[Federal Register Volume 88, Number 142 (Wednesday, July 26, 2023)]
[Notices]
[Pages 48280-48282]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: 2023-15775]


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DEPARTMENT OF STATE

[Public Notice: 12134]


Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United 
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act

ACTION: Notice of report.

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SUMMARY: This report on Corrupt and Undemocratic Actors is submitted in 
fulfilment of the State Department's Congressional reporting 
requirement for 2023 regarding foreign persons who are determined to 
have knowingly engaged in actions that undermine democratic processes 
or institutions, significant corruption, or obstruction of 
investigation into such acts of corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala, 
and Honduras pursuant to section 353(b) of the United States--Northern 
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act, as amended.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Report to Congress on Foreign Persons Who 
Have Knowingly Engaged in Actions that Undermine Democratic Processes 
or Institutions, Significant Corruption, or Obstruction of 
Investigations Into Such Acts of Corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala, 
Honduras, and Nicaragua, Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United 
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (22 U.S.C. 2277a(b), 
as amended) (Section 353)
    Consistent with Section 353(b) of the United States--Northern 
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (22 U.S.C. 2277a(b)) (the Act), as 
amended, this report is being submitted to the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee,Senate Foreign Relations Committee, House Committee on the 
Judiciary, and the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.
    Section 353(b) requires the submission of a report that identifies 
the following persons: foreign persons who the President has determined 
have knowingly engaged (1) in actions that undermine democratic 
processes or institutions; (2) in significant corruption; and (3) in 
obstruction of investigations into such acts of corruption, in El 
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, including the following: 
corruption related to

[[Page 48281]]

government contracts; bribery and extortion; the facilitation or 
transfer of the proceeds of corruption, including through money 
laundering; and acts of violence, harassment, or intimidation directed 
at governmental and nongovernmental corruption investigators. On June 
21, 2021, the President delegated his authority under Section 353 to 
the Secretary of State.
    Under section 353, foreign persons identified in the report 
submitted to Congress are generally ineligible for visas and admission 
to the United States, and any current visa shall be revoked 
immediately, and any other valid visa or entry documentation cancelled. 
Consistent with Section 353(g), this report will be published in the 
Federal Register.
    This report includes individuals who have been determined to have 
engaged in the relevant activity based upon credible information or 
allegations of the conduct at issue, from media reporting and other 
sources. The Department will continue to review the individuals listed 
in the report and consider all available tools to deter and disrupt 
corrupt and undemocratic activity in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, 
and Nicaragua. The Department also continues to review additional 
credible information and allegations concerning corruption or 
undemocratic activity and to utilize all applicable authorities, as 
appropriate, to ensure corrupt or undemocratic officials are denied 
safe haven in the United States.

El Salvador

    Jose Miguel ``Mecafe'' Antonio Menendez Avelar, a former president 
of the Center for Fairs and Conventions (CIFCO), engaged in significant 
corruption by steering an $8.4 million Ministry of Public Works 
contract for the construction of a bridge in Chalatenango Department, 
El Salvador, to a Guatemalan businessman. In return, Menendez illegally 
received a small plane, a Beechcraft King Air 90, as a gift.
    Carlos Alberto Ortiz, a former president of Banco Hipotecario, a 
state-owned bank, engaged in significant corruption by laundering $97 
million in exchange for $72,000 in bribes.
    Carlos Enrique Cruz Arana, a former vice president of Banco 
Hipotecario, a state-owned bank, engaged in significant corruption by 
laundering $94.5 million in exchange for $64,500 in bribes.
    Jolman Alexander Ayala, a former compliance officer of Banco 
Hipotecario, a state-owned bank, engaged in significant corruption by 
laundering $177 million in exchange for $78,000 in bribes.
    Carlos Mauricio Funes Cartagena, a former president of El Salvador, 
engaged in significant corruption by orchestrating and participating in 
several schemes involving bribery, embezzlement, and money laundering 
while president, pilfering hundreds of millions of dollars from state 
coffers.
    Salvador Sanchez Ceren, a former president and vice president of El 
Salvador, engaged in significant corruption by laundering money during 
his tenure as vice president, personally receiving more than $1.3 
million in public funds in exchange, and participated in a scheme to 
divert $183 million in public funds away from public accounts and 
oversight into personal accounts while serving as president.

Guatemala

    Cinthia Edelmira Monterroso G[oacute]mez, a current prosecutor, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing 
unsubstantiated, politically motivated criminal charges against 
journalists for exercising their freedom of expression as protected by 
Guatemalan law.
    Edgar Humberto Navarro Castro, a former president of Guatemala's 
energy wholesale market administrator (AMM), engaged in significant 
corruption by providing official benefits in exchange for bribes and 
kickbacks, at the expense of improving energy efficiency and taking 
effective action against climate change.
    Fredy Raul Orellana Letona, a current judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions by authorizing unsubstantiated, politically 
motivated criminal charges against journalists who were exercising 
their freedom of expression as protected by Guatemalan law.
    Gendri Rocael Reyes Mazariegos, a former minister of interior, 
engaged in significant corruption.
    Joviel Acevedo Ayala, the current head of Guatemalan Education 
Workers Union (STEG), engaged in significant corruption by providing 
STEG's political support in exchange for bribes from public officials.
    Jimi Rodolfo Bremer Ram[iacute]rez, a current judge, undermined 
democratic processes or institutions by authorizing politically 
motivated criminal charges against journalists for exercising their 
freedom of expression as protected by Guatemalan law.
    Lesther Castellanos Rodas, a former judge and current Guatemalan 
Rapporteur against Torture, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by retaliating against an anticorruption prosecutor for 
filing administrative complaints concerning Castellanos's handling of a 
criminal case.
    Melvin Quijivix Vega, the current president of the National 
Electrification Institute (INDE), engaged in significant corruption by 
using his position and connections to improperly and unlawfully direct 
government procurement contracts to specific companies, in several 
cases to a company he privately owns.
    Omar Ricardo Barrios Osorio, the current president of the Board of 
Directors of the National Port Commission, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions by conspiring to intimidate and harass an 
anticorruption prosecutor for denouncing corrupt activity.
    Walter Ramiro Mazariegos Biolis, the Rector of the San Carlos 
University (USAC), undermined democratic processes or institutions by 
accepting the position of Rector of the public education institution in 
July 2022 following a fraudulent selection process.

Honduras

    Alex Alberto Moraes Giron, a former administrative manager of 
state-owned Strategic Investment of Honduras (INVEST-H), engaged in 
significant corruption by misappropriating public funds during the 
COVID-19 pandemic, including by defrauding the Honduran government of 
approximately $1.6 million intended for facemasks to be used by medical 
personnel.
    Alexander Lopez Orellana, the current mayor of El Progreso and 
secretary general of the Liberal Party's Central Executive Council, 
engaged in significant corruption by improperly awarding multi-million 
dollar municipal contracts to his political allies.
    Edna Yolany Batres Cruz, a former Minister of Health, engaged in 
significant corruption when she defrauded the Honduran government of 
more than $300,000 by colluding with Ministry of Health officials and 
private-sector businesspeople to improperly award government contracts.
    Jesus Arturo Mejia Arita, a former general manager of the Honduran 
National Electric Energy Company (ENEE), engaged in significant 
corruption by awarding non-competitive or overpriced contracts for the 
generation of electricity and other energy-related services in exchange 
for bribes, and by facilitating corrupt schemes related to the hiring 
and firing of ENEE employees in exchange for kickbacks.
    Marcelo Antonio Chimirri Castro, the former director of the 
Honduran Telecommunications Company

[[Page 48282]]

(HONDUTEL), engaged in significant corruption by committing fraud to 
improperly keep a telecommunications agreement in place in exchange for 
bribes and obstructed investigations into his corrupt acts by 
intimidating journalists.
    Miguel Rodrigo Pastor Mejia, a former director of the now-defunct 
Secretariat of Public Works, Transport, and Housing (SOPTRAVI), engaged 
in significant corruption, laundering money on behalf of the Los 
Cachiros drug trafficking organization, by awarding $2.76 million in 
Honduran government contracts to a Cachiros-controlled construction 
firm.
    Roberto Antonio Ordonez Wolfovich, a former minister of 
infrastructure and public services (INSEP), former minister of energy, 
and former presidential advisor to President Juan Orlando Hernandez, 
engaged in significant corruption by embezzling state funds through the 
overvaluation of public works projects.
    Samuel Garcia Salgado, a current member of the Honduran National 
Congress from the Liberal Party, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by manipulating the outcome of the Supreme Court of 
Justice election in 2023 for his personal and political gain.
    Victor Elias Bendeck Ramirez, a private businessman and former 
member of the Central American Parliament, engaged in significant 
corruption through a series of fraudulent business activities in the 
banking, real estate, and other sectors and by using his influence with 
government officials for his personal gain.
    Yani Benjamin Rosenthal Hidalgo, the current president of the 
Liberal Party in Honduras, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by manipulating the outcome of the Supreme Court of 
Justice election in 2023 for his personal and political gain. Rosenthal 
also used his influence with government officials to escape 
accountability for apparent violations of Honduran law by his family-
owned cable company.

Nicaragua

    Wendy Carolina Morales Urbina, the current Nicaraguan attorney 
general, undermined democratic processes or institutions, using the 
office of the attorney general to facilitate a coordinated campaign to 
suppress dissent, by confiscating property from the government's 
political opponents without a legal basis. Urbina has also seized 
property from thousands of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) under 
laws explicitly designed to suppress freedom of association.
    Arling Patricia Alonso Gomez, the current first vice president of 
the National Assembly, undermined democratic processes or institutions 
by taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip 
Nicaraguan citizenship from political opponents and critics of the 
Ortega-Murillo regime.
    Gladis de los Angeles Baez, the current second vice president of 
the National Assembly, undermined democratic processes or institutions 
by taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip 
Nicaraguan citizenship from political opponents and critics of the 
Ortega-Murillo regime.
    Loria Raquel Dixon Brautigam, the current first secretary of the 
National Assembly, undermined democratic processes or institutions by 
taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip Nicaraguan 
citizenship from political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo 
regime.
    Alejandro Mejia Ferreti, the current third secretary of the 
National Assembly, undermined democratic processes and institutions by 
taking part in coordinated government retaliation to strip Nicaraguan 
citizenship from political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo 
regime.
    Rosa Argentina Sol[iacute]s Davila, an appeals court judge in the 
Criminal Appeals Court of Managua, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by using the Appeals Court to facilitate a coordinated 
government campaign to retaliate against critics of the Ortega-Murillo 
regime and suppress dissent by stripping Nicaraguan citizenship from 
political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo regime.
    Angela Davila Navarrete, a current appeals court judge in the 
Criminal Appeals Court of Managua, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by using the Appeals Court to facilitate a coordinated 
government campaign to retaliate against critics of the Ortega-Murillo 
regime and suppress dissent by stripping Nicaraguan citizenship from 
political opponents and critics of the Ortega-Murillo regime.
    Denis Membre[ntilde]o Rivas, the current director of the Financial 
Analysis Unit (UAF), the Nicaraguan government's financial crimes unit, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions by taking part in a 
coordinated campaign to suppress dissent, using his position to 
facilitate asset seizures from 94 political dissidents in exile and 222 
former political prisoners, without any legal basis.
    Aldo Mart[iacute]n S[aacute]enz Ulloa, a current sub-director of 
the Financial Analysis Unit (UAF), the Nicaraguan government's 
financial crimes unit, undermined democratic processes or institutions 
by taking part in a coordinated campaign to retaliate against critics 
of the Ortega-Murillo regime and to suppress dissent, using his 
position to facilitate asset seizures from 94 political dissidents in 
exile and 222 former political prisoners, without any legal basis.
    Valeria Maritza Halleslevens Centeno, the current director of the 
National Directorate of Property Registrar Offices (DNR), undermined 
democratic processes or institutions by using her position and 
influence to facilitate a coordinated government effort to confiscate 
the property of political opponents.
    Eduardo Celestino Ortega Roa, a current deputy director of the 
National Directorate of Property Registrar Offices (DNR), undermined 
democratic processes or institutions by using his position and 
influence to facilitate a coordinated government effort to confiscate 
the property of political opponents.
    Marta Mayela Diaz Ortiz, a current vice superintendent of banks and 
other financial institutions (SIBOIF), undermined democratic processes 
or institutions by using SIBOIF to provide the financial information of 
political dissidents in exile and former political prisoners to 
officials in the Nicaraguan judiciary as part of a coordinated 
government effort to suppress dissent by seizing the assets of 
political adversaries without a legal basis.
    Sagrario de Fatima Benavides Lanuza, a vice director of the 
Nicaraguan Social Security Institute (INSS), undermined democratic 
processes or institutions by using her position and influence to 
facilitate a coordinated, politically motivated government campaign to 
terminate and seize pensions from political adversaries without a legal 
basis.

    Dated: July 14, 2023.
Richard R. Verma,
Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources.
[FR Doc. 2023-15775 Filed 7-25-23; 8:45 am]
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