[Federal Register Volume 87, Number 154 (Thursday, August 11, 2022)]
[Notices]
[Pages 49639-49642]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: 2022-17215]
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE
[Public Notice: 11815]
Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act
ACTION: Notice of report.
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SUMMARY: This report on Corrupt and Undemocratic Actors is submitted in
fulfilment of the State Department's congressional reporting
requirement for 2022 regarding foreign persons who have knowingly
engaged in actions that undermine democratic processes or institutions,
significant corruption, or obstruction of such corruption in El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras pursuant to Section 353(b) of the
United States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act. On November
10, 2021, the president signed the Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to
Conditions for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act, which added Nicaragua to
the countries subject to the Section 353 Corrupt and Undemocratic
Actors list.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Report to Congress on Foreign Persons Who
Have Knowingly Engaged in Actions that Undermine Democratic Processes
or Institutions, Significant Corruption, or Obstruction of
Investigations Into Such Acts of Corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, and Nicaragua, Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the Department
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act,
2021 (Div. FF, Pub. L. 116-260, as amended) (Section 353).
Consistent with Section 353(b) of the United States--Northern
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (Div. FF, Pub. L. 116-260) (the Act),
as amended, this report is being submitted to the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, House Committee on the
Judiciary, and the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.
Section 353(b) requires the submission of a report that identifies
the following persons in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and
Nicaragua: foreign persons who the President has determined have
knowingly engaged (1) in actions that undermine democratic processes or
institutions; (2) in significant corruption; and (3) in obstruction of
investigations into such acts of corruption, including the following:
corruption related to government contracts; bribery and extortion; the
facilitation or transfer of the proceeds of corruption, including
through money laundering; and acts of
[[Page 49640]]
violence, harassment, or intimidation directed at governmental and
nongovernmental corruption investigators. On November 10, 2021, the
President signed the Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to Conditions
for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act, adding Nicaragua to the countries
within the scope of Section 353. On June 21, 2021, the President
delegated his authority under Section 353 to the Secretary of State.
Under Section 353, foreign persons identified in the report
submitted to Congress are generally ineligible for visas and admission
to the United States and any current visa shall be revoked immediately
and any other valid visa or entry documentation cancelled. Consistent
with Section 353(g), this report will be published in the Federal
Register.
This report includes individuals who the Secretary has determined
have engaged in the relevant activity based upon credible information
or allegations of the conduct at issue, from media reporting and other
sources. The Department will continue to review the individuals listed
in the report and consider all available tools to deter and disrupt
corrupt and undemocratic activity in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras,
and Nicaragua. The Department also continues to actively review
additional credible information and allegations concerning corruption
or undemocratic activity and to utilize all applicable authorities, as
appropriate, to ensure corrupt or undemocratic officials are denied
safe haven in the United States.
El Salvador
Cecilia Coronada Alvarenga de Figueroa, spouse of former Public
Security Minister Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, facilitated the
transfer of proceeds of corruption when she assisted her husband in
laundering over $3 million in public funds, while her husband was
Minister of Public Security during the Saca administration.
Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, former Public Security Minister under
the Saca Administration, during his time as Minister engaged in
significant corruption when he converted $3 million in public funds for
his and his wife's personal use and, with his wife, laundered those
funds.
Jose Wilfredo Salgado Garcia, Mayor of San Miguel, undermined
democratic processes or institutions when he used his official position
to participate in drug trafficking and money laundering while mayor of
San Miguel, El Salvador's second largest city. Salgado used his
connections with city law enforcement to intimidate his electoral
opponent's family.
Francisco Javier Argueta Gomez, current Presidential Legal Advisor,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by masterminding the
removal of five Supreme Court Magistrates and the Attorney General in
an unusual process in apparent contravention of the processes set out
in Article 186 of the Constitution, which requires the selection of
such Magistrates from a list of candidates drafted by the National
Council of the Judiciary.
Christian Reynaldo Guevara Guadron, Legislative Assembly Deputy and
Nuevas Ideas Party's Chief of Faction, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when he introduced a Gang Prohibition Law that will
punish with up to 15 years in prison the dissemination of gang messages
in the media, considered by many observers to be a clear attempt to
censor the media.
Jose Ernesto Sanabria, current Presidential Press Secretary,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by using his position
and wielding the Presidency's influence to inappropriately pressure
officials in opposition political parties to resign on threat of being
charged with criminal offenses.
Guatemala
Dennis Billy Herrera Arita, a Guatemalan lawyer, undermined the
democratic process or institutions by participating in the ``Parallel
Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme and Appellate Courts
with corrupt judges.
Carlos Estuardo Galvez Barrios, former Rector of the University of
San Carlos (USAC), undermined the democratic process or institutions by
using his standing in the legal community to influence members of the
judicial nomination commission in the facilitation of the ``Parallel
Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and Appellate
Courts with corrupt judges.
Jose Rafael Curruchiche Cacul (Rafael Curruchiche), the current
chief of the Public Ministry's Office of the Special Prosecutor Against
Impunity (FECI), obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by
disrupting high-profile corruption cases against government officials
and raising apparently spurious claims against FECI prosecutors,
private attorneys, and former International Commission Against Impunity
in Guatemala (CICIG) prosecutors.
Axel Arturo Samayoa Camacho, the owner of several trucking and
shipping companies operating in the government-run EMPORNAC (Atlantic)
and EPQ (Pacific) ports, engaged in significant corruption by
improperly colluding with public officials and paying bribes to ensure
his companies won lucrative port contracts.
Ramiro Mauricio Lopez Camey, the current co-owner of construction
company Asfaltos y Petr[oacute]leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in
significant corruption by paying bribes to receive government
construction contracts.
Ramon ``Moncho'' Campollo Codina, a current owner of Corporacion
Energias de Guatemala, engaged in significant corruption by bribing
public officials and in a manner that harmed U.S. commercial and policy
goals to improve energy efficiency.
Geisler Smaille Perez Dominguez, a current judge for the Third
Criminal Court, undermined democratic processes by obstructing
prosecutions of proponents of the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme
to stack the Supreme Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Sofia Janeth Hernandez Herrera, the current congressional
representative for the Union del Cambio Nacional (UCN) party,
undermined the democratic process or institutions by misusing her
official powers to intimidate her political opponents. She also
solicited bribes and threatened to weaponize the legitimate purposes of
Guatemala's congress to retaliate against her enemies for personal
benefit.
Steffan Christian Emanuel Lehnhoff Hernandez, a current owner of
Corporacion Energias de Guatemala, engaged in significant corruption by
bribing public officials and in a manner that harmed U.S. commercial
and policy goals to improve energy efficiency.
Mayra Alejandra Carrillo de Leon (Alejandra Carrillo), current
Director of the Victim's Institute, undermined the democratic process
or institutions by using her official position to facilitate the
``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Erick Gustavo Santiago de Leon, a former judge and President of the
Regional Appeal Civil Court, engaged in significant corruption and
obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by soliciting bribes
in return for favorable court rulings in cases before him.
Nery Oswaldo Medina Mendez, a current Supreme Court of Justice
magistrate, undermined the democratic process or institutions by
participating in the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the
Supreme Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Vitalina Orellana y Orellana, a current Supreme Court of Justice
magistrate,
[[Page 49641]]
undermined the democratic process or institutions by participating in
the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Mauricio Lopez Oliva, the current co-owner of construction company
Asfaltos y Petr[oacute]leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in significant
corruption by paying bribes to receive government construction
contracts.
Victor Manuel Cruz Rivera, a current Criminal Court Judge,
obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by improperly
delaying court proceedings.
Jos[eacute] Luis Benito Ruiz, the former Minister of Communications
and Infrastructure from 2018-2020, engaged in significant corruption
when he solicited, accepted, and offered bribes in order to maintain
his official position and receive kickbacks from contractors, and
facilitated the transfer of proceeds of corruption.
Honduras
Harvis Edulfo Herrera Carballo, General Manager at the Presidential
Palace from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds of corruption when he
aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a
presidential project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Elmer Jeovanny Ordonez Espinal, Internal Controls Supervisor of the
National Bank for Agricultural Development from 2010 to 2014,
transferred proceeds of corruption when he aided the misappropriation
of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at
reducing rural poverty.
Rasel Antonio Tome Flores, Vice President of Congress, engaged in
significant corruption when he used his position as President of the
National Telecommunications Commission to misappropriate approximately
$327,000 in public funds.
Claudia Yamilia Noriega Gonz[aacute]lez, Project Coordinator for
the ``Catracha Card'' Program from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds
of corruption when she aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing rural
poverty.
Carol Vanessa Alvarado Izaguirre, Finance Manager at the
Presidential Palace in 2014, transferred proceeds of corruption when
she aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil,
a presidential project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Enrique Alberto Flores Lanza, Minister of Presidency from 2008 to
2009, engaged in significant corruption by receiving $2 million in
public money from the Honduran Central Bank and improperly
redistributing it to political allies.
Juan Ramon Maradiaga, General Manager of the National Bank for
Agricultural Development (BANADESA) from 2010 to 2014, transferred
proceeds of corruption when he aided the misappropriation of more than
$500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Edgardo Antonio Casa[ntilde]a Mejia, a current member of Congress,
engaged in significant corruption by improperly restructuring the
National Institute for Teachers' Pensions to direct more than $5
million in benefits to political allies and constituents, in order to
secure votes and maintain political power.
Roberto David Castillo Mejia, member of the Executive Committee of
the Honduran Electrical Company (ENEE) from 2006 to 2009, engaged in
corruption related to government contracts when he used his position on
the ENEE Executive Committee to interfere in the public procurement
process and steer contracts to a company in which he had a financial
interest.
Carlos Josu[eacute] Romero Puerto, Project Coordinator for Bono10
Mil, transferred proceeds of corruption when he aided the
misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential
project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Carlos Josue Montes Rodriguez, Vice Secretary of Labor in 2011,
engaged in significant corruption by accepting bribes to improperly
award contracts to political allies and to expedite payments.
Gonzalo Molina Solorzano, Chief of Supply for the National Bank for
Agricultural Development from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds of
corruption when he aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing rural
poverty.
Juan Carlos ``El Tigre'' Bonilla Valladares, Director of the
National Police from 2012 to 2013, engaged in significant corruption
when he used his position as Director of the National Police to
facilitate movement of cocaine through Honduras in exchange for bribes.
Javier Rodolfo Pastor Vasquez, Vice Minister of Health in 2011,
engaged in significant corruption by accepting $235,000 in bribes to
interfere in public procurement procedures to improperly award
contracts to political allies and to expedite payments.
Nicaragua
Yubelca del Carmen Perez Alvarado, a prosecutor in the Public
Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail
regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Erick Ramon Laguna Averruz, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of opposition activist Alexis Peralta and farmer
without political affiliation Santos Camilo Bellorin.
Perla de los Angeles Baca, a Chief Prosecutor in Chinandega
Department, undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing
spurious charges in order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to
national elections.
Rosa Velia Baca Cardoza, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trial of opposition activist Donald Alvarenga.
Carlos Rafael Espinoza Castilla, a prosecutor, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in
order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Irma Oralya Laguna Cruz, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trial of opposition activist Evelyn Pinto.
Luis Alberto Mena Gamez, a prosecutor in Nueva Segovia, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by bringing the regime's case
against political prisoner Douglas Cerros and by pursuing spurious
charges, convictions, and harsh sentences against private citizens who
are critical of the government.
Luden Martin Quiroz Garcia, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of opposition leader Ana Margarita Vijil, journalist
Miguel Mendoza, former Foreign Minister Mauricio Diaz, former
presidential candidate Cristiana Chamorro, opposition member Pedro
Joaquin Chamorro, employees of the Violeta Barrios de Chamorro
Foundation (FVBCH) Pedro Vasquez, Walter Gomez,
[[Page 49642]]
and Marcos Fletes; and former National Assembly member Maria Fernanda
Flores.
Melvin Leopoldo Vargas Garcia, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Samantha Jiron.
Angel Jancarlos Fernandez Gonzalez, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of private sector leaders Luis Rivas, Michael Healy,
and Alvaro Vargas; former Sandinista leader Dora Maria Tellez;
opposition leaders Jose Antonio Peraza and Victor Hugo Tinoco.
Nancy Del Carmen Aguirre Gudiel, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Irving Larios.
Jorge Luis Arias Jarquin, a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor's
Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national elections.
William Irving Howard Lopez, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Nidia Barbosa.
Martha Ileana Morales Mendoza, a prosecutor and the Director of
Planning at the Public Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing spurious
charges in order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Maria Francis Perez Mojica, a prosecutor in Nueva Segovia,
undermined democratic processes or institutions when she led the
regime's case against pro-democracy activist and political prisoner
Donald Alvarenga and pursued spurious charges, convictions, and harsh
sentences against the regime's prodemocracy opponents.
Veronica Fiallos Moncada, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trial of political prisoner Douglas Cerros.
Felix Ernesto Salmeron Moreno, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of former presidential candidates Juan Sebastian
Chamorro, Felix Maradiaga, Arturo Cruz, and Medardo Mairena; civic
leaders Pedro Mena, Jose Pallais, Violeta Granera, Tamara Davila, Jose
Quintanilla Hernandez, Roger Reyes; and business leader Jose Adan
Aguerri.
Rolando Salvador Sanarrusia Munguia, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trial of opposition activist Yoel Sandino.
Marling de Jesus Castro Rodriguez, a prosecutor in the Public
Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail
regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Nadia Camila Tardencilla Rodriguez, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when she convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of student leaders Lesther Aleman and Max Jerez,
former presidential candidate Miguel Mora, political analyst Edgar
Parrales, Director of La Prensa newspaper Juan Lorenzo Holmann, and
electoral expert Harry Chavez.
Andrea del Carmen Salas, a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor's
Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Ulisa Yahoska Tapia Silva, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced prodemocracy leaders
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trials of opposition activists Yaser Vado and Yader Parajon,
former Foreign Minister Francisco Aguirre Sacasa, opposition leader
Suyen Barahona, civic leader Freddy Navas, human rights lawyer Maria
Oviedo, former presidential candidate Noel Vidaurre, and political
commentator Jaime Arellano.
Auxiliadora del Carmen Sequeira Suazo, a prosecutor in Esteli,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing the
regime's case against pro-democracy activist and political prisoner
Alexis Peralta and by pursuing spurious charges, convictions, and harsh
sentences against regime opponents.
Dated: August 2, 2022.
Wendy R. Sherman,
Deputy Secretary of State.
[FR Doc. 2022-17215 Filed 8-10-22; 8:45 am]
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