[Federal Register Volume 87, Number 154 (Thursday, August 11, 2022)]
[Notices]
[Pages 49639-49642]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: 2022-17215]


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DEPARTMENT OF STATE

[Public Notice: 11815]


Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United 
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act

ACTION: Notice of report.

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SUMMARY: This report on Corrupt and Undemocratic Actors is submitted in 
fulfilment of the State Department's congressional reporting 
requirement for 2022 regarding foreign persons who have knowingly 
engaged in actions that undermine democratic processes or institutions, 
significant corruption, or obstruction of such corruption in El 
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras pursuant to Section 353(b) of the 
United States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act. On November 
10, 2021, the president signed the Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to 
Conditions for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act, which added Nicaragua to 
the countries subject to the Section 353 Corrupt and Undemocratic 
Actors list.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Report to Congress on Foreign Persons Who 
Have Knowingly Engaged in Actions that Undermine Democratic Processes 
or Institutions, Significant Corruption, or Obstruction of 
Investigations Into Such Acts of Corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala, 
Honduras, and Nicaragua, Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the Department 
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 
2021 (Div. FF, Pub. L. 116-260, as amended) (Section 353).
    Consistent with Section 353(b) of the United States--Northern 
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (Div. FF, Pub. L. 116-260) (the Act), 
as amended, this report is being submitted to the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, House Committee on the 
Judiciary, and the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.
    Section 353(b) requires the submission of a report that identifies 
the following persons in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and 
Nicaragua: foreign persons who the President has determined have 
knowingly engaged (1) in actions that undermine democratic processes or 
institutions; (2) in significant corruption; and (3) in obstruction of 
investigations into such acts of corruption, including the following: 
corruption related to government contracts; bribery and extortion; the 
facilitation or transfer of the proceeds of corruption, including 
through money laundering; and acts of

[[Page 49640]]

violence, harassment, or intimidation directed at governmental and 
nongovernmental corruption investigators. On November 10, 2021, the 
President signed the Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to Conditions 
for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act, adding Nicaragua to the countries 
within the scope of Section 353. On June 21, 2021, the President 
delegated his authority under Section 353 to the Secretary of State.
    Under Section 353, foreign persons identified in the report 
submitted to Congress are generally ineligible for visas and admission 
to the United States and any current visa shall be revoked immediately 
and any other valid visa or entry documentation cancelled. Consistent 
with Section 353(g), this report will be published in the Federal 
Register.
    This report includes individuals who the Secretary has determined 
have engaged in the relevant activity based upon credible information 
or allegations of the conduct at issue, from media reporting and other 
sources. The Department will continue to review the individuals listed 
in the report and consider all available tools to deter and disrupt 
corrupt and undemocratic activity in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, 
and Nicaragua. The Department also continues to actively review 
additional credible information and allegations concerning corruption 
or undemocratic activity and to utilize all applicable authorities, as 
appropriate, to ensure corrupt or undemocratic officials are denied 
safe haven in the United States.

El Salvador

    Cecilia Coronada Alvarenga de Figueroa, spouse of former Public 
Security Minister Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, facilitated the 
transfer of proceeds of corruption when she assisted her husband in 
laundering over $3 million in public funds, while her husband was 
Minister of Public Security during the Saca administration.
    Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, former Public Security Minister under 
the Saca Administration, during his time as Minister engaged in 
significant corruption when he converted $3 million in public funds for 
his and his wife's personal use and, with his wife, laundered those 
funds.
    Jose Wilfredo Salgado Garcia, Mayor of San Miguel, undermined 
democratic processes or institutions when he used his official position 
to participate in drug trafficking and money laundering while mayor of 
San Miguel, El Salvador's second largest city. Salgado used his 
connections with city law enforcement to intimidate his electoral 
opponent's family.
    Francisco Javier Argueta Gomez, current Presidential Legal Advisor, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions by masterminding the 
removal of five Supreme Court Magistrates and the Attorney General in 
an unusual process in apparent contravention of the processes set out 
in Article 186 of the Constitution, which requires the selection of 
such Magistrates from a list of candidates drafted by the National 
Council of the Judiciary.
    Christian Reynaldo Guevara Guadron, Legislative Assembly Deputy and 
Nuevas Ideas Party's Chief of Faction, undermined democratic processes 
or institutions when he introduced a Gang Prohibition Law that will 
punish with up to 15 years in prison the dissemination of gang messages 
in the media, considered by many observers to be a clear attempt to 
censor the media.
    Jose Ernesto Sanabria, current Presidential Press Secretary, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions by using his position 
and wielding the Presidency's influence to inappropriately pressure 
officials in opposition political parties to resign on threat of being 
charged with criminal offenses.

Guatemala

    Dennis Billy Herrera Arita, a Guatemalan lawyer, undermined the 
democratic process or institutions by participating in the ``Parallel 
Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme and Appellate Courts 
with corrupt judges.
    Carlos Estuardo Galvez Barrios, former Rector of the University of 
San Carlos (USAC), undermined the democratic process or institutions by 
using his standing in the legal community to influence members of the 
judicial nomination commission in the facilitation of the ``Parallel 
Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and Appellate 
Courts with corrupt judges.
    Jose Rafael Curruchiche Cacul (Rafael Curruchiche), the current 
chief of the Public Ministry's Office of the Special Prosecutor Against 
Impunity (FECI), obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by 
disrupting high-profile corruption cases against government officials 
and raising apparently spurious claims against FECI prosecutors, 
private attorneys, and former International Commission Against Impunity 
in Guatemala (CICIG) prosecutors.
    Axel Arturo Samayoa Camacho, the owner of several trucking and 
shipping companies operating in the government-run EMPORNAC (Atlantic) 
and EPQ (Pacific) ports, engaged in significant corruption by 
improperly colluding with public officials and paying bribes to ensure 
his companies won lucrative port contracts.
    Ramiro Mauricio Lopez Camey, the current co-owner of construction 
company Asfaltos y Petr[oacute]leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in 
significant corruption by paying bribes to receive government 
construction contracts.
    Ramon ``Moncho'' Campollo Codina, a current owner of Corporacion 
Energias de Guatemala, engaged in significant corruption by bribing 
public officials and in a manner that harmed U.S. commercial and policy 
goals to improve energy efficiency.
    Geisler Smaille Perez Dominguez, a current judge for the Third 
Criminal Court, undermined democratic processes by obstructing 
prosecutions of proponents of the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme 
to stack the Supreme Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
    Sofia Janeth Hernandez Herrera, the current congressional 
representative for the Union del Cambio Nacional (UCN) party, 
undermined the democratic process or institutions by misusing her 
official powers to intimidate her political opponents. She also 
solicited bribes and threatened to weaponize the legitimate purposes of 
Guatemala's congress to retaliate against her enemies for personal 
benefit.
    Steffan Christian Emanuel Lehnhoff Hernandez, a current owner of 
Corporacion Energias de Guatemala, engaged in significant corruption by 
bribing public officials and in a manner that harmed U.S. commercial 
and policy goals to improve energy efficiency.
    Mayra Alejandra Carrillo de Leon (Alejandra Carrillo), current 
Director of the Victim's Institute, undermined the democratic process 
or institutions by using her official position to facilitate the 
``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and 
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
    Erick Gustavo Santiago de Leon, a former judge and President of the 
Regional Appeal Civil Court, engaged in significant corruption and 
obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by soliciting bribes 
in return for favorable court rulings in cases before him.
    Nery Oswaldo Medina Mendez, a current Supreme Court of Justice 
magistrate, undermined the democratic process or institutions by 
participating in the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the 
Supreme Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
    Vitalina Orellana y Orellana, a current Supreme Court of Justice 
magistrate,

[[Page 49641]]

undermined the democratic process or institutions by participating in 
the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and 
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
    Mauricio Lopez Oliva, the current co-owner of construction company 
Asfaltos y Petr[oacute]leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in significant 
corruption by paying bribes to receive government construction 
contracts.
    Victor Manuel Cruz Rivera, a current Criminal Court Judge, 
obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by improperly 
delaying court proceedings.
    Jos[eacute] Luis Benito Ruiz, the former Minister of Communications 
and Infrastructure from 2018-2020, engaged in significant corruption 
when he solicited, accepted, and offered bribes in order to maintain 
his official position and receive kickbacks from contractors, and 
facilitated the transfer of proceeds of corruption.

Honduras

    Harvis Edulfo Herrera Carballo, General Manager at the Presidential 
Palace from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds of corruption when he 
aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a 
presidential project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
    Elmer Jeovanny Ordonez Espinal, Internal Controls Supervisor of the 
National Bank for Agricultural Development from 2010 to 2014, 
transferred proceeds of corruption when he aided the misappropriation 
of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at 
reducing rural poverty.
    Rasel Antonio Tome Flores, Vice President of Congress, engaged in 
significant corruption when he used his position as President of the 
National Telecommunications Commission to misappropriate approximately 
$327,000 in public funds.
    Claudia Yamilia Noriega Gonz[aacute]lez, Project Coordinator for 
the ``Catracha Card'' Program from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds 
of corruption when she aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing rural 
poverty.
    Carol Vanessa Alvarado Izaguirre, Finance Manager at the 
Presidential Palace in 2014, transferred proceeds of corruption when 
she aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, 
a presidential project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
    Enrique Alberto Flores Lanza, Minister of Presidency from 2008 to 
2009, engaged in significant corruption by receiving $2 million in 
public money from the Honduran Central Bank and improperly 
redistributing it to political allies.
    Juan Ramon Maradiaga, General Manager of the National Bank for 
Agricultural Development (BANADESA) from 2010 to 2014, transferred 
proceeds of corruption when he aided the misappropriation of more than 
$500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing 
rural poverty.
    Edgardo Antonio Casa[ntilde]a Mejia, a current member of Congress, 
engaged in significant corruption by improperly restructuring the 
National Institute for Teachers' Pensions to direct more than $5 
million in benefits to political allies and constituents, in order to 
secure votes and maintain political power.
    Roberto David Castillo Mejia, member of the Executive Committee of 
the Honduran Electrical Company (ENEE) from 2006 to 2009, engaged in 
corruption related to government contracts when he used his position on 
the ENEE Executive Committee to interfere in the public procurement 
process and steer contracts to a company in which he had a financial 
interest.
    Carlos Josu[eacute] Romero Puerto, Project Coordinator for Bono10 
Mil, transferred proceeds of corruption when he aided the 
misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential 
project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
    Carlos Josue Montes Rodriguez, Vice Secretary of Labor in 2011, 
engaged in significant corruption by accepting bribes to improperly 
award contracts to political allies and to expedite payments.
    Gonzalo Molina Solorzano, Chief of Supply for the National Bank for 
Agricultural Development from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds of 
corruption when he aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing rural 
poverty.
    Juan Carlos ``El Tigre'' Bonilla Valladares, Director of the 
National Police from 2012 to 2013, engaged in significant corruption 
when he used his position as Director of the National Police to 
facilitate movement of cocaine through Honduras in exchange for bribes.
    Javier Rodolfo Pastor Vasquez, Vice Minister of Health in 2011, 
engaged in significant corruption by accepting $235,000 in bribes to 
interfere in public procurement procedures to improperly award 
contracts to political allies and to expedite payments.

Nicaragua

    Yubelca del Carmen Perez Alvarado, a prosecutor in the Public 
Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail 
regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
    Erick Ramon Laguna Averruz, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy 
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' 
in the sham trials of opposition activist Alexis Peralta and farmer 
without political affiliation Santos Camilo Bellorin.
    Perla de los Angeles Baca, a Chief Prosecutor in Chinandega 
Department, undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing 
spurious charges in order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to 
national elections.
    Rosa Velia Baca Cardoza, a judge, undermined democratic processes 
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader 
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the 
sham trial of opposition activist Donald Alvarenga.
    Carlos Rafael Espinoza Castilla, a prosecutor, undermined 
democratic processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in 
order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
    Irma Oralya Laguna Cruz, a judge, undermined democratic processes 
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader 
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the 
sham trial of opposition activist Evelyn Pinto.
    Luis Alberto Mena Gamez, a prosecutor in Nueva Segovia, undermined 
democratic processes or institutions by bringing the regime's case 
against political prisoner Douglas Cerros and by pursuing spurious 
charges, convictions, and harsh sentences against private citizens who 
are critical of the government.
    Luden Martin Quiroz Garcia, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy 
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' 
in the sham trials of opposition leader Ana Margarita Vijil, journalist 
Miguel Mendoza, former Foreign Minister Mauricio Diaz, former 
presidential candidate Cristiana Chamorro, opposition member Pedro 
Joaquin Chamorro, employees of the Violeta Barrios de Chamorro 
Foundation (FVBCH) Pedro Vasquez, Walter Gomez,

[[Page 49642]]

and Marcos Fletes; and former National Assembly member Maria Fernanda 
Flores.
    Melvin Leopoldo Vargas Garcia, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced a 
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national 
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Samantha Jiron.
    Angel Jancarlos Fernandez Gonzalez, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy 
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' 
in the sham trials of private sector leaders Luis Rivas, Michael Healy, 
and Alvaro Vargas; former Sandinista leader Dora Maria Tellez; 
opposition leaders Jose Antonio Peraza and Victor Hugo Tinoco.
    Nancy Del Carmen Aguirre Gudiel, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a 
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national 
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Irving Larios.
    Jorge Luis Arias Jarquin, a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor's 
Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail regime 
opponents in the leadup to national elections.
    William Irving Howard Lopez, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced a 
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national 
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Nidia Barbosa.
    Martha Ileana Morales Mendoza, a prosecutor and the Director of 
Planning at the Public Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing spurious 
charges in order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to national 
elections.
    Maria Francis Perez Mojica, a prosecutor in Nueva Segovia, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions when she led the 
regime's case against pro-democracy activist and political prisoner 
Donald Alvarenga and pursued spurious charges, convictions, and harsh 
sentences against the regime's prodemocracy opponents.
    Veronica Fiallos Moncada, a judge, undermined democratic processes 
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader 
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the 
sham trial of political prisoner Douglas Cerros.
    Felix Ernesto Salmeron Moreno, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy 
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' 
in the sham trials of former presidential candidates Juan Sebastian 
Chamorro, Felix Maradiaga, Arturo Cruz, and Medardo Mairena; civic 
leaders Pedro Mena, Jose Pallais, Violeta Granera, Tamara Davila, Jose 
Quintanilla Hernandez, Roger Reyes; and business leader Jose Adan 
Aguerri.
    Rolando Salvador Sanarrusia Munguia, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy 
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' 
in the sham trial of opposition activist Yoel Sandino.
    Marling de Jesus Castro Rodriguez, a prosecutor in the Public 
Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail 
regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
    Nadia Camila Tardencilla Rodriguez, a judge, undermined democratic 
processes or institutions when she convicted and sentenced prodemocracy 
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' 
in the sham trials of student leaders Lesther Aleman and Max Jerez, 
former presidential candidate Miguel Mora, political analyst Edgar 
Parrales, Director of La Prensa newspaper Juan Lorenzo Holmann, and 
electoral expert Harry Chavez.
    Andrea del Carmen Salas, a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor's 
Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic processes or 
institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail regime 
opponents in the leadup to national elections.
    Ulisa Yahoska Tapia Silva, a judge, undermined democratic processes 
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced prodemocracy leaders 
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the 
sham trials of opposition activists Yaser Vado and Yader Parajon, 
former Foreign Minister Francisco Aguirre Sacasa, opposition leader 
Suyen Barahona, civic leader Freddy Navas, human rights lawyer Maria 
Oviedo, former presidential candidate Noel Vidaurre, and political 
commentator Jaime Arellano.
    Auxiliadora del Carmen Sequeira Suazo, a prosecutor in Esteli, 
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing the 
regime's case against pro-democracy activist and political prisoner 
Alexis Peralta and by pursuing spurious charges, convictions, and harsh 
sentences against regime opponents.

    Dated: August 2, 2022.
Wendy R. Sherman,
Deputy Secretary of State.
[FR Doc. 2022-17215 Filed 8-10-22; 8:45 am]
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