[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 163 (2017), Part 9]
[Senate]
[Pages 12386-12388]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]




                           EXECUTIVE SESSION

                                 ______
                                 

                           EXECUTIVE CALENDAR

  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I move to proceed to executive 
session to consider Calendar No. 175, Marvin Kaplan.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion.
  The motion was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the nomination.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read the nomination of Marvin 
Kaplan, of Kansas, to be a Member of the National Labor Relations Board 
for the term of five years expiring August 27, 2020.


                             Cloture Motion

  Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The cloture motion having been presented under 
rule XXII, the Chair directs the clerk to read the motion.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

                             Cloture Motion

       We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the 
     provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate, 
     do hereby move to bring to a close debate on the nomination 
     of Marvin Kaplan, of Kansas, to be a Member of the National 
     Labor Relations Board for the term of five years expiring 
     August 27, 2020.
         Mitch McConnell, Chuck Grassley, Marco Rubio, Deb 
           Fischer, John Cornyn, Susan M. Collins, Lamar 
           Alexander, Roy Blunt, Luther Strange, Pat Roberts, 
           James Lankford, Bob Corker, Richard C. Shelby, John 
           Barrasso, Joni Ernst, Orrin G. Hatch.

  Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum call 
be waived.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
  Without objection, it is so ordered.


                   Recognition of the Minority Leader

  The Democratic leader is recognized.


                               Healthcare

  Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Madam President.
  First, on the matter of healthcare. I sincerely and truly hope the 
events of last week are a turning point. I hope they steer this body 
toward a period of greater bipartisanship. We sure could use it because 
the problems in our healthcare system did not end last week. We 
Democrats know that the Affordable Care Act wasn't perfect. We

[[Page 12387]]

want to keep what works--and there are a lot of good things in it--and 
we want to fix what doesn't. We have a lot of work to do on that front.
  Our first order of business should be to stabilize the individual 
market and then both parties should work together through regular order 
through committees to discuss other improvements. Chairman Alexander 
and Ranking Member Murray have indicated they want to work together, 
have public hearings, and do this the right away. I am hopeful Chairman 
Hatch, Ranking Member Wyden, both of whom have proven themselves 
willing and able to work across party lines, also will be willing to 
work closely together to address broader problems with our healthcare 
system.
  Let me repeat. The first order of business should be to stabilize the 
individual market, which has been racked by uncertainty.
  Right now, as insurers prepare to lock in their rates and plans for 
2018, the Trump administration is dangling a massive sword of Damocles 
over the heads of millions of Americans, threatening to end payments 
the administration is supposed to make that would lower deductibles and 
out-of-pocket costs for so many Americans. These payments are critical 
to keeping healthcare costs down and keeping the markets stable. 
Remember, AHIP--the largest trade group of insurers--has said the 
uncertainty about these payments is ``the single most destabilizing 
factor in the individual market.'' That is not Chuck Schumer or some 
Democrat saying it, it is the insurers saying it. Make no mistake, by 
refusing these payments, President Trump is sabotaging our healthcare 
system. He is actively trying to make it collapse, taking out his 
political loss on the American people. That is not being Presidential; 
that is small, it is vindictive, and it will hurt millions of Americans 
he has sworn to help.
  In Pennsylvania and North Carolina, insurers have filed two separate 
sets of possible rates for 2018; one if the payments are made and one 
if they are not. If the payments are not made, premiums would be 20 
percent higher.
  Let's repeat that. If the payments are not made, if President Trump 
follows through on his vindictive idea of not making the payments, 
premiums will be 20 percent higher for the people of North Carolina and 
Pennsylvania. So if President Trump does not guarantee these payments 
permanently, Americans will have to pay a Trump tax on their premiums 
next year.
  Let me say that again. If President Trump does not guarantee these 
payments, Americans will be paying a Trump tax of 20 percent higher 
premiums.
  President Trump has a responsibility to make our healthcare system 
work, and millions of Americans will hold him accountable if the system 
implodes on his watch, if insurers leave the markets on his watch, or 
if their premiums go up 20 percent or more on his watch.
  Of course, we in Congress could remove the uncertainty hanging over 
the market and take the decision out of the President's hands. We can 
and should guarantee these payments as soon as possible, before the 
insurers set their rates for next year. I urge my Republican friends to 
join us on Senator Shaheen's bill to guarantee these payments and 
prevent President Trump's premium tax from going into effect. 
Republican Senators Alexander, Collins, Hatch, Portman, and Johnson 
have all spoken about the need to do this. I hope they will help us 
move forward. We could get this done very quickly and show the American 
people that we are able to work together on healthcare in a very 
bipartisan way, to help keep costs down for so many ratepayers.


                             Sanctions Bill

  Now, Madam President, on the matter of Russia sanctions. I was very 
proud last week, as nearly every Member of Congress, save five, voted 
to pass legislation for sanctions on Russia, Iran, and North Korea; 
that there was such bipartisanship on that issue. According to reports, 
the President will sign the legislation.
  These are tough sanctions. They will have a real effect on Russia, 
and they are more than justified. President Putin violated the 
sovereignty of Ukraine, aided and abetted human rights abuses in Syria, 
and attacked the very foundation of our democracy by meddling in the 
2016 election.
  Just as importantly, the sanctions bill gives Congress the ability to 
review any decision to weaken, dilute, or lift sanctions on Russia. 
President Putin will not be able to get out from under the sting of 
these sanctions without the consent of Congress.
  Let this be an unequivocal message to Mr. Putin and any other nation 
that is thinking of interfering in our elections: If you interfere with 
our elections, which we hold sacred, you will be sanctioned. Those 
sanctions will be severe.


                          Russia Investigation

  Finally, Madam President, a word on the investigation conducted by 
Special Counsel Mueller.
  Since the beginning of the investigation of Russia's meddling into 
our elections both here in Congress and in the executive branch, the 
heavy hand of the administration has never been far away. We know that 
the administration solicited the help of the chairman of the House 
Intelligence Committee to beat back reports in the press about Russia's 
interference in our election, and that was after 17 intelligence 
agencies said that it happened. The President fired FBI Director Jim 
Comey and admitted on national television that he was thinking about 
``this Russia thing'' when he did it. Then, after Special Counsel 
Mueller was appointed to lead the investigation, allies of the 
administration went on television to defame his character, to sully his 
reputation--a shameful ploy to degrade a man with one of the most 
sterling records of nonpartisan public service that a man can have in 
this country.
  On Twitter, the President routinely berates and humiliates his former 
friend--maybe he still is a friend; who knows--his Attorney General, 
his great ally in his campaign. Jeff Sessions was one of President 
Trump's earliest friends, one of his first supporters in Congress. Not 
only does that get to character--I cannot imagine any American likes 
the way Senator Sessions was treated, whether you agree with him or 
disagree with him--but it also raises questions about whether the 
President wants the Attorney General to resign so that he can appoint a 
new Attorney General who is willing to fire Special Counsel Mueller.
  If such a scenario were to pass, we would have a constitutional 
crisis on our hands. The Senate should remove even the possibility of 
its coming about. So, in the tradition of the Senate, I expect that we 
will hold pro forma sessions throughout the upcoming recess to prevent 
a recess appointment from being made.
  The fact that President Trump continues to meddle with the Department 
of Justice and impede the Russia investigation gets to a larger 
question: If President Trump has nothing to hide, nothing to fear, why 
not let Special Counsel Mueller do his job, follow the facts, and 
finally get to the bottom of the matter?
  On a matter as important as foreign interference in our elections, 
the American people deserve a thorough and impartial investigation into 
the facts. President Trump should come nowhere near it.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. NELSON. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.


                               Venezuela

  Mr. NELSON. Madam President, we have chaos in Venezuela. It is a 
protracted crisis in Venezuela, which took yet another turn for the 
worse yesterday.
  Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro pushed ahead with a vote to form 
a constitutional assembly despite the vehement opposition of the 
Venezuelan people and overwhelming international criticism. It became a

[[Page 12388]]

sham vote. Only about 10 percent of the population voted. The 
opposition stayed home. Plain and simple, the vote was illegal, and it 
was rigged. Once again, on the streets and at the ballot box, the 
Venezuelan people have made themselves heard loud and clear. Two weeks 
ago, more than 7 million Venezuelans voted against even holding this 
vote, and, yesterday, millions of people stayed home.
  Maduro wants to rewrite Venezuela's Constitution so that he can cling 
to power, and yesterday's vote was only the latest attempt to 
undermine, if not to completely undo, Venezuela's democracy. He 
continues to crack down on protesters, killing more than 100 and 
injuring and arresting thousands more. His thugs have raided homes and 
terrorized the opposition's families. He has tried to strip the 
National Assembly of its powers, undercut the Attorney General, and he 
has co-opted the courts. His thugs attacked the National Assembly and 
injured opposition lawmakers. He blocked a lawful referendum to recall 
his election.
  His cronies steal the country's money and enrich themselves. All the 
while, the Venezuelan people suffer. The people go hungry; children are 
malnourished; there are no staple products--no medicines, no medical 
supplies for the people. Of course, you know who gets the food and the 
medical treatment. It is the privileged few--the Maduro ones whom he 
protects. This is Venezuela's tragic reality.
  Maduro has made himself a dictator, and he and his cronies are bent 
on turning Venezuela's once vibrant democracy and once vibrant economy 
into a Cuban-style regime. Nevertheless, the Venezuelan people, in the 
face of violence, oppression, and deprivation, continue to fight for 
their democracy--for the little bit of freedom they have left. They are 
doing everything they can--at great risk to themselves and their 
families--to save their democracy and, thus, to save their country. The 
task just got a lot harder.
  The issue before us is what we can do to support them since Maduro 
has now installed himself with this fake referendum on the National 
Assembly. What can we do to keep Maduro from being the dictator he is?
  What we need to do is to condemn the National Assembly as the sham 
that it is. It also means the United States increasing the pressure on 
the Maduro regime. I just spoke this afternoon with the Treasury 
Department. The United States announced a little earlier this afternoon 
that it has frozen Maduro's assets. I expect at least two other 
countries to follow suit--and probably more after they do. This is an 
important step, and I hope that it is the first in what will be the 
strongest possible economic sanctions to stop Maduro. It is time that 
we consider cutting the imports of Venezuela's oil also.
  What have we done thus far?
  There was already a group of Maduro's cronies--some in the private 
sector, some in the government--on whom the sanctions have been 
slapped. You ask: What does that do? What good does that do? Listen, 
all of these cronies of Maduro's love to come to Miami. They love to 
have offshore bank accounts and all kinds of assets stashed overseas--
if not in the United States, perhaps in some of those other countries 
that are going to follow suit. We should do that with his cronies.
  What we have done today with the announcement by the Treasury 
Department is to freeze Nicholas Maduro's assets, and if other 
countries will follow suit, they are going to freeze his assets as 
well.
  Maybe we should take the next step. The next step is that Venezuela 
exports a lot of its oil to the United States. It is such a heavy, 
dirty crude that a good part of that has to go to the refineries in the 
United States because those refineries are the ones that are capable of 
refining that heavy, dirty crude. Maybe we just ought to stop our 
imports of Venezuela's oil and absorb that percentage of loss of oil 
that is coming into the United States from Venezuela as, clearly, on 
the world marketplace, oil is fungible. Maybe that is what we ought to 
do because we are now dealing with a Cuban-style dictator who is the 
head of Venezuela.
  I think, in going forward, that the United States must insist on the 
release of all political prisoners and the rule of law and that 
Venezuela has to go back to when it was a thriving democracy. That was 
back when they respected human rights and the people had some freedoms. 
As the United States, we ought to help rally the nations of the 
Organization of American States and rally the support of the world to 
bring about a meaningful end to this crisis because it is just going to 
get worse and worse.
  The violence that you have seen on the TV yesterday and today is 
going to continue. As you continue to squeeze the people, to starve 
them, to take away all semblance of human decency, what do you think 
they are going to do? They are going to revolt, and the violence is not 
going to stop.
  There is a role for Congress, and there is an opportunity for the 
Congress to lead. The President's budget eliminated the funding for 
democracy programs in Venezuela that supported the old National 
Assembly and civil society and those same democracy programs that 
promoted human rights and the encouraging of an independent media.
  Recently I wrote to the Senate Appropriations Committee, along with a 
number of other Senators, urging that the committee continue that 
funding for those democracy programs in Venezuela. In May, this Senator 
joined Senators Cardin and Rubio and seven others in introducing the 
Venezuela Humanitarian Assistance and Defense of Democratic Governance 
Act. That bill addresses the many aspects of the crisis in Venezuela.
  It codified targeted sanctions on regime officials--something we are 
now implementing--and thank goodness for this announcement today by the 
administration. I give them kudos for that. That act would authorize 
badly needed humanitarian assistance. It would back OAS efforts to 
bring about an end to the crisis, and it funds election observation 
organizations and groups working to defend democracy in Venezuela.
  These are bipartisan efforts, and I urge our colleagues to support 
them, and I urge that we bring them up as soon as possible. The 
situation is terrible in the country, and the situation in that chaos, 
especially what we have seen in Caracas, is going to get worse. Time is 
of the essence.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Moran). The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

                          ____________________