in
school enrollments, health care costs, and economic conditions, we
analyzed data for 23 counties. For crime, sufficient data were
available for reporting on 19 counties. We also interviewed and
obtained information from various federal, state, county, and city
officials as well as meatpacking company officials.
It should be recognized that while large meatpacking plants are major
employers in the counties for which we present data, many factors
besides the activities associated with these plants may have affected
changes in these counties, such as the opening and closing of other
businesses and changes in the economy in general.
RESULTS IN BRIEF
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :1
From 1980 to 1990, 5 of the 16 counties with large meatpacking
workforces in Iowa and Nebraska gained population. Minority
populations (American Indians or Alaskan Natives, Asians or Pacific
Islanders, African-Americans, and Hispanics) as a percentage of the
total population grew in all 16 counties. Despite this growth, as of
1990, the proportion of minority populations in 11 of these counties
remained smaller than the statewide proportions, which were 7.5
percent for Nebraska and 4.1 percent for Iowa.
The following changes occurred in school enrollment, Medicaid use (an
indication of public health care costs), economic conditions, and
serious crime\1 for the Nebraska and Iowa counties with large
meatpacking workforces that we examined:
-- School enrollments in 15 of the 23 counties with large
meatpacking workforces increased more rapidly than statewide
enrollments between 1987 and 1997. Furthermore, these counties
experienced a large increase in the number of students with
limited proficiency in English.
-- In 13 of the 23 of counties with large meatpacking workforces,
the increase in the number of Medicaid recipients per 1,000 in
population exceeded the statewide increase of 54 percent in
Nebraska and 39 percent in Iowa between 1990 and 1996.
-- In 18 of the 23 counties with large meatpacking workforces,
there were improvements in at least one of two indicators of
economic well-being--per capita incomes or taxable retail
sales--from 1990 to 1995. In many cases these improvements
exceeded statewide gains.
-- The level of serious crime increased from 1986 to 1995 in 14 of
the 19 counties with large meatpacking workforces for which
crime data were available. Despite these increases, crime in 11
of the 19 counties was below statewide levels.
While information on housing conditions is limited, officials of the
nine Nebraska and Iowa communities we visited said that the physical
condition of housing occupied by newly employed meatpacking plant
workers is generally adequate. Nevertheless, the affordability of
housing is a concern, especially for newly employed workers, and
overcrowding has occurred among some workers and their families.
The Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) has often found
illegal aliens employed at meatpacking plants. The Service's
District Director for Nebraska and Iowa estimated that up to 25
percent of the workers in meatpacking plants in Nebraska and Iowa
were illegal aliens. The efforts that meatpacking companies have
made to avoid hiring illegal aliens have been hampered, according to
Service officials, primarily because of the proliferation of forged
documents and limited methods to ensure that those seeking employment
are eligible to work in the United States.
--------------------
\1 Serious crimes are specifically defined by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation for the purpose of assessing changes in crime levels
and include murder, forcible rape, robbery, aggravated assault,
burglary, motor vehicle and larceny theft, and arson.
BACKGROUND
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :2
The meatpacking industry employed about 123,000 production workers
and had sales of about $51 billion nationwide in 1995, according to
data reported by the American Meat Institute. In 1996, meatpacking
plants in Nebraska and Iowa slaughtered about 23 percent of the
cattle and 35 percent of the hogs slaughtered nationwide. About
36,000 workers were employed in meatpacking plants in Nebraska and
Iowa in 1996, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Large meatpacking plants contribute significantly to the economies of
the communities where they are located through, among other things,
their large payrolls. These plants are large employers, employing
250 to 2,500 or more production workers. Production workers in
meatpacking plants earned an average of about $415 per week in 1996,
or about $9.82 per hour, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Entry-level workers have been paid about $6.15 to $8.20 per hour in
recent years, depending upon the company and the plant's location.
The work in meatpacking plants is often hard and can be hazardous.
The use of knives, hooks, and saws in hot and cold areas on wet
floors presents the risk of cuts, lacerations, and slips; and the
work presents the risk of repetitive stress injuries. Since the late
1980s, the industry has worked with the Occupational Safety and
Health Administration to reduce the incidence of injuries. According
to the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, about 22.7 of
every 100 full-time meatpacking plant workers were injured during
1995.
CHANGES IN POPULATION
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :3
From 1980 to 1990--the period of the last decennial census--5 of the
16 counties with large meatpacking workforces in Iowa and Nebraska
increased in population, while the remainder decreased. More
specifically:
-- In Nebraska, four of the seven counties with large meatpacking
workforces experienced increases in population that exceeded the
statewide increase of 0.5 percent. The population in each of
the remaining three counties declined, ranging from 3.2 to 7.6
percent.
-- In Iowa, where the population decreased 4.7 percent statewide,
only one of the nine counties with large meatpacking workforces
gained population, increasing by 7.9 percent. Four other
counties lost population but lost less than the statewide
decrease of 4.7 percent. In the remaining four counties,
population losses ranged from 7.8 to 11.4 percent.
Appendix II contains additional data on the overall population
changes for the Nebraska and Iowa counties with large meatpacking
workforces, including data from the 1980 and 1990 censuses and
updated estimates from the Bureau of Census for 1996.
From 1980 to 1990, minority populations, as a percentage of their
respective county populations, increased in all 16 counties with
large meatpacking workforces (7 in Nebraska and 9 in Iowa). In 10 of
the 16 counties, these increases were greater than the statewide
increases. However, as of 1990, the proportion of minority
populations in most of the counties was smaller than it was in the
states overall. Specifically:
-- In Nebraska, the percentage increase in the minority population
in six of the seven counties with large meatpacking workforces
exceeded the statewide increase of 25.2 percent. By 1990, the
percentage of the minorities in two of the seven counties
exceeded the statewide minority representation of 7.5 percent.
In the remaining five counties, minority representation ranged
from 1.5 to 6.0 percent of the population.
-- In Iowa, the percentage increase in the minority population in
three of the nine counties with large meatpacking workforces
exceeded the statewide increase of 24.8 percent. By 1990, the
minority populations in three of the nine counties exceeded the
statewide representation of 4.1 percent. In the remaining six
counties, the minority representation ranged from 1.5 to 3.0
percent of the population.
Appendix II contains additional data on the changes in minority
populations for the Nebraska and Iowa counties with large meatpacking
workforces, including data from the 1980 and 1990 censuses and
updated estimates from the Bureau of the Census for 1996.
Officials in the communities we contacted linked the population and
demographic changes in their communities to changes in meatpacking
plants' workforces. Among other things, these officials noted that
meatpacking plants increasingly rely on minority and immigrant
employees to fill their workforces. Meatpacking company officials
acknowledged the changes in their workforces, and both local
officials and meatpacking company officials noted that, sometimes,
not enough local area residents are available to fill plants' job
openings and that at other times, not enough local area residents are
willing to fill job openings at starting pay levels. Meatpacking
plants have hired increasing numbers of minority and immigrant
workers from high unemployment areas, such as portions of Texas,
California, North Carolina, and East Coast areas, and from Mexico,
Central America, Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe.
Industry data illustrate that, in at least some cases, the changes in
the makeup of a plant's workforce can be dramatic. For example, from
1990 to 1996, the proportion of minority workers in one plant
increased from 18 to 66 percent. These changes were so striking in
two communities we visited that the communities requested and
received special census updates--one in 1993 and the other in
1996--in an effort to gain a better understanding of the changes that
their communities were experiencing due to the opening of a
meatpacking plant in one community in 1990 and a plant's expansion in
the other. The census updates showed large population increases and
other demographic changes for both communities. For example, the
population in one community grew by 29 percent from 1990, when the
plant opened, to 1993. This 3-year gain significantly exceeded the
6.2-percent population decrease for the preceding 10-year period.
The community's demographics also changed. In particular, minority
populations increased from 370 to 2,213, from 1990 to 1993, or from 6
to 26 percent of the population. This increase was more than 10
times the increase during the decade prior to the plant's opening.
The turnover among meatpacking plant workers may affect changes in
the population and demographics, according to the community officials
with whom we spoke. The employees who leave the plants may stay in
the area while the companies replace workers in the workforce. Data
on the workforce's turnover at four large meatpacking plants in
Nebraska and Iowa provide a perspective on the potential impact that
a meatpacking workforce can have on a community. Specifically, the
annual turnover at these plants ranged from 18 to 83 percent of the
workforce. One company vice president said that turnover rates of
100 percent per year have occurred. Such high turnover rates have
required the hiring of as many as 500 or more workers in a single
year at large plants. Some community officials told us that they
have observed immigrant workers and families moving into and out of
their communities. These workers are briefly employed at the
meatpacking plants, often for just days or a few months. However,
these officials could not estimate the size of this transient
population.
CHANGES IN SCHOOL ENROLLMENT,
NUMBER OF MEDICAID RECIPIENTS,
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS, AND CRIME
RATES
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :4
The following summarizes information on the changes in school
enrollments, the number of Medicaid recipients, the economic
conditions, and the crime rates in the Nebraska and Iowa counties
with large meatpacking workforces.
CHANGES IN SCHOOL
ENROLLMENTS
---------------------------------------------------------- Letter :4.1
During the school years from 1987 to 1997, 15 of the 23 Nebraska and
Iowa counties with large meatpacking workforces experienced increases
in public school enrollments that were higher than those occurring
statewide. More specifically:
-- In Nebraska, 8 of the 10 counties with large meatpacking
workforces had increases in student enrollments that were more
than the statewide increase of 9.1 percent. These increases
ranged from 11.8 to 22.1 percent. The changes in student
enrollments in the remaining two counties ranged from an
increase of 0.1 to 1.9 percent.
-- In Iowa, 7 of the 13 counties with large meatpacking workforces
had increases in student enrollments that were more than the
statewide increase of 3.5 percent. These increases ranged from
5.2 to 23.6 percent. Student enrollments in the remaining six
counties decreased from 4.4 to 26.9 percent.
During the same period, the counties with large meatpacking
workforces in these states also experienced increases in the number
of students with limited proficiency in English.
-- In the 10 Nebraska counties with large meatpacking workforces,
the number of students with limited English proficiency jumped
from a total of 227 in 1987 to about 4,600 in 1997. In 1997,
Nebraska's counties with large meatpacking workforces had a
disproportionately high number of the state's total enrollment
of students with limited proficiency in English. More
specifically, while these counties had only about 42 percent of
the state's total enrollment of students, they had about 74
percent of the state's enrollment of students with limited
English proficiency. Furthermore, the percentage of students
having limited English proficiency significantly exceeded the
statewide average of 2.1 percent of the total student enrollment
in 5 of the 10 counties, ranging from 6.7 to 18 percent.
-- In the 13 Iowa counties, the number of students with limited
English proficiency increased from a total of 1,341 in 1987 to
4,464 in 1997. In 1997, Iowa's counties with large meatpacking
workforces had a disproportionately high number of the state's
total enrollment of students with limited proficiency in
English. More specifically, while these counties had only about
33 percent of the state's total enrollment of students, they had
about 67 percent of the state's enrollment of students with
limited English proficiency. Furthermore, the percentage of
students with limited English proficiency significantly exceeded
the statewide average of 1.3 percent of the total school
enrollment in 5 of the 13 counties, ranging from 3.0 to 10.5
percent.
Additional information on school enrollments and students with
limited English proficiency in the Nebraska and Iowa counties with
large meatpacking workforces is shown in appendix III.
School officials in six communities we visited noted that the
increases in the number of students with limited English proficiency
required the school systems to make significant adjustments.
Historically, these systems had not had the educational
infrastructure in place to accommodate these students. Among other
things, the school systems needed to make considerable expenditures
to find teachers qualified for providing intensive education in the
English language, to develop classes, and to provide the necessary
classrooms. In some cases, the educational process was further
complicated by the fact that a portion of the students with limited
proficiency in speaking English also had poor skills in their own
primary languages or were behind their age group in other basic
aspects of their formal education. While the school administrators
we spoke with have not quantified the added costs associated with
addressing these needs, they believe they are considerable.
Finally, even after establishing additional programs, some school
officials pointed out that with the high turnover of these students,
they sometimes did not remain in school long enough to gain the full
benefit of special instruction. Information from one school district
shows, for example, that 139 students with limited English speaking
ability--5.9 percent of the total enrollment--were newly enrolled in
the community's school system during 1996. Also, 75 students with
limited English speaking ability--3.2 percent of the total
enrollment--withdrew from school during that year.
Nebraska and Iowa have received federal funding that helps fund
language training programs and other types of assistance for the
children of migrant workers. Under the Department of Education's
grant program for migrants, school districts receive funds to
establish or improve programs of education for children whose parents
work in qualifying agricultural jobs, including meatpacking plant
jobs. School officials said that the meatpacking companies have
cooperated in their efforts to identify students that may qualify for
this assistance, mostly by providing time for workers to be
interviewed by school officials to identify the needs of their
children. For example, according to the state education office's
data, in 1996 about 6,180 students from cities in Nebraska with large
meatpacking workforces qualified for these grants. For 1998,
Nebraska received federal grants totaling about $3.6 million for
about 12,000 students, and Iowa received about $608,000 in federal
grants for about 2,140 students.\2
State officials identified two other sources of funds that may assist
in educating the children of immigrants. First, emergency immigrant
education grants are available for school districts that have at
least 500 students, or 3 percent of the district's enrollment, who
are foreign born and have been in the country for less than 3 years.
Under this program, Nebraska and Iowa received about $333,000 and
$250,000, respectively, for the 1998 school year, according to these
officials. In addition, these officials said that school districts
compete directly for bilingual education funds made available by the
Department of Education under title VII of the Improving America's
Schools Act to assist in paying for bilingual education programs.
The state education officials said that because the school districts
receive the grants directly, they did not have data on the amounts of
grants that had been received.
While grateful for the federal grant funds, several school
administrators pointed out that the Department of Education's grant
funds for English as a second language do not cover the full cost of
the teachers' salaries, that the grant funds can be used only to
supplement ongoing programs, and that a portion of the students need
more time to learn English than is covered by the grant program.
--------------------
\2 Also for 1998, school districts in Iowa had an additional $4.8
million authorized for use in English as a second language programs.
These additional funds were to be generated from both state aid and
increases in special local property taxes.
USE OF MEDICAID
---------------------------------------------------------- Letter :4.2
Like their states as a whole, each of the 23 counties with large
meatpacking workforces in Nebraska and Iowa experienced an increase
in the number of Medicaid recipients per 1,000 in population for 1996
compared with the number of recipients in 1990. Specifically:
-- In Nebraska, 6 of the 10 counties with large meatpacking
workforces experienced increases in the number of Medicaid
recipients per 1,000 population that exceeded the statewide
increase of 54 percent. These increases ranged from 62 to 176
percent. In the other four counties, the increases ranged from
40 to 51 percent.
-- In Iowa, 7 of the 13 counties with large meatpacking workforces
experienced increases in the number of Medicaid recipients per
1,000 population that exceeded the statewide increase of 39
percent. These increases ranged from 41 to 74 percent. In the
other six counties, the increases ranged from 24 to 39 percent.
Appendix IV shows the increases in Medicaid use in the Nebraska and
Iowa counties with large meatpacking workforces.
Hospital administrators and state and local social services officials
attribute some part of the increase in Medicaid patients to the
increase in employees in meatpacking plants. These officials told us
that some meatpacking plant workers and their children may obtain
Medicaid before they become eligible for the health insurance offered
by the meatpacking companies. The companies' health insurance is not
offered in some cases for up to 6 months. In addition, the workers
and their children may be eligible for Medicaid after they leave a
meatpacking plant job.
Three hospital administrators in the communities we visited said that
their hospitals had increases in unpaid medical bills and that a
portion of the increase was attributable to meatpacking plant workers
who (1) did not qualify for Medicaid, (2) were not yet eligible for
health insurance offered by their companies, or (3) had not obtained
company health insurance. For example, the administrator at one
hospital told us that although he did not have specific information
relating the increase in unpaid bills to meatpacking plant workers,
he believed that a significant portion of the increase was
attributable to these workers. Financial information from this
hospital showed that from 1990 to 1996, the amount of uncollectible
bills increased from about 4 to about 6 percent of total revenues.
Overall, hospital administrators in the communities we visited said
that they could not estimate the increases in medical costs
associated with meatpacking plant employees and their families.
However, they noted several changes that had been made and were still
being made to ensure that quality care is provided for these
individuals and other immigrants. These adjustments include ensuring
that foreign language interpreters are available, building
immigrants' trust in local health care providers and their practices,
developing an understanding of the health care practices of other
cultures, and providing educational information on health care.
CHANGES IN ECONOMIC
CONDITIONS
---------------------------------------------------------- Letter :4.3
From 1990 to 1995, many of the 23 counties with large meatpacking
workforces in Nebraska and Iowa experienced improvements in their
economic circumstances, according to two measures of economic well
being--per capita incomes and retail sales (adjusted for inflation).
Overall, per capita incomes increased in 18 of the 23 counties with
large meatpacking workforces and per capita taxable retail sales
increased in 13 of the 23 counties. In Nebraska, 6 of the 10
counties had increases that exceeded the statewide increases in at
least one of these measures. In Iowa, 9 of the 13 counties had
increases that exceeded the statewide increases in at least one of
these measures.
Another perspective on economic well-being can be obtained by ranking
all the counties of each state using per capita income and total
personal income and then examining how the rankings change over time.
On the basis of this analysis, 19 of the 23 counties with large
meatpacking workforces improved their rankings during the 1985 to
1995 period. Specifically:
-- In Nebraska, 9 of the 10 counties had increases in either per
capita income or total personal income that improved their
comparative rank among the counties of the state. For example,
Madison County had the 40th highest per capita income among
Nebraska's 93 counties in 1985 and improved its rank to 16th
highest by 1995.
-- In Iowa, 10 of the 13 counties had increases in either per
capita income or total personal income that improved their
comparative rank among the counties of the state. For example,
Woodbury County had the 30th highest per capita income among
Iowa's 99 counties in 1985 and improved its rank to 11th highest
by 1995.
Additional data on changes in income and retail sales can be found in
appendix V.
While we did not determine the extent to which meatpacking companies
contributed to local economies, officials in one small community
where a plant was newly opened in 1990 noted significant economic
benefits because workers spent their pay with local merchants, thus
increasing the business opportunities within the city as well as city
tax revenues. At another city, the officials said that the officers
of the company that owned the local meatpacking plant had made
important contributions to the city. In particular, the company
assisted the city in recovering from a flood by providing the city
with power generators for temporary use at the company's cost.
Despite such benefits, mayors and city managers in several
communities questioned whether the companies were paying sufficient
taxes, given the financial impacts of the workforce changes on their
communities.
CHANGES IN CRIME RATES
---------------------------------------------------------- Letter :4.4
According to data collected by the states and submitted to the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) for its Uniform Crime Reporting
Program,\3 14 of 19 counties with large meatpacking workforces
experienced an increase in serious crimes between 1986 and 1995. (Of
the 19 counties that reported sufficient data for our analysis, 10
were in Nebraska and 9 were in Iowa. Four counties did not report
sufficient data for analysis.) The states use statistics collected on
the serious crimes of murder, forcible rape, robbery, aggravated
assault, burglary, and motor vehicle and larceny theft to calculate
the rate of these crimes per 1,000 in population statewide and for
each county.\4 To analyze the changes in serious crime among counties
with large meatpacking workforces, we compared the average crime rate
of each county for 1986 and 1987 with the average crime rate for 1994
and 1995.\5 Using this method, we found the following:
-- The level of serious crime rose in 9 of the 10 Nebraska
counties, and the percentage increase in each of these counties
was greater than the statewide average increase for the periods
examined. In addition, for the 1994-95 period, 4 of the 10
counties had average crime rates that met or exceeded the
statewide average of 44.7 crimes per 1,000 in population. In
the remaining six counties, the overall crime rates were less
than the statewide average and ranged from 6.7 to 41.9 per 1,000
in population for the same period.
-- The level of serious crime increased in five of the nine Iowa
counties for which data were available, while the statewide
average crime rate decreased for the periods reviewed. In
addition, for the 1994-95 period, four of the nine counties had
average crime rates that exceeded the statewide average of 37.4
crimes per 1,000 in population. In the remaining five counties,
the overall crime rates were less than the statewide average and
ranged from 12.7 to 33.5 per 1,000 in population.
Among the Nebraska counties with large meatpacking workforces, the
serious crimes of larceny, motor vehicle theft, and felony assault
increased the most. For example, the rate of larcenies increased
from 32.9 per 1,000 in population in 1986 to 39.0 per 1,000 in
population in 1995; motor vehicle thefts increased from 2.5 per 1,000
in population in 1986 to 6.5 per 1,000 in population in 1995; and
felony assaults increased from 3.1 per 1,000 in population in 1986 to
4.7 per 1,000 in population in 1995.\6 Among the Iowa counties with
large meatpacking workforces, the rate of felony assaults and motor
vehicle thefts increased, while other types of serious crime either
remained about the same or decreased. Felony assaults increased from
2.8 per 1,000 in population in 1986 to 3.9 per 1,000 in population in
1995, and motor vehicle thefts increased from 2.4 per 1,000 in
population in 1986 to 3.8 per 1,000 in population in 1995.\7
Additional data on the changes in crime for these counties can be
found in appendix VI.
Other crimes, such as simple assaults and drug abuse violations, are
not included in the statistics used to determine crime rates.
However, the police chiefs in the communities we visited noted that
increases in other such crimes have further taxed law enforcement
resources. For example, in one county we visited, arrests for simple
assaults rose from 23 in 1986 to 118 in 1995, while arrests for drug
abuse violations increased from 16 to 98. During the same period, in
another county we visited, the number of arrests for simple assaults
rose from 18 to 278, while the arrests for drug abuse violations
increased from 12 to 81. For the same period, in the 10 Nebraska
counties with large meatpacking workforces, arrests for simple
assaults and drug abuse violations rose from 1,256 to 3,869 and from
1,358 to 4,254, respectively. For the nine Iowa counties with large
meatpacking workforces, arrests for simple assaults and drug abuse
violations rose from 1,489 to 3,989 and from 490 to 3,776,
respectively, during this same 10-year period. In Nebraska, simple
assaults and drug abuse violations increased faster in 9 and 8 of the
10 counties, respectively, than occurred statewide. In Iowa, simple
assaults and drug abuse violations increased faster in six and three
of nine counties, respectively, than occurred statewide.\8
Law enforcement officers attributed portions of the increases in
crime to meatpacking plant workers; however, statistics on
individuals who commit crimes have not been tracked by place of
employment. In the communities we visited, law enforcement officers
identified a number of actions they had taken over the last several
years or were taking to better carry out their responsibilities.
These actions included expanding the police forces (in part, using
federal grant resources for community policing, etc.), initiating
language training for police officers, hiring translators to assist
in interviews, and hiring bilingual police officers. The police
chiefs we talked to said that some additional police officers would
be helpful in addressing their expanding caseloads. More
importantly, they emphasized that bilingual officers were badly
needed because these officers are critical to establishing links with
the minority communities. Yet, they said bilingual officers have
been very difficult to recruit and retain because officers with this
skill are in great demand and can obtain higher pay from some
jurisdictions.
Finally, several officers we spoke with expressed frustration about
their attempts to work with INS in order to deal with suspected
illegal aliens. In particular, they said that they had difficulties
in even contacting INS for assistance. For example, some police
chiefs said that INS phone lines are so busy that they are often
unable to contact the agency. In addition, some police chiefs noted
that INS has not assisted in removing suspected illegal aliens from
local jails unless there are more than a few in custody or unless
they have committed a crime. The INS District Director responsible
for Nebraska and Iowa said that INS has worked on upgrading its phone
system and agreed that, at times, it does not have the resources to
assist local law enforcement unless more than a few suspected illegal
aliens are in custody for questioning.\9 \10
--------------------
\3 Reporting under the Uniform Crime Reporting Program is based on
offenses known to the police to have occurred; these offenses are
reported by the municipality or county in which they occurred.
\4 Nebraska has also included arson in calculating crime rates; Iowa
has not.
\5 Rather than compare crime rates for a single year at the beginning
and end of the 1986-95 period, we compared 2-year average crime rates
at the beginning and end of this period. On the basis of a
suggestion from an FBI official responsible for uniform crime
reporting, we used this technique to minimize the distortion that
would occur if there were an unusually high or low crime rate in a
single year.
\6 The actual increases from 1986 to 1995 were as follows:
larcenies--20,976 to 26,019; motor vehicle thefts--1,601 to 4,356;
and felony assaults--1,976 to 3,163.
\7 The actual increases from 1986 to 1995 were as follows: felony
assaults--1,910 to 2,781 and motor vehicle thefts--1,655 to 2,677.
\8 Statewide, in Nebraska, arrests for simple assaults rose from
3,327 in 1986 to 9,549 in 1995, and drug abuse violations increased
from 2,288 in 1986 to 6,954 in 1995. In Iowa, arrests for simple
assaults rose from 4,848 in 1986 to 8,775 in 1995, and drug abuse
violations increased from 2,409 in 1986 to 7,715 in 1995.
\9 We testified on a related problem involving inadequate INS
staffing. For our testimony, see Criminal Aliens: INS Efforts to
Identify and Remove Imprisoned Aliens Need to Be Improved
(GAO/T-GGD-97-154, July 15, 1997).
\10 INS conducted a project in Anaheim, California, during 1996-97 to
demonstrate the feasibility of identifying and removing illegal
aliens in local prisons prior to their arraignment on criminal
charges. P.L. 105-141 of December 5, 1997, requires the Attorney
General to establish a program in local prisons along these lines.
HOUSING CONDITIONS OF
MEATPACKING PLANT WORKERS
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :5
Data on the physical condition and availability of housing in the
nine Nebraska and Iowa communities we visited were not available.
However, the officials in communities we visited said that physical
housing conditions for newly arriving workers in meatpacking plants
are generally adequate and that residential housing areas are
generally clean and well kept. These workers often occupy rental
trailers or apartments that are in reasonably good condition,
although these officials were aware of isolated instances where the
condition of rental trailers or apartments was not good. Community
officials also noted that some workers and families who have been in
the communities for several years have purchased single-family homes.
During our visits to communities, we did not observe any evidence of
physical housing conditions that seemed to be contrary to the overall
assessment of these officials.
While community officials characterized the physical housing
conditions of the meatpacking plant workers as generally adequate,
they expressed some concerns about the effect of increasing
populations in their local areas on the affordability of housing and
overcrowding. The officials in most of the communities we visited
noted that there were often cases in which more than one family lived
in a small rental unit. These officials suggested that with the low
incomes of new meatpacking plant workers, two or more families were
living in the same trailer, apartment, or house to make the housing
costs more affordable. In addition, the officials expressed concern
that because of the increases in population in their local areas,
fewer housing units were available and that rents, which generally
had been low, had started to increase. In one community, for
example, apartments rented for about $430 per month, and two-bedroom
trailers rented for about $405 per month in 1997. In 1990, the same
types of apartments rented for only about $330 per month, and
trailers rented for only $315 per month. A community housing
official also said that because the demand for rental housing is
high, there is now little difference between the rental rates for new
and old trailers as well as for new and old apartments.
ILLEGAL ALIENS IN THE WORKFORCE
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :6
INS has often found illegal aliens employed at meatpacking plants and
has designated this industry, along with 14 others, as a priority
concern in its efforts to deter the employment of illegal aliens in
the United States. INS conducts several activities aimed at ensuring
the employment of eligible individuals and at identifying and
removing illegal aliens from the workforce. These activities
include, among other things, training industry personnel in
employment eligibility verification procedures; visiting plants to
verify that employers are following appropriate procedures such as
completing I-9 forms;\11 checking employees' identification
demonstrating eligibility for employment, and arresting and removing
those not eligible for employment.
In operations to identify illegal aliens at seven Nebraska and Iowa
meatpacking plants in 1996 and 1997, INS found that 909, or about 23
percent, of the workers in these plants had questionable
identification documents, which indicated that they may be illegal
aliens. During these operations, INS apprehended 513 illegal aliens,
or about 13 percent of the workforces. The INS District Director for
Nebraska and Iowa said that more illegal aliens would have been
apprehended if they had reported for work when INS was at the plant
and was ready to interview them. The District Director estimated
that as many as 25 percent of the workers in meatpacking plants in
Nebraska and Iowa were illegal aliens.
The employment of illegal aliens has raised concerns among the public
and law enforcement officials that the industry intentionally hires
illegal aliens. However, INS officials and the three U.S. Attorneys
in Nebraska and Iowa told us that evidence has not been developed to
prove that meatpacking companies are intentionally employing illegal
aliens. Company officials said that despite their efforts to ensure
that they hire only eligible workers, illegal aliens have gained jobs
by presenting forged identification documents that the companies have
not detected. According to a 1996 report on proposed immigration
legislation by the House Committee on the Judiciary, the problem of
document fraud is pervasive.\12
According to the Department of Justice's Office of Special Counsel
for Immigration-Related Unfair Employment Practices, employers are
required to accept identification documents presented by job
applicants if the documents are not obvious forgeries--that is, if
they appear to be genuine and relate to the individual. The INS
Director of Worksite Enforcement said that the availability of forged
identification documents and the legal limitations on checking these
documents have made the hiring of illegal aliens unavoidable. For
example, the selective application of the Immigration Reform and
Control Act's provisions for verifying job applicants' work
eligibility is considered discriminatory.\13 Once in the workforce,
illegal aliens generally cannot be removed unless an INS official
determines that an individual's employment documentation is
inadequate.
Under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 and the Illegal
Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, INS and
the Social Security Administration are testing systems designed to
assist employers in verifying the employment eligibility of newly
hired employees and the validity of these employees' Social Security
registrations.\14 These pilot systems will test different approaches
to electronically match information provided by newly hired employees
against INS' and the Social Security Administration's databases.
According to company and INS officials, meatpacking companies are
cooperating with INS in developing and applying these systems.
Employers may not use these systems to prescreen prospective
employees or to check their existing workforce. Also, these pilot
projects were not designed to check the complete range of
identification that a prospective employee may present--such as the
validity of state drivers' licenses. Since these are pilot projects
and it is not mandatory for employers to adopt them, the degree to
which these initiatives will affect the number of unauthorized
workers is unknown, and in any case, the effect is expected to be
gradual.
See appendix VII for a listing of our reports addressing concerns
about illegal aliens.
--------------------
\11 The Immigration and Nationality Act (sec. 274A) requires all
newly hired employees to present identity and work eligibility
documents and to complete a Form I-9 attesting to the accuracy of the
information. Employers must review the documents and certify on Form
I-9 that the documents appear to be genuine and that they relate to
the individual.
\12 House Report 104-469 (Mar. 4, 1996).
\13 We reported on discrimination in hiring under the act in
Immigration Reform: Employer Sanctions and the Question of
Discrimination (GAO/GGD-90-62, Mar. 29, 1990).
\14 We reported on the status of INS' demonstration projects to help
employers verify the work eligibility of newly hired noncitizen
workers. See H-2A Agricultural Guestworker Program: Changes Could
Improve Services to Employers and Better Protect Workers
(GAO/HEHS-98-20, Dec. 31, 1997) and Immigration and Naturalization
Service: Employment Verification Pilot Project (GAO/GGD-97-136R,
July 17, 1997).
AGENCY COMMENTS
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :7
We provided INS with the sections of our draft report concerning INS'
activities for review and comment. Subsequently, we met with INS
officials, including the Director, Worksite Enforcement, Office of
Field Operations, and the Director, Systematic Alien Verification for
Entitlements Program, Office of Management. The INS officials agreed
with the presentation of the facts in the draft. As they suggested,
we clarified our description of the employment verification pilot
programs. In addition, INS officials said that meatpacking industry
officials have been enthusiastic in their participation in INS'
employment verification pilot programs. However, as noted in our
report, the INS employment verification pilot programs have
limitations in their capability to check documents, and the INS has
often found illegal aliens in meatpacking plant workforces.
We also provided appropriate Nebraska and Iowa state agencies with
sections of the report and relevant data on school enrollments,
Medicaid, and crime for their review.
Officials of the Nebraska and Iowa Departments of Education agreed
with the sections of the draft report that they reviewed. They
commented that in addition to the federal grants for migrants
identified in our draft, the U.S. Department of Education provides
two other sources of funds for educating the children of immigrants.
We incorporated this information in our report.
Nebraska and Iowa Medicaid officials agreed with the section of the
draft report they reviewed. They also noted that the dependents of
meatpacking plant workers were much more likely to use Medicaid than
the workers themselves. The Nebraska Medical Director, Department of
Health and Human Services, pointed out that more than half of the
Medicaid recipients were children and that a significant portion of
the Medicaid payments were for care of the elderly. The Bureau
Chief, Division of Medical Services, Iowa Department of Human
Services, commented that the department would not conclude that
meatpacking plant workers and their dependents were the primary cause
of increased Medicaid enrollments, since the department did not have
specific data on their impact, although he agreed that this group was
one of several that have affected enrollment in Medicaid.
Regarding crime, Nebraska and Iowa state officials agreed with our
analysis and presentation of data, with two exceptions. First, on
the basis of comments from the Iowa Department of Public Safety, we
made adjustments to the crime statistics presented for the state of
Iowa to make the statewide data more comparable with the county data,
and we added crime data for Woodbury County. Second, the Executive
Director of the Nebraska Crime Commission expressed doubt that the
crime rate for Dakota County had decreased by 33 percent because
local officials are concerned about increasing crime in this county.
The crime rate is based on certain types of serious crimes (as
identified earlier in this report) that counties reported to Nebraska
state offices under the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting Program. We
recognize that in Dakota County, there have been increases among
types of crimes that are not used in determining the crime rate. For
example, Dakota County reported that arrests for simple assaults rose
from 23 in 1986 to 118 in 1995, drug abuse violations increased from
16 to 98, and arrests for driving under the influence increased from
164 to 405. None of these crimes is included in determining the
crime rate under the Uniform Crime Reporting Program.
SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
------------------------------------------------------------ Letter :8
To examine changes in the Nebraska and Iowa counties with large
meatpacking plant workforces, we interviewed and obtained information
from officials in nine Nebraska and Iowa cities with large
meatpacking workforces and obtained and analyzed data on population,
school enrollments, health care, personal income, taxable retail
sales, and crime from federal and state agencies. To review the
hiring of illegal aliens, we interviewed and obtained information
from five major meatpacking companies, INS, and the three U.S.
Attorneys in Nebraska and Iowa. We performed our review from April
1997 through February 1998 in accordance with generally accepted
government auditing standards. Appendix I provides details on our
objectives, scope, and methodology.
---------------------------------------------------------- Letter :8.1
As arranged with your offices, unless you publicly announce its
contents earlier, we plan no further distribution of this report
until 15 days from the date of this letter. At that time, we will
make copies available to appropriate congressional committees; the
Commissioner, INS; meatpacking companies; and other interested
parties. We will also make copies available to others on request.
Please call me at (202) 512-5138 if you or your staff have any
questions. Major contributors to this report are listed in appendix
VIII.
Robert A. Robinson
Director, Food and
Agriculture Issues
OBJECTIVES, SCOPE, AND METHODOLOGY
=========================================================== Appendix I
As a basis for examining changes in Nebraska's and Iowa's counties
with major meatpacking operations, we limited the number of counties
that we examined to those meeting the following two criteria. First,
the counties had to have 250 to 500 or more meatpacking plant workers
as of 1995. These counties were identified through data obtained
from the Department of Commerce's Bureau of the Census for 1989 (for
our analysis of changes in population during the 1980s) and 1995 (the
latest data available). Second, the counties had to have a
meatpacking plant that was among the 50 largest meatpacking plants
nationally (in terms of processing capacity) in one of three
categories--steers and heifers, cows and bulls, or hogs. This
information was obtained from the U.S. Department of Agriculture's
(USDA) Packers and Stockyards Administration. The counties are shown
in table I.1.
Table I.1
Location of Large Meatpacking Plants in
Nebraska and Iowa
Company
owning a
large plant Slaughter
State and county City in county category
---------------------------- ------------ ------------ ------------
Nebraska
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Buffalo Gibbon Gibbon Cows and
Packing bulls
Colfax\a Schuyler Excel Steers and
heifers
Cuming West Point IBP Steers and
heifers
Dakota\a Dakota City/ IBP Steers and
South Sioux heifers
City
Dawson\a Lexington IBP Steers and
heifers
Dodge\a Fremont Hormel Foods Hogs
Douglas\b Omaha Monfort Cows and
bulls
Hall\a Grand Island Monfort Steers and
heifers
Madison\a Madison IBP Hogs
Madison\a Norfolk Beef America Steers and
heifers
Saline\a Crete Farmland Cows and
Foods bulls
Iowa
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Black Hawk\a Waterloo IBP Hogs
Buena Vista\a Storm Lake IBP Hogs
Crawford\a Denison Farmland Hogs
Foods
Dallas\b Perry IBP Hogs
Dubuque\a Dubuque Farmland Hogs
Foods
Louisa\a Columbus IBP Hogs
Junction
Marshall\a Marshalltown Monfort Hogs
Polk\a Des Moines Iowa Packing Hogs
Pottawattamie\a Council IBP Hogs
Bluffs
Sioux Hospers Packerland Steers and
Packing heifers
Sioux Sioux Center Sioux-Preme Hogs
Packing
Tama Tama IBP Cows and
bulls
Wapello\a Ottumwa Excel Hogs
Woodbury\a Sioux City Verschoor Hogs
Meats
----------------------------------------------------------------------
\a County with 1,000 or more meatpacking plant workers.
\b County with 500 to 999 meatpacking plant workers.
Source: 1997 data on the location, companies and meatpacking plant
slaughter category from the USDA's Packers and Stockyards
Administration and 1995 data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census on
employment in meatpacking.
To identify the changes in counties' populations, we analyzed data
from the 1980 and 1990 censuses and the Bureau of the Census's
estimates of population up to 1996. The Bureau advises that its 1996
breakouts of the estimated county-level population by race and
Hispanic origin are produced by a method that is in the developmental
stage and, therefore, should be used with caution. We used these
breakouts in developing the 1996 estimates of minorities by county
that are presented in table II.2. We also examined the Bureau's
census updates for Perry, Iowa, and Lexington, Nebraska.
To identify changes in school enrollments, we analyzed data from
state education offices in Nebraska and Iowa. These data were
compiled from data provided by the school systems of each state. To
identify changes in Medicaid use, we analyzed Medicaid data provided
by Nebraska's and Iowa's state department of social services. To
identify changes in crime, we analyzed data reported by the states to
the Federal Bureau of Investigation under the national Uniform Crime
Reporting Program. To provide an indication of changes in economic
well-being, we analyzed personal income data from the Department of
Commerce's Bureau of Economic Analysis and data from Nebraska and
Iowa state offices on taxable retail sales. We did not verify the
accuracy of the data or the methodologies used to develop the data.
Also, since little data were available on the physical condition of
existing housing, we developed limited information on the basis of
interviews with community officials and tours of residential housing
areas of the communities we visited.
In addition to our analysis of various federal and state databases,
we selected cities for visits on the basis of the locations of large
plants, the sizes of the cities, and consultations with the
congressional requesters of this report. In Nebraska, we visited
Lexington, in Dawson County; Schuyler, in Colfax County; Norfolk, in
Madison County; and Dakota City and South Sioux City, in Dakota
County. In Iowa, we visited Perry, in Dallas County; Tama, in Tama
County; Waterloo, in Black Hawk County; and Ottumwa, in Wapello
County. During our visits, we generally spoke with mayors, city
administrators and managers, police chiefs, school administrators,
and hospital administrators. In addition, we contacted officials in
Hastings, Nebraska, and Postville, Iowa, to discuss the impacts of
the local meatpacking plant workforces.
To address the hiring of illegal aliens, we interviewed and obtained
information from officials of five of the largest meatpacking
companies--BeefAmerica, Excel, Farmland Foods, IBP, and
Monfort--about their hiring practices and changing labor forces.
These companies operate a total of 20 large meatpacking plants in
Nebraska and Iowa. We also interviewed and obtained information from
the Department of Justice's Immigration and Naturalization Service
both in Washington, D.C., and Omaha, Nebraska; the Office of Special
Council for Immigration-Related Unfair Employment Practices; and the
three U.S. Attorneys in Nebraska and Iowa.
We also interviewed and obtained information from officials of the
American Meat Institute; the Wage and Hour Division of the Department
of Labor's Occupational Safety and Health Administration and the
Department's Bureau of Labor Statistics; USDA's Packers and
Stockyards Administration and Economic Research Service; and the
National Academy of Science's National Research Council. We also
considered our previously reported information on the hiring of
workers under the requirements of the Immigration Reform and Control
Act.
We performed our review from April 1997 through February 1998 in
accordance with generally accepted government auditing standards.
CHANGES IN POPULATION
========================================================== Appendix II
Table II.1
Changes in Population for Seven Counties
in Nebraska and Nine Counties in Iowa,
1980 and 1990
Total population Minorities
---------------------------- --------------------------------------
Percent Percent
Percent of of
change total total
State and county 1980 1990 1980-90 1980 1990 1980 1990
------------------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- --------
Nebraska
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Colfax 9,890 9,139 -7.6 99 261 1.0 2.9
Dakota 16,573 16,742 1.0 759 1,746 4.6 10.4
Dodge 35,847 34,500 -3.8 397 521 1.1 1.5
Douglas 397,038 416,444 4.9 52,769 63,070 13.3 15.1
Hall 47,690 48,925 2.6 1,712 2,939 3.6 6.0
Madison 31,382 32,655 4.1 448 1,131 1.4 3.5
Saline 13,131 12,715 -3.2 179 229 1.4 1.8
=========================================================================================
Statewide 1,569,82 1,578,38 0.5 94,449 118,290 6.0 7.5
5 5
Iowa
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Buena Vista 20,774 19,965 -3.9 187 602 0.9 3.0
Crawford 18,935 16,775 -11.4 253 276 1.3 1.6
Dubuque 93,745 86,403 -7.8 1,090 1,326 1.2 1.5
Louisa 12,055 11,592 -3.8 189 557 1.6 4.8
Marshall 41,652 38,276 -8.1 913 968 2.2 2.5
Polk 303,170 327,140 7.9 23,027 27,671 7.6 8.5
Pottawattamie 86,561 82,628 -4.5 2,142 2,480 2.5 3.0
Wapello 40,241 35,687 -11.3 645 757 1.6 2.1
Woodbury 100,884 98,276 -2.6 3,848 7,333 3.8 7.5
=========================================================================================
Statewide 2,913,80 2,776,75 -4.7 90,466 112,915 3.1 4.1
8 5
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: GAO analysis of data from the U.S. Bureau of Census.
Table II.2
Estimated Changes in Population for 10
Counties in Nebraska and 13 Counties in
Iowa, 1990-96
Total population Minorities\a
---------------------------- --------------------------------------
Percent Percent
Percent Estimate of of
Estimate change d total total
State and county 1990 d 1996 1990-96 1990 1996 1990 1996
------------------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- --------
Nebraska
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Buffalo 37,447 40,037 6.9 1,441 2,315 3.8 5.8
Colfax 9,139 10,368 13.4 261 440 2.9 4.2
Cuming 10,117 10,128 0.1 53 77 0.5 0.8
Dakota 16,742 18,258 9.1 1,746 2,745 10.4 15.0
Dawson 19,940 23,126 16.0 774 1,393 3.9 6.0
Dodge 34,500 35,022 1.5 521 751 1.5 2.1
Douglas 416,444 438,835 5.4 63,070 77,527 15.1 17.7
Hall 48,925 51,485 5.2 2,939 4,697 6.0 9.1
Madison 32,655 34,702 6.3 1,131 1,671 3.5 4.8
Saline 12,715 12,988 2.1 229 307 1.8 2.4
=========================================================================================
Statewide 1,578,38 1,652,09 4.7 118,290 157,369 7.5 9.5
5 3
Iowa
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Black Hawk 123,798 122,806 -0.8 10,697 11,816 8.6 9.6
Buena Vista 19,965 19,862 -0.5 602 761 3.0 3.8
Crawford 16,775 16,503 -1.6 276 314 1.6 1.9
Dallas 29,755 33,900 13.9 349 533 1.2 1.6
Dubuque 86,403 88,201 2.1 1,326 1,693 1.5 1.9
Louisa 11,592 12,017 3.7 557 792 4.8 6.6
Marshall 38,276 38,868 1.5 968 1,222 2.5 3.1
Polk 327,140 354,150 8.3 27,671 35,932 8.5 10.1
Pottawattamie 82,628 84,939 2.8 2,480 3,384 3.0 4.0
Sioux 29,903 31,191 4.3 339 475 1.1 1.5
Tama 17,419 17,678 1.5 1,031 1,115 5.9 6.3
Wapello 35,687 35,766 0.2 757 897 2.1 2.5
Woodbury 98,276 102,580 4.4 7,333 9,238 7.5 9.0
=========================================================================================
Statewide 2,776,75 2,851,79 2.7 112,915 142,601 4.1 5.0
5 2
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
\a The Bureau of the Census advises that the breakouts of the 1996
county level estimates of population by race and Hispanic origin are
produced by a method that is in the developmental stage and should be
used with caution.
Source: GAO analysis of data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census.
CHANGES IN STUDENT ENROLLMENTS AND
LIMITED ENGLISH PROFICIENCY
STUDENTS
========================================================= Appendix III
Table III.1
Changes in Student Enrollments and
Limited English Proficiency Students for
Public Schools in 10 Counties in
Nebraska, School Years 1986-87 and 1996-
97
Enrollment Percent of Enrollment
------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------
American Total
Indian/ Minoriti Limited English Limited English
County Year Asian Hispanic Alaska Native Black es White Total Proficiency Asian/Hispanic Total Minorities White Proficiency
------ ------ -------- -------- ------------- -------- -------- -------- -------- ----------------- ---------------- ---------------- ---------------- ----------------
Buffal 1986/ 26 200 11 26 263 6,086 6,349 0 3.6 4.1 95.9 0.0
o 87
1996/ 60 405 25 31 521 6,637 7,158 98 6.5 7.3 92.7 1.4
97
% 130.8% 102.5% 127.3% 19.2% 98.1% 9.1% 12.7% 82.5% 75.7% -3.3%
change
Colfax 1986/ 1 12 2 0 15 1,766 1,781 1 0.7 0.8 99.2 0.1
87
1996/ 3 353 2 0 358 1,817 2,175 195 16.4 16.5 83.5 9.0
97
% 200.0% 2,841.7% 0.0% 0.0% 2,286.7% 2.9% 22.1% 19,400.0% 2,142.4% 1,854.3% -15.8% 1,5867.6%
change
Cuming 1986/ 1 3 3 1 8 1,684 1,692 0 0.2 0.5 99.5 0.0
87
1996/ 11 41 26 8 86 1,608 1,694 46 3.1 5.1 94.9 2.7
97
% 1,000.0% 1,266.7% 766.7% 700.0% 975.0% -4.5% 0.1% 1,198.5% 973.7% -4.6%
change
Dakota 1986/ 93 86 58 9 246 2,758 3,004 76 6.0 8.2 91.8 2.5
87
1996/ 136 661 89 31 917 2,509 3,426 616 23.3 26.8 73.2 18.0
97
% 46.2% 668.6% 53.4% 244.4% 272.8% -9.0% 14.0% 710.5% 290.4% 226.8% -20.2% 610.7
change
Dawson 1986/ 16 137 2 6 161 4,148 4,309 5 3.6 3.7 96.3 0.1
87
1996/ 48 1,185 22 7 1,262 3,854 5,116 749 24.1 24.7 75.3 14.6
97
% 200.0% 765.0% 1,000.0% 16.7% 683.9% -7.1% 18.7% 14,880.0% 578.8% 560.2% -21.7% 1,2517.0%
change
Dodge 1986/ 38 31 25 15 109 6,158 6,267 1 1.1 1.7 98.3 0.0
87
1996/ 40 100 21 34 195 6,191 6,386 50 2.2 3.1 96.9 0.8
97
% 5.3% 222.6% -16.0% 126.7% 78.9% 0.5% 1.9% 4,900.0% 99.1% 75.6% -1.3% 4,806.8%
change
Dougla 1986/ 729 1,523 597 11,346 14,195 53,593 67,788 138 3.3 20.9 79.1 0.2
s 87
1996/ 1,123 3,946 764 13,757 19,590 56,215 75,805 1,619 6.7 25.8 74.2 2.1
97
% 54.0% 159.1% 28.0% 21.2% 38.0% 4.9% 11.8% 1,073.2% 101.3% 23.4% -6.2% 949.1%
change
Hall 1986/ 211 338 48 34 631 8,492 9,123 5 6.0 6.9 93.1 0.1
87
1996/ 223 1,144 45 70 1,482 8,934 10,416 702 13.1 14.2 85.8 6.7
97
% 5.7% 238.5% -6.3% 105.9% 134.9% 5.2% 14.2% 13,940.0% 118.1% 105.7% -7.9% 1,2197.1%
change
Madiso 1986/ 16 21 47 4 88 5,455 5,543 0 0.7 1.6 98.4 0.0
n 87
1996/ 25 635 139 84 883 5,838 6,721 489 9.8 13.1 86.9 7.3
97
%chang 56.3% 2,923.8% 195.7% 2,000.0% 903.4% 7.0% 21.3% 1,371.1% 727.5% -11.7%
e
Saline 1986/ 9 9 1 4 23 2,381 2,404 1 0.7 1.0 99.0 0.0
87
1996/ 47 74 7 20 148 2,540 2,688 41 4.5 5.5 94.5 1.5
97
% 422.2% 722.2% 600.0% 400.0% 543.5% 6.7% 11.8% 4,000.0% 501.2% 475.5% -4.6% 3,566.8%
change
====================================================================================================================================================================================
Statew 1986/ 2,300 5,814 2,757 13,459 24,330 242,274 266,604 507 3.0 9.1 90.9 0.2
ide 87
1996/ 3,792 14,194 4,144 17,343 39,473 251,417 290,890 6,212 6.2 13.6 86.4 2.1
97
% 64.9% 144.1% 50.3% 28.9% 62.2% 3.8% 9.1% 1,125.2% 103.2% 48.7% -4.9% 1,023.0%
change
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: GAO analysis of data from the Nebraska Department of
Education.
Table III.2
Changes in Student Enrollments and
Limited English Proficiency Students for
Public Schools in 13 Counties in Iowa,
School Years 1986-87 and 1996-97
Enrollment Percent of Enrollment
-------------------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------
American
Indian/ Total
Alaska Minoriti Limited English Limited English
County Year Asian Hispanic Native Black es White Total Proficiency Asian/Hispanic Total Minorities White Proficiency
--------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- -------- ----------------- ---------------- ---------------- ---------------- ----------------
Black 1986/87 247 86 34 2,242 2,609 16,507 19,116 161 1.7 13.6 86.4 0.8
Hawk
1996/97 308 239 52 2,945 3,544 14,739 18,283 93 3.0 19.4 80.6 0.5
% change 24.7% 177.9% 52.9% 31.4% 35.8% -10.7% -4.4% -42.2% 71.7% 42.0% -6.6% -39.6%
Buena 1986/87 156 10 0 11 177 3,045 3,222 45 5.2 5.5 94.5 1.4
Vista
1996/97 218 335 2 31 586 3,257 3,843 405 14.4 15.2 84.8 10.5
% change 39.7% 3,250.0% 181.8% 231.1% 7.0% 19.3% 800.0% 179.3% 177.6% -10.3% 654.6%
Crawford 1986/87 34 20 1 6 61 3,525 3,586 10 1.5 1.7 98.3 0.3
1996/97 29 54 2 11 96 2,525 2,621 1 3.2 3.7 96.3 0.0
% change -14.7% 170.0% 100.0% 83.3% 57.4% -28.4% -26.9% -90.0% 110.3% 115.3% -2.0% -86.3%
Dallas 1986/87 34 18 3 23 78 6,196 6,274 12 0.8 1.2 98.8 0.2
1996/97 58 246 8 61 373 7,384 7,757 92 3.9 4.8 95.2 1.2
% change 70.6% 1,266.7% 166.7% 165.2% 378.2% 19.2% 23.6% 666.7% 372.8% 286.8% -3.6% 520.1%
Dubuque 1986/87 163 48 38 136 385 12,854 13,239 20 1.6 2.9 97.1 0.2
1996/97 112 58 37 202 409 12,111 12,520 41 1.4 3.3 96.7 0.3
% change -31.3% 20.8% -2.6% 48.5% 6.2% -5.8% -5.4% 105.0% -14.8% 12.3% -0.4% 116.8%
Louisa 1986/87 7 86 0 4 97 2,742 2,839 28 3.3 3.4 96.6 1.0
1996/97 13 439 7 4 463 2,524 2,987 220 15.1 15.5 84.5 7.4
% change 85.7% 410.5% 0.0% 377.3% -8.0% 5.2% 685.7% 361.9% 353.7% -12.5% 646.8%
Marshall 1986/87 103 42 11 61 217 6,760 6,977 69 2.1 3.1 96.9 1.0
1996/97 99 439 29 88 655 5,874 6,529 249 8.2 10.0 90.0 3.8
% change -3.9% 945.2% 163.6% 44.3% 201.8% -13.1% -6.4% 260.9% 296.5% 222.6% -7.1% 285.6%
Polk 1986/87 1,535 732 95 3,735 6,097 45,189 51,286 711 4.4 11.9 88.1 1.4
1996/97 2,132 1,967 280 4,839 9,218 49,487 58,705 1,751 7.0 15.7 84.3 3.0
% change 38.9% 168.7% 194.7% 29.6% 51.2% 9.5% 14.5% 146.3% 58.0% 32.1% -4.3% 115.1%
Pottawatt 1986/87 51 201 54 108 414 15,583 15,997 0 1.6 2.6 97.4 0.0
amie
1996/97 106 387 84 166 743 16,207 16,950 53 2.9 4.4 95.6 0.3
% change 107.8% 92.5% 55.6% 53.7% 79.5% 4.0% 6.0% 84.6% 69.4% -1.8%
Sioux 1986/87 39 5 6 4 54 3,698 3,752 16 1.2 1.4 98.6 0.4
1996/97 44 67 18 17 146 4,280 4,426 22 2.5 3.3 96.7 0.5
% change 12.8% 1,240.0% 200.0% 325.0% 170.4% 15.7% 18.0% 37.5% 113.9% 129.2% -1.9% 16.6%
Tama 1986/87 25 28 194 0 247 3,179 3,426 2 1.5 7.2 92.8 0.1
1996/97 17 125 200 19 361 2,630 2,991 68 4.7 12.1 87.9 2.3
% change -32.0% 346.4% 3.1% 46.2% -17.3% -12.7% 3,300.0% 206.9% 67.4% -5.2% 3794.5%
Wapello 1986/87 42 7 2 77 128 6,781 6,909 24 0.7 1.9 98.1 0.3
1996/97 90 63 17 82 252 6,267 6,519 9 2.3 3.9 96.1 0.1
% change 114.3% 800.0% 750.0% 6.5% 96.9% -7.6% -5.6% -62.5% 230.9% 108.7% -2.1% -60.3%
Woodbury 1986/87 303 196 435 417 1,351 15,869 17,220 243 2.9 7.8 92.2 1.4
1996/97 610 1,557 616 642 3,425 15,137 18,562 1,460 11.7 18.5 81.5 7.9
% change 101.3% 694.4% 41.6% 54.0% 153.5% -4.6% 7.8% 500.8% 302.9% 135.2% -11.5% 457.4%
====================================================================================================================================================================================
Statewide 1986/87 5,750 4,191 1,231 12,200 23,372 457,912 481,284 2,905 2.1 4.9 95.1 0.6
1996/97 7,911 11,618 2,239 16,965 38,733 459,166 497,899 6,663 3.9 7.8 92.2 1.3
% change 37.6% 177.2% 81.9% 39.1% 65.7% 0.3% 3.5% 129.4% 89.9% 60.2% -3.1% 121.7%
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: GAO analysis of data from the Iowa Department of Education.
CHANGES IN MEDICAID
========================================================== Appendix IV
Table IV.1
Increases in Medicaid Use Among 10
Counties in Nebraska, 1990 and 1996
Recipients per 1,000
population
--------------------------
Percent
County 1990 1996 increase
-------------------------- ------------ ------------ --------------
Buffalo 73.9 111.3 51
Colfax 37.4 68.2 82
Cuming 36.7 101.1 176
Dakota 92.1 157.1 71
Dawson 90.4 171.2 89
Dodge 81.0 113.8 40
Douglas 94.6 137.0 45
Hall 107.7 151.0 40
Madison 75.5 122.0 62
Saline 44.8 83.4 86
======================================================================
Statewide 76.0 117.4 54
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: GAO's analysis of data from Nebraska Medicaid and U.S.
Bureau of the Census.
Table IV.2
Increases in Medicaid Use Among 13
Counties in Iowa, 1990 and 1996
Recipients per 1,000
population
--------------------------
Percent
County 1990 1996 increase
---------------------------- ------------ ------------ ------------
Black Hawk 129.5 160.2 24
Buena Vista 71.3 116.5 63
Crawford 107.9 177.4 64
Dallas 73.2 98.9 35
Dubuque 75.2 98.8 31
Louisa 95.7 166.5 74
Marshall 91.2 143.9 58
Polk 91.4 126.9 39
Pottawattamie 115.0 162.2 41
Sioux 46.3 70.9 53
Tama 84.0 122.1 45
Wapello 155.3 212.2 37
Woodbury 119.3 152.4 28
======================================================================
Statewide 92.4 128.2 39
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: GAO's analysis of data from Iowa Medicaid and U.S. Bureau
of the Census.
CHANGES IN INCOME AND TAXABLE
RETAIL SALES
=========================================================== Appendix V
Table V.1
Changes in Per Capita Income and Per
Capita Taxable Retail Sales for 10
Counties in Nebraska, 1990 and 1995
Per capita taxable
Per capita income\a sales\a
---------------------- ----------------------
Percen Percen
t t
County 1990 1995 change 1990 1995 change
---------------------- ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------
Buffalo $17,93 $19,95 11.2 $8,843 $9,345 5.7
8 1
Colfax 21,174 20,032 -5.4 4,665 3,239 -30.6
Cuming 28,035 27,308 -2.6 5,977 5,399 -9.7
Dakota 17,027 18,615 9.3 6,148 6,106 -0.7
Dawson 20,873 19,787 -5.2 7,984 6,726 -15.8
Dodge 18,849 20,774 10.2 7,801 7,723 -1.0
Douglas 24,332 27,472 12.9 10,871 11,795 8.5
Hall 19,439 20,786 6.9 10,407 11,436 9.9
Madison 19,354 20,919 8.1 9,665 10,142 4.9
Saline 18,995 18,674 -1.7 5,248 4,626 -11.9
======================================================================
Statewide 21,145 22,342 5.7 7,566 7,833 3.5
----------------------------------------------------------------------
\a In 1997 dollars.
Source: GAO's analysis of data from the Bureau of Economic Analyis,
U.S. Department of Commerce, and the Nebraska Department of Revenue.
Table V.2
Changes in Per Capita Income and Per
Capita Taxable Retail Sales for 13
Counties in Iowa, 1990 and 1995
Per capita taxable
Per capita income\a sales\a
---------------------- ----------------------
Percen Percen
t t
County 1990 1995 change 1990 1995 change
---------------------- ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------
Black Hawk $19,43 $21,52 10.8 $8,464 $9,280 9.6
3 2
Buena Vista 19,211 20,265 5.5 6,977 6,916 -0.9
Crawford 17,775 19,424 9.3 5,291 5,668 7.1
Dallas 21,523 23,959 11.3 4,172 4,011 -3.9
Dubuque 20,117 22,043 9.6 8,065 9,200 14.1
Louisa 18,548 17,763 -4.2 2,677 2,316 -13.5
Marshall 21,235 22,365 5.3 7,651 8,239 7.7
Polk 24,953 27,218 9.1 13,849 14,579 5.3
Pottawattamie 18,334 19,953 8.8 6,515 7,111 9.1
Sioux 18,536 19,231 3.8 5,267 5,758 9.3
Tama 19,117 19,979 4.5 4,405 4,336 -1.6
Wapello 18,158 19,009 4.7 7,242 7,340 1.4
Woodbury 19,778 22,304 12.8 8,979 9,655 7.5
======================================================================
Statewide 20,339 21,770 7.0 7,661 8,134 6.2
----------------------------------------------------------------------
\a In 1997 dollars.
Source: GAO's analysis of data from the Bureau of Economic Analyis,
U.S. Department of Commerce, and the Iowa Department of Revenue and
Finance.
Table V.3
Ten Counties in Nebraska Ranked by Per
Capita Income and Personal Income, 1985
and 1995
Rank by per capita Rank by personal
income income
---------------------- ----------------------
County 1985 1995 1985 1995
---------------------- ---------- ---------- ---------- ----------
Buffalo 67 34 7 5
Colfax 26 31 31 28
Cuming 22 2 28 20
Dakota 65 52 19 17
Dawson 49 35 14 14
Dodge 27 19 6 6
Douglas 10 1 1 1
Hall 44 18 4 4
Madison 40 16 9 8
Saline 41 51 22 25
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: Nebraska has 93 counties.
Source: GAO's analysis of data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis,
U.S. Department of Commerce.
Table V.4
Thirteen Counties in Iowa Ranked by Per
Capita Income and Personal Income, 1985
and 1995
Rank by per capita Rank by personal
income income
---------------------- ----------------------
County 1985 1995 1985 1995
---------------------- ---------- ---------- ---------- ----------
Black Hawk 55 24 4 4
Buena Vista 29 40 31 30
Crawford 83 55 51 50
Dallas 11 4 20 17
Dubuque 43 13 7 7
Louisa 70 78 79 76
Marshall 12 9 14 14
Polk 1 1 1 1
Pottawattamie 34 43 8 8
Sioux 48 57 22 22
Tama 46 22 40 40
Wapello 76 65 18 20
Woodbury 30 11 5 6
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: Iowa has 99 counties.
Source: GAO's analysis of data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis,
U.S. Department of Commerce.
CHANGES IN SERIOUS CRIME
========================================================== Appendix VI
Table VI.1
Changes in the Rates of Serious Crime
Per 1,000 Population for 10 Counties in
Nebraska, 1986-87 and 1994-95
Crimes Crimes
committed committed
during 1986- during 1994- Change in
87 95 crime rate\a
-------------- -------------- --------------
Averag Averag
e Averag e Averag Percen
County number e rate number e rate Actual t
---------------------- ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------
Dakota 868 50.5 598 33.8 -16.7 -33.1
Douglas 25,160 61.2 29,784 68.7 7.5 12.3
Dodge 1,152 32.6 1,335 38.2 5.6 17.2
Cuming 63 5.6 68 6.7 1.1 19.6
Hall 2,819 57.4 3,554 70.0 12.6 22.0
Buffalo 1,353 36.3 1,755 44.8 8.5 23.4
Madison 1,048 32.7 1,419 41.9 9.2 28.1
Saline 239 18.4 320 24.8 6.4 34.8
Colfax 126 13.3 208 21.4 8.1 60.9
Dawson 487 22.7 996 44.7 22.0 96.9
======================================================================
Statewide 61,758 42.6 73,297 44.7 2.1 4.9
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: The crime rate is the number of crimes per 1,000 population.
\a These columns are based on comparing crimes reported in 1986-87
with those reported in 1994-95.
Source: GAO's analysis of Nebraska crime data provided to the
Federal Bureau of Investivation (FBI).
Table VI.2
Changes in the Rates of Serious Crime
per 1,000 Population for Nine Counties
in Iowa, 1986-87 and 1994-95
Crimes Crimes
committed committed
during 1986- during 1994- Change in
87 95 crime rate\a
-------------- -------------- --------------
Averag Averag
e Averag e Averag Percen
County number e rate number e rate Actual t
---------------------- ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------
Crawford 503 26.9 211 12.7 -14.2 -52.8
Polk 27,336 88.4 20,969 60.9 -27.5 -31.1
Louisa 326 27.3 286 24.6 -2.7 -9.9
Wapello 1337 35 1,208 33.5 -1.5 -4.3
Marshall 1,444 35.7 1,457 38.2 2.5 7.0
Woodbury 7,159 72.7 7,797 79.3 6.6 9.1
Black Hawk 6,093 46.7 6,885 55 8.3 17.8
Tama 307 16.4 344 \e 19.7 3.3 20.1
\e
Buena Vista 466 22.8 600 29.7 6.9 30.3
Sioux 262 8.6 \b \b \d \d
Dallas 847 28.9 877\c 27.2\c \d \d
Dubuque 3,494 38.7 2,111\ 23.8 \d \d
c \c
Pottawattamie 4,926 56.8 \b \b \d \d
======================================================================
Statewide 117,78 41.4 86,626 37.4 -4 -9.7%
5
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: The crime rate is the number of crimes per 1,000 population.
\a These columns are based on comparing crimes reported in 1986-87
with those reported in 1994-95.
\b Data on crime were either incomplete or not reported.
\c These figures represent the actual data reported for 1 year.
\d The change in crime was not determined, since complete data were
not reported for the 2-year period.
\e The average number of crimes and the average crime rate for Tama
County based on 1993-94 data, since data for 1995 were not available.
Source: GAO's analysis of Iowa crime data provided to the FBI.
GAO REPORTS ADDRESSING CONCERNS
ABOUT ILLEGAL ALIENS RESIDING IN
THE UNITED STATES
========================================================= Appendix VII
Public concerns about controls over immigration and the problems that
illegal aliens pose have focused, in part, on illegal immigrants'
involvement in criminal activity and their use of public services,
such as education and health services. Most illegal aliens in the
United States are from Mexico and Central American countries,
according to the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), which
estimated that about 5 million illegal aliens resided in the United
States in October 1996 and that the net annual increase of such
persons was 275,000. About 83 percent of illegal aliens reside in
seven states: Arizona, California, Florida, Illinois, New Jersey,
New York, and Texas. We have issued a variety of reports and
congressional testimonies on concerns about illegal aliens, including
the following:
H-2A Agricultural Guestworker Program: Changes Could Improve
Services to Employers and Better Protect Workers (GAO/HEHS-98-20,
Dec. 31, 1997).
Illegal Immigration: Southwest Border Strategy Results Inconclusive;
More Evaluation Needed (GAO/GGD-98-91, Dec. 11, 1997).
Illegal Aliens: Extent of Welfare Benefits Received on Behalf of
U.S. Citizen Children (GAO/HEHS-98-30, Nov. 19, 1997).
Immigration and Naturalization Service: Employment Verification
Pilot Project (GAO/GGD-97-136R, July 17, 1997).
Criminal Aliens: INS' Efforts to Identify and Remove Imprisoned
Aliens Need to Be Improved (GAO/T-GGD-97-154, July 15, 1997).
Illegal Aliens: National Net Cost Estimates Vary Widely
(GAO/HEHS-95-133, July 25, 1995).
INS: Update of Management Problems and Program Issues
(GAO/T-GGD-95-82, Feb. 8, 1995).
Welfare Reform: Implications of Proposals on Legal Immigrants'
Benefits (GAO/HEHS-95-58, Feb. 2, 1995).
Illegal Aliens: Assessing Estimates of Financial Burden on
California (GAO/HEHS-95-22, Nov. 28, 1994).
Benefits for Illegal Aliens: Some Program Costs Increasing, but
Total Costs Unknown (GAO/T-HRD-93-33, Sept. 29, 1993).
Immigration Enforcement: Problems in Controlling the Flow of Illegal
Aliens (GAO/T-GGD-93-39, June 30, 1993).
Immigration and the Labor Market: Nonimmigrant Alien Workers in the
United States (GAO/PEMD-92-17, Apr. 28, 1992).
Trauma Care Reimbursement: Poor Understanding of Losses and Coverage
for Undocumented Aliens (GAO/PEMD-93-1, Oct. 15, 1992).
Immigration Reform: Employer Sanctions and the Question of
Discrimination (GAO/GGD-90-62, Mar. 29, 1990).
MAJOR CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS REPORT
======================================================== Appendix VIII
Charles M. Adams, Assistant Director
W. Carl Christian, Jr., Evaluator-in-Charge
F. John Schaefer, Jr.
James M. Blume
Oliver H. Easterwood
Gale C. Harris
Charles A. Jeszeck
Sara Ann W. Moessbauer
Mehrzad Nadji
Beverly A. Peterson
David A. Rogers
Carol Herrnstadt Shulman
*** End of document. ***